Report Credits Drop in Illegal Immigrants to Enforcement
Study Was Based on Census Data That Indicate Number of Less-Educated Hispanics Has Declined
By N.C. Aizenman, Washington Post Staff Writer, July 31, 2008
A report released yesterday by a Washington think tank that advocates stricter limits on immigration says the number of illegal immigrants in the country appears to have declined significantly over the past year, at least partly because of the chilling effect of stepped-up enforcement.
The study by the Center for Immigration Studies based its findings on census data that indicate that the number of less-educated, working-age Hispanic immigrants, defined as 18-to-40-year-olds with a high school diploma or less, has dropped by more than 10 percent, or about 830,000 people, since last August.
Previous research suggests that a large share of less-educated foreigners is in the country illegally and that it makes up the bulk of the illegal immigrant population. Furthermore, although earlier declines in the number of these Hispanic immigrants have been linked to a rise in their unemployment rate, the current drop-off began last year almost immediately after Congress abandoned legislation to legalize undocumented immigrants and six months before any significant rise in their unemployment rate had occurred.
During the same period, the number of foreigners who were more educated or non-Hispanic, and therefore far less likely to be illegal immigrants, continued to rise or hold steady.
"The evidence is consistent with the idea that at least initially, more robust enforcement caused the number of illegal immigrants to decline significantly," said Steven A. Camarota, one of the study's authors. "Some people seem to think illegals are so permanently anchored in the United States that there is no possibility of them leaving. . . . This suggests they're not correct. Some significant share might respond to changing incentives and leave."
Several demographers who specialize in estimating the illegal immigrant population expressed concern about the limits of the study's methodology but said they found the possibility that the illegal immigrant population is decreasing plausible. Determining the actual amount of that decline, however, is far more controversial.
The census does not ask about immigration status. Instead, government and independent researchers use a variety of techniques to estimate the number of immigrants in the country illegally. One way is to subtract the number of visas, permanent residency permits and naturalizations granted each year from the total number of foreigners counted by the census. The difference between the number of foreigners who can be accounted for through such records and the total number tallied by the census is considered to be the size of the illegal immigrant population.
Camarota and co-author Karen Jensenius took a different approach, calculating the previous ratio between the number of less-educated Hispanic immigrants counted by the census and the total illegal immigrant population estimated by government researchers, and then applying that ratio to the new, lower number of less-educated, working-age Hispanic immigrants to come up with a new estimate for the total illegal immigrant population. According to their calculations, from August of last year to May, the illegal immigrant population declined by about 11 percent, to about 11.17 million from a high of 12.49 million.
One drawback of Camarota's and Jensenius's method, noted the Pew Hispanic Center's Jeffrey S. Passel, a widely regarded expert on estimating the illegal immigrant population, is that "it tracks something that correlates with the number of illegal immigrants rather than the actual number of illegal immigrants, and it assumes the correlation remains the same."
"If the ratio [between the number of less-educated Hispanic adults and the total number of illegal immigrants] has changed, then the trend could be very different," Passel said.
Even more contentious is the question of what, if anything, the study's findings indicate about the impact that recent national and local immigration policies might have had on the size of the illegal immigrant population. Since December, the unemployment rate of less-educated, working-age Hispanics has risen to 7.06 percent from 4.93 percent, making it that much more difficult to determine whether the continued decline in their population during this period was the result of anything beyond basic economics.
But Camarota and Jensenius suggest that the six-month decline that occurred after the failure of the legalization legislation and before the rise of these workers' unemployment rate is one of several examples of a link between immigration policy and immigrant choices. They note, for instance, that starting in May of last year, when Congress's consideration of the legalization plan began receiving widespread media attention, the number of less-educated, working-age Hispanics began to rise.
"I call it the amnesty hump," Camarota said. He noted that the population increase during this period might not have been statistically significant, but "it seems that what was happening was that fewer illegal immigrants left than might otherwise have done so because they were hoping to qualify for legalization."
Also up for interpretation is the degree to which the drop in the number of less-educated Hispanic adults (and, by inference, illegal immigrants) was the result of fewer foreigners entering the country or more of them leaving. The U.S. Border Patrol reported a 20 percent decline in apprehensions along the southern border over fiscal 2007, a possible indication that fewer illegal immigrants attempted to enter the country.
Camarota and Jensenius note that census data do not answer the question. But the authors suggest that if less-educated Hispanic adults were not leaving in greater numbers than before, their total population would merely grow more slowly, not decline steeply.
Among those who are leaving, the vast majority are probably doing so on their own. Despite a surge in work site raids and other enforcement measures, as well as decisions by various state and local governments to train their police to identify illegal immigrants, only 285,000 immigrants were removed from the United States last year, and many of those were formerly legal immigrants who lost their status after committing a crime.
Camarota and Jensenius said they take this as possible evidence that tougher enforcement can have a multiplier effect, scaring many more illegal immigrants into leaving of their own accord than authorities can pick up. And the authors suggest that if the trends they identify are sustained, "it would cut the illegal population in half within just five years."
However, Randolph Capps, a researcher with the Urban Institute who has studied the number of U.S. children born to illegal immigrants, cautioned against such reasoning.
Even if all the findings in the study by Camarota and Jensenius prove correct, he said, it is probable that the first million illegal immigrants to leave were those who had arrived more recently and had the weakest ties to the United States.
The remainder, including the more than half of illegal immigrant adults who have children in the United States, Capps said, are less likely to leave unless they are removed by the government.
"Having a kid in school provides a really strong incentive to stay," he said. In addition, "People who are more settled in the United States have more options. They can move to another [state or county] where enforcement is not as strict. If they lose a job, they can find another. If one member of the family is arrested and deported, they can find other relatives to stay with."
Thursday, July 31, 2008
BRANDS EMPOWERING LATINAS
Empowering the U.S. Hispanic Female: How Companies and Brands Can Become More Relevant to Their Newly Discovered Sense of Power
By Miguel Gomez Winebrenner
(As published in the book Hispanic Marketer’s Guide to Cable 2008, available soon from the Cabletelevision Advertising Bureau.)
An abundance of information has been garnered in the past few years on how to win the hearts and minds of Hispanic females. Major CPG, healthcare, media, and HBA businesses have conducted research about what it entails to be a Latina, the meaning of beauty, what makes them feel special and appreciated, the importance of family, etc. And in many ways this information has led to newer and better products for her, new publications that cater specifically to her, new TV content and channels, as well as better offerings at the supermarket and other places where she shops.
However, as the market has evolved (due to shifts in levels of acculturation, immigration policy, and the positive proliferation of media options to name a few) so too have the strategies to win this target over. Historically, a lot of emphasis has been placed on the role of family in how a Latina is uniquely different to other ethnic/racial groups. While this continues to be an important factor in marketing, there are more and more companies having discussions about how their brand(s) can “empower” Hispanic women, and use this as a driving strategic principle.
In the general market, efforts to empower female consumers have historically consisted of “self-empowerment” as the guiding principle. The school of thought has been that by celebrating and glorifying their self-identity, independence, autonomy, freedom, individualism and assertiveness, women will feel that brands and media content are relevant to their modern persona. Arguably, this is changing somewhat as more and more women aspire to a more meaningful life that balances the career-driven elements from the 80’s and 90’s with family and care-giving. Specifically, new advances in technology are now empowering women to be able have a successful career and spend more time at home.
But as with most general market paradigms, they aren’t necessarily adopted by the Hispanic market. And in the case of female empowerment as a means to be relevant, general market efforts aren’t scalable unless they are calibrated to incorporate the meaning of empowerment for Hispanic women.
Consider, for starters, that a sizeable proportion of Hispanic women do not (or have not) yet associated themselves with the set of values that have to a large extent defined empowerment in the general market over the years. Self-identity, individualism and assertiveness are elements to which they do not relate in their current acculturation location (more so for Hispanic Dominants and Biculturals than for U.S. Dominants). Many Hispanic women are still very much centered on the notion of collectivism versus individualism. To a large extent the Latina defines her own identity within the construct of her tribe (children, husbands, in-laws, cousins, etc.) and she doesn’t want to have her identity linked to what could be interpreted as egocentric or self-centered as opposed to altruistic and giving.
To readers who do not know Hispanic culture the above may sound like a position of weakness because it sounds like Hispanic women may be constrained in their role. But interestingly, Hispanic women derive a lot of power within this social architecture of collectivism. For example in “The House of Spirits” by Isabel Allende, Hispanic women’s strength and their influence in the ultimate fate of a traditional Chilean family during tough political times, are a result of diplomacy, endurance, and subtleness within their collectivist role. Likewise, in Gabriel Garcia Marquez’s “100 Years of Solitude” the matriarchy is unquestionable- Ursula is the master puppeteer pulling strings for every individual in her family and the pillar that keeps it all together- to the point that when she dies the family walls start to crumble.
So, Hispanic women may not want to “self-empower” themselves because they realize that more power is gained within the confines of their tribe, as opposed to the view in the general market where self-identity and independence are more empowering to women.
That said, Hispanic women also find themselves in a journey in the Unites States where they are exploring and re-defining those values and their identities both as Hispanics and as women. As it relates to power, we believe that even with the acculturation process, Hispanic women will want to protect and capitalize on the influence they can exert in a collective environment. However, they also recognize the power of U.S. values and the freedom they provide. But more than independence and individualism, they may find “anonymity” to be the most empowering of all. In many ways, the Hispanic family architecture is a pressurized environment where women can many times feel overwhelmed. Being in the U.S. allows them to have a bit more space and distance in-between them and their tribe at home- to be anonymous means being able to explore.
In the case of business, take fashion and style. Hispanic women, even the less acculturated, are melding their Latin American and American influences and creating a new, reinvented persona. They dress more traditionally and conservatively at home, while being a bit more adventurous in public where they can be anonymous. In the case of foods, they are open canned products, but as long as they can add their own twist to the food before serving it to her family. Also, in financial services and TV viewing, they are seeking offerings that allow them to maintain their power role in the matriarchy while having their own choices as well.
As companies develop go-to-market strategies using empowerment as a lynch-pin, they will find that the tension between old world and new world views of the role of females and their place in their social circles is where the real power exists for Hispanic women, and it is at this crossroads where brands will have the most relevance to them.
Miguel Gomez Winebrenner
As a consultant at Cheskin, Gomez Winebrenner guides clients in achieving a new and nuanced understanding of Hispanic market opportunities. An economist, analyst, researcher, marketer, and media expert, Miguel helps organizations to cut through cultural biases, outdated belief systems, and multicultural miscommunications to understand and effectively meet the challenge of doing business in US Latino and Latin American markets. Miguel can be reached at mgomez@cheskin.com or 312-860-3200.
By Miguel Gomez Winebrenner
(As published in the book Hispanic Marketer’s Guide to Cable 2008, available soon from the Cabletelevision Advertising Bureau.)
An abundance of information has been garnered in the past few years on how to win the hearts and minds of Hispanic females. Major CPG, healthcare, media, and HBA businesses have conducted research about what it entails to be a Latina, the meaning of beauty, what makes them feel special and appreciated, the importance of family, etc. And in many ways this information has led to newer and better products for her, new publications that cater specifically to her, new TV content and channels, as well as better offerings at the supermarket and other places where she shops.
However, as the market has evolved (due to shifts in levels of acculturation, immigration policy, and the positive proliferation of media options to name a few) so too have the strategies to win this target over. Historically, a lot of emphasis has been placed on the role of family in how a Latina is uniquely different to other ethnic/racial groups. While this continues to be an important factor in marketing, there are more and more companies having discussions about how their brand(s) can “empower” Hispanic women, and use this as a driving strategic principle.
In the general market, efforts to empower female consumers have historically consisted of “self-empowerment” as the guiding principle. The school of thought has been that by celebrating and glorifying their self-identity, independence, autonomy, freedom, individualism and assertiveness, women will feel that brands and media content are relevant to their modern persona. Arguably, this is changing somewhat as more and more women aspire to a more meaningful life that balances the career-driven elements from the 80’s and 90’s with family and care-giving. Specifically, new advances in technology are now empowering women to be able have a successful career and spend more time at home.
But as with most general market paradigms, they aren’t necessarily adopted by the Hispanic market. And in the case of female empowerment as a means to be relevant, general market efforts aren’t scalable unless they are calibrated to incorporate the meaning of empowerment for Hispanic women.
Consider, for starters, that a sizeable proportion of Hispanic women do not (or have not) yet associated themselves with the set of values that have to a large extent defined empowerment in the general market over the years. Self-identity, individualism and assertiveness are elements to which they do not relate in their current acculturation location (more so for Hispanic Dominants and Biculturals than for U.S. Dominants). Many Hispanic women are still very much centered on the notion of collectivism versus individualism. To a large extent the Latina defines her own identity within the construct of her tribe (children, husbands, in-laws, cousins, etc.) and she doesn’t want to have her identity linked to what could be interpreted as egocentric or self-centered as opposed to altruistic and giving.
To readers who do not know Hispanic culture the above may sound like a position of weakness because it sounds like Hispanic women may be constrained in their role. But interestingly, Hispanic women derive a lot of power within this social architecture of collectivism. For example in “The House of Spirits” by Isabel Allende, Hispanic women’s strength and their influence in the ultimate fate of a traditional Chilean family during tough political times, are a result of diplomacy, endurance, and subtleness within their collectivist role. Likewise, in Gabriel Garcia Marquez’s “100 Years of Solitude” the matriarchy is unquestionable- Ursula is the master puppeteer pulling strings for every individual in her family and the pillar that keeps it all together- to the point that when she dies the family walls start to crumble.
So, Hispanic women may not want to “self-empower” themselves because they realize that more power is gained within the confines of their tribe, as opposed to the view in the general market where self-identity and independence are more empowering to women.
That said, Hispanic women also find themselves in a journey in the Unites States where they are exploring and re-defining those values and their identities both as Hispanics and as women. As it relates to power, we believe that even with the acculturation process, Hispanic women will want to protect and capitalize on the influence they can exert in a collective environment. However, they also recognize the power of U.S. values and the freedom they provide. But more than independence and individualism, they may find “anonymity” to be the most empowering of all. In many ways, the Hispanic family architecture is a pressurized environment where women can many times feel overwhelmed. Being in the U.S. allows them to have a bit more space and distance in-between them and their tribe at home- to be anonymous means being able to explore.
In the case of business, take fashion and style. Hispanic women, even the less acculturated, are melding their Latin American and American influences and creating a new, reinvented persona. They dress more traditionally and conservatively at home, while being a bit more adventurous in public where they can be anonymous. In the case of foods, they are open canned products, but as long as they can add their own twist to the food before serving it to her family. Also, in financial services and TV viewing, they are seeking offerings that allow them to maintain their power role in the matriarchy while having their own choices as well.
As companies develop go-to-market strategies using empowerment as a lynch-pin, they will find that the tension between old world and new world views of the role of females and their place in their social circles is where the real power exists for Hispanic women, and it is at this crossroads where brands will have the most relevance to them.
Miguel Gomez Winebrenner
As a consultant at Cheskin, Gomez Winebrenner guides clients in achieving a new and nuanced understanding of Hispanic market opportunities. An economist, analyst, researcher, marketer, and media expert, Miguel helps organizations to cut through cultural biases, outdated belief systems, and multicultural miscommunications to understand and effectively meet the challenge of doing business in US Latino and Latin American markets. Miguel can be reached at mgomez@cheskin.com or 312-860-3200.
LATINO RESIDENTS CHOOSE TO STAY HOME AFTER VIOLENCE
Latinos on Edge in Pennsylvania Town
El Diario/La Prenas, News Feature, Cristina Loboguerrero, Translated by Suzanne Manneh, Peter Micek and Elena Shore
Editor’s Note: Two weeks after the fatal beating of a Mexican immigrant by a group of white teenagers, Latino residents of this Pennsylvania town are afraid to leave their houses.
SHENANDOAH, Penn. -- In this seemingly quiet Pennsylvania town, racial intolerance is widespread and many Latino residents choose to stay home to avoid any confrontation.
Shenandoah, a small town that spans one and a half square miles and is located three hours from New York City, made headlines in recent weeks after the fatal beating of a 25-year-old Mexican man.
The victim, Luis Ramírez, died on July 14, 30 hours after being savagely beaten by a group of white teenagers who are now in the custody of the court.
The dispute began in a Shenandoah park, when the teenagers began harassing Ramírez, and shouted at his girlfriend: "Hey, you better get out of this neighborhood!" and "Get your Mexican boyfriend out of here."
In this city of 5,500 residents, 10 percent of whom are Latino – mostly Mexicans, followed by Hondurans and Dominicans – everyone has something to say. But people’s fears of retaliation outweigh their desire to speak up.
"We prefer to stay at home," says Rafael Rejinfo, a 42-year-old Mexican, who explains in a low voice that he came to this country two years ago "to work.” “I don’t like problems,” he says, “so I prefer to stay here with my family and just go out to work, go to church and the supermarket.”
It's almost like "living in a prison," admits Reina Barbosa, who adds, "Not everyone is bad here. There are very good Americans who say hi to us and try to integrate us into the community."
One of the few respondents who agreed to be identified was Jorge Perez, owner of La Guadalupana market on Main Street, one of the three Latino-owned businesses in Shenandoah. Perez asserted in a firm tone, “Yes, there is discrimination in this town.”
Perez recounted that on several occasions young whites have followed him and insulted him but, he says, “I prefer to let it roll off my back and not confront them for fear that what happened to my friend will happen to me. He was a good person and did not deserve to die like that."
The grocery store owner, who has lived in Shenandoah for 20 years, says that after school, teenagers gather outside the pizzeria on the corner of Main Street and Lloyd and spend all their time “insulting all the Latinos who dare to go through."
The only place, apparently, that Hispanic immigrants congregate is the Church of the Annunciation, where more than 100 people meet every Sunday to pray. During a religious service last Sunday, Father Jorge Winnie said a prayer "for good relations and peace in the town."
The pastor also invited the faithful to attend a series of meetings between the Pennsylvania Human Relations Commission and members of the Latino community, to respond to questions and tension raised by acts of discrimination.
Mayor Thomas O'Neill described his city as "a place with a great ethnic mix," and refused to speak about the crime, saying the matter should be left up to the justice department.
Although the congregation laments the death of Ramírez, who was known as "horse," they refuse to talk about it, saying they don't want any "problems." Others, in a resigned tone, say they are used to being called "dirty Mexicans," but agree that young people are the ones who most often attack Latinos.
Rose Walls, a resident of the town for more than 30 years, asks that they not "label all the whites in the city as racists." "Personally, I don’t have problems with any person of another ethnic origin. We’re not all bad," she insists.
Paloma Zamudio, 21, the daughter of Cornelio Zamudio, who owns La Casita de Familia, the only Mexican restaurant in the area, says that in their business, "We’ve never had any kind of problem with anybody. They have never broken any glass and, on the contrary, much of our clientele is Anglo-Saxon."
James Goodman, the prosecutor in charge of the Ramírez case, says what happened "has filled the city with ethnic tension." He urges people to remain calm and wait for the case to be resolved in the justice system.
Roger Laguna, lawyer for one of the three white youths arrested for the Mexican immigrant's death, says that despite the epithets about the victim's race, the fight was not motivated by racial hatred. However, the victim's girlfriend, Crystal Dillman, also from Shenandoah, paints a much more racist image of the town and says Ramírez was frequently insulted with slurs like "dirty Mexican."
The tension is evident in Shenandoah, where Central American residents largely work landscaping and agricultural jobs.
Pérez, owner of La Guadalupana market on Main Street, notes, "For a Sunday, the street is desolate. No one wants to go out. Everyone is afraid."
Protected by the walls of the Church of the Ascension, worshiper Rodolfo Martínez, who knew the victim, dares to express the mood of the Hispanic immigrant congregation: "All of us who knew Luis hope that justice will be done and that his death will serve to close the rift of hatred and racial intolerance that exists in some sectors, not just in this city but in the entire country."
El Diario/La Prenas, News Feature, Cristina Loboguerrero, Translated by Suzanne Manneh, Peter Micek and Elena Shore
Editor’s Note: Two weeks after the fatal beating of a Mexican immigrant by a group of white teenagers, Latino residents of this Pennsylvania town are afraid to leave their houses.
SHENANDOAH, Penn. -- In this seemingly quiet Pennsylvania town, racial intolerance is widespread and many Latino residents choose to stay home to avoid any confrontation.
Shenandoah, a small town that spans one and a half square miles and is located three hours from New York City, made headlines in recent weeks after the fatal beating of a 25-year-old Mexican man.
The victim, Luis Ramírez, died on July 14, 30 hours after being savagely beaten by a group of white teenagers who are now in the custody of the court.
The dispute began in a Shenandoah park, when the teenagers began harassing Ramírez, and shouted at his girlfriend: "Hey, you better get out of this neighborhood!" and "Get your Mexican boyfriend out of here."
In this city of 5,500 residents, 10 percent of whom are Latino – mostly Mexicans, followed by Hondurans and Dominicans – everyone has something to say. But people’s fears of retaliation outweigh their desire to speak up.
"We prefer to stay at home," says Rafael Rejinfo, a 42-year-old Mexican, who explains in a low voice that he came to this country two years ago "to work.” “I don’t like problems,” he says, “so I prefer to stay here with my family and just go out to work, go to church and the supermarket.”
It's almost like "living in a prison," admits Reina Barbosa, who adds, "Not everyone is bad here. There are very good Americans who say hi to us and try to integrate us into the community."
One of the few respondents who agreed to be identified was Jorge Perez, owner of La Guadalupana market on Main Street, one of the three Latino-owned businesses in Shenandoah. Perez asserted in a firm tone, “Yes, there is discrimination in this town.”
Perez recounted that on several occasions young whites have followed him and insulted him but, he says, “I prefer to let it roll off my back and not confront them for fear that what happened to my friend will happen to me. He was a good person and did not deserve to die like that."
The grocery store owner, who has lived in Shenandoah for 20 years, says that after school, teenagers gather outside the pizzeria on the corner of Main Street and Lloyd and spend all their time “insulting all the Latinos who dare to go through."
The only place, apparently, that Hispanic immigrants congregate is the Church of the Annunciation, where more than 100 people meet every Sunday to pray. During a religious service last Sunday, Father Jorge Winnie said a prayer "for good relations and peace in the town."
The pastor also invited the faithful to attend a series of meetings between the Pennsylvania Human Relations Commission and members of the Latino community, to respond to questions and tension raised by acts of discrimination.
Mayor Thomas O'Neill described his city as "a place with a great ethnic mix," and refused to speak about the crime, saying the matter should be left up to the justice department.
Although the congregation laments the death of Ramírez, who was known as "horse," they refuse to talk about it, saying they don't want any "problems." Others, in a resigned tone, say they are used to being called "dirty Mexicans," but agree that young people are the ones who most often attack Latinos.
Rose Walls, a resident of the town for more than 30 years, asks that they not "label all the whites in the city as racists." "Personally, I don’t have problems with any person of another ethnic origin. We’re not all bad," she insists.
Paloma Zamudio, 21, the daughter of Cornelio Zamudio, who owns La Casita de Familia, the only Mexican restaurant in the area, says that in their business, "We’ve never had any kind of problem with anybody. They have never broken any glass and, on the contrary, much of our clientele is Anglo-Saxon."
James Goodman, the prosecutor in charge of the Ramírez case, says what happened "has filled the city with ethnic tension." He urges people to remain calm and wait for the case to be resolved in the justice system.
Roger Laguna, lawyer for one of the three white youths arrested for the Mexican immigrant's death, says that despite the epithets about the victim's race, the fight was not motivated by racial hatred. However, the victim's girlfriend, Crystal Dillman, also from Shenandoah, paints a much more racist image of the town and says Ramírez was frequently insulted with slurs like "dirty Mexican."
The tension is evident in Shenandoah, where Central American residents largely work landscaping and agricultural jobs.
Pérez, owner of La Guadalupana market on Main Street, notes, "For a Sunday, the street is desolate. No one wants to go out. Everyone is afraid."
Protected by the walls of the Church of the Ascension, worshiper Rodolfo Martínez, who knew the victim, dares to express the mood of the Hispanic immigrant congregation: "All of us who knew Luis hope that justice will be done and that his death will serve to close the rift of hatred and racial intolerance that exists in some sectors, not just in this city but in the entire country."
LATINO PENTCOSTALS AND JEWS SHARE COMMON GROUND
Jews find common ground with Latino Pentecostals
The Associated Press
LOS ANGELES — When Randy Brown visited Hispanic Pentecostal congregations in Southern California, he was stunned by displays of Star-of-David flags, fervent prayers for peace in Israel and Hebrew words in their church names.
Brown, an executive with the American Jewish Committee, saw an opportunity to build Jewish-Latino relations and combat anti-Semitism among the immigrants, who generally have little exposure to Jews in their predominantly Roman Catholic native countries.
"I was amazed at the affinity these congregations have for Israel," recalled Brown, director of interreligious affairs for the Los Angeles chapter of the Jewish advocacy group. "I wanted to take this to the next level."
The Los Angeles office has since worked to forge new bonds: They recently took a group of Pentecostal Hispanic pastors to Israel, offered a course called "The Essence of Judaism" at a Southern California Pentecostal seminary, and invited Hispanic pastors and their families to Passover seders and Sukkot harvest celebrations.
"We have many things in common," said pastor Ramiro Lopez of the Iglesia Vida Abundante in San Bernardino. "Now I can understand Israel from more than a biblical perspective and I have more of a commitment to Israel."
While Latino immigrants in the U.S. are mostly Catholic, evangelicals comprise a notable 15 percent of the population, according to a recent study by the Pew Hispanic Project and the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life.
Many are Pentecostal, one of the fastest-growing streams of world Christianity, known for spirit-filled worship and speaking in tongues.
A 2007 survey by the Anti-Defamation League found a higher-rate of anti-Semitic views among foreign-born Latinos than among U.S.-born Hispanics.
Twenty-nine percent of Latinos born elsewhere harbor anti-Jewish views, while the rate for Hispanics born in the country — and for the U.S. population in general — was 15 percent, the study found.
The 2007 numbers are slightly lower than those in a 2005 survey, but Jewish leaders are worried all the same, especially as Latin Americans are expected to become 29 percent of the national population by 2050.
"Clearly, it was disturbing," said Michael Salberg, director of international affairs for the New York-based Jewish civil rights group.
Latin American countries are overwhelmingly Roman Catholic and are steeped in a five-century-old tradition of a church that wields much influence.
With the exception of Argentina, Jewish communities in Latin America are tiny and tend to keep a low profile.
By contrast, U.S. Jewish and Catholic leaders have held high-level interfaith talks for years.
Several Catholic colleges in the country have centers for Jewish-Catholic understanding, and U.S. bishops heavily emphasize the Second Vatican Council teaching that Jews are not collectively responsible for the Crucifixion.
That outlook influences not just Catholics, but also other Christians in the U.S.
Pastor Tony Solorzano, who heads the Iglesia Llamada Final, a 5,000-member congregation in Downey and Inglewood, said some Latinos simply need more education about Judaism to dispel stereotypes. Some consider Jews "Christ-killers."
"Not many think that way, but some have heard this," Lopez said. "We tell them there's a plan according to God's will. We have to be grateful to the Jewish people because Jesus was Jewish."
Pentecostals, who interpret the Bible literally, believe God promised the Jewish people the historic land of Israel.
Many consider the modern state of Israel a fulfillment of biblical prophecy — and a precondition of the second coming of Jesus Christ.
They often cite a passage from Genesis where God makes a covenant with Abraham that those who bless Abraham's people will be blessed, those who curse his people will be cursed.
"I really believe that promise," Lopez said. "Every day we pray for Jerusalem with our hands to the east."
Jewish leaders are building on Pentecostal pro-Israel sentiment to dispel stereotypes between both groups.
Many Jewish groups in recent years have accepted such support without questioning the theology behind it, which says that all people, including Jews, will ultimately accept Christ.
"It's a new and emerging connection that didn't exist with the Catholic Church," said Salberg of the Anti-Defamation League.
Pentecostal congregations, often housed in storefronts filled with rows of folding chairs, have become fixtures in Latino neighborhoods across the United States, as well as Latin America.
Pastors tend to be influential opinion-makers in their congregations and some, like Lopez, have radio programs or stations, expanding their reach.
At the Latin University of Theology in Torrance, which trains Pentecostal pastors, many of the students in Brown's Spanish-language "Essence of Judaism" course hail from Latin American countries.
He hopes they'll return home with new knowledge about Jews and Judaism to change negative images and misperceptions.
Nationally, the American Jewish Committee has formed a Latino and Latin American Institute, and in 2001 convened the first Latino-Jewish Leadership Summit in Washington, D.C., to discuss common policy concerns such as immigration.
Along with the Los Angeles office, several local chapters of the nonprofit are reaching out to Latinos, according to Ken Bandler, the group's national spokesman.
Pastor Richard Escobedo holds two sessions weekly to pray for Israel at his 500-member Centro Palabra de Fe church in Compton, where he has an Israeli flag on display, has held Passover seders and preaches that "love thy neighbor" includes Jews and others.
Many Pentecostals wear Star of David pendants and other paraphernalia, he said.
Engaging with Jews, he said, "is opening our eyes to how Jesus himself was taught."
The Associated Press
LOS ANGELES — When Randy Brown visited Hispanic Pentecostal congregations in Southern California, he was stunned by displays of Star-of-David flags, fervent prayers for peace in Israel and Hebrew words in their church names.
Brown, an executive with the American Jewish Committee, saw an opportunity to build Jewish-Latino relations and combat anti-Semitism among the immigrants, who generally have little exposure to Jews in their predominantly Roman Catholic native countries.
"I was amazed at the affinity these congregations have for Israel," recalled Brown, director of interreligious affairs for the Los Angeles chapter of the Jewish advocacy group. "I wanted to take this to the next level."
The Los Angeles office has since worked to forge new bonds: They recently took a group of Pentecostal Hispanic pastors to Israel, offered a course called "The Essence of Judaism" at a Southern California Pentecostal seminary, and invited Hispanic pastors and their families to Passover seders and Sukkot harvest celebrations.
"We have many things in common," said pastor Ramiro Lopez of the Iglesia Vida Abundante in San Bernardino. "Now I can understand Israel from more than a biblical perspective and I have more of a commitment to Israel."
While Latino immigrants in the U.S. are mostly Catholic, evangelicals comprise a notable 15 percent of the population, according to a recent study by the Pew Hispanic Project and the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life.
Many are Pentecostal, one of the fastest-growing streams of world Christianity, known for spirit-filled worship and speaking in tongues.
A 2007 survey by the Anti-Defamation League found a higher-rate of anti-Semitic views among foreign-born Latinos than among U.S.-born Hispanics.
Twenty-nine percent of Latinos born elsewhere harbor anti-Jewish views, while the rate for Hispanics born in the country — and for the U.S. population in general — was 15 percent, the study found.
The 2007 numbers are slightly lower than those in a 2005 survey, but Jewish leaders are worried all the same, especially as Latin Americans are expected to become 29 percent of the national population by 2050.
"Clearly, it was disturbing," said Michael Salberg, director of international affairs for the New York-based Jewish civil rights group.
Latin American countries are overwhelmingly Roman Catholic and are steeped in a five-century-old tradition of a church that wields much influence.
With the exception of Argentina, Jewish communities in Latin America are tiny and tend to keep a low profile.
By contrast, U.S. Jewish and Catholic leaders have held high-level interfaith talks for years.
Several Catholic colleges in the country have centers for Jewish-Catholic understanding, and U.S. bishops heavily emphasize the Second Vatican Council teaching that Jews are not collectively responsible for the Crucifixion.
That outlook influences not just Catholics, but also other Christians in the U.S.
Pastor Tony Solorzano, who heads the Iglesia Llamada Final, a 5,000-member congregation in Downey and Inglewood, said some Latinos simply need more education about Judaism to dispel stereotypes. Some consider Jews "Christ-killers."
"Not many think that way, but some have heard this," Lopez said. "We tell them there's a plan according to God's will. We have to be grateful to the Jewish people because Jesus was Jewish."
Pentecostals, who interpret the Bible literally, believe God promised the Jewish people the historic land of Israel.
Many consider the modern state of Israel a fulfillment of biblical prophecy — and a precondition of the second coming of Jesus Christ.
They often cite a passage from Genesis where God makes a covenant with Abraham that those who bless Abraham's people will be blessed, those who curse his people will be cursed.
"I really believe that promise," Lopez said. "Every day we pray for Jerusalem with our hands to the east."
Jewish leaders are building on Pentecostal pro-Israel sentiment to dispel stereotypes between both groups.
Many Jewish groups in recent years have accepted such support without questioning the theology behind it, which says that all people, including Jews, will ultimately accept Christ.
"It's a new and emerging connection that didn't exist with the Catholic Church," said Salberg of the Anti-Defamation League.
Pentecostal congregations, often housed in storefronts filled with rows of folding chairs, have become fixtures in Latino neighborhoods across the United States, as well as Latin America.
Pastors tend to be influential opinion-makers in their congregations and some, like Lopez, have radio programs or stations, expanding their reach.
At the Latin University of Theology in Torrance, which trains Pentecostal pastors, many of the students in Brown's Spanish-language "Essence of Judaism" course hail from Latin American countries.
He hopes they'll return home with new knowledge about Jews and Judaism to change negative images and misperceptions.
Nationally, the American Jewish Committee has formed a Latino and Latin American Institute, and in 2001 convened the first Latino-Jewish Leadership Summit in Washington, D.C., to discuss common policy concerns such as immigration.
Along with the Los Angeles office, several local chapters of the nonprofit are reaching out to Latinos, according to Ken Bandler, the group's national spokesman.
Pastor Richard Escobedo holds two sessions weekly to pray for Israel at his 500-member Centro Palabra de Fe church in Compton, where he has an Israeli flag on display, has held Passover seders and preaches that "love thy neighbor" includes Jews and others.
Many Pentecostals wear Star of David pendants and other paraphernalia, he said.
Engaging with Jews, he said, "is opening our eyes to how Jesus himself was taught."
LATINO HEALTH ACCESS LEADER RECEIVES PRIZE
Latino Health Access leader receives $125,000 prize
America Bracho is recognized for encouraging community involvement.
BY COURTNEY PERKES, The Orange County Register
Latino Health Access founder America Bracho will receive a $125,000 leadership prize for her work to improve public health one Santa Ana neighborhood at a time.
Bracho is one of 12 California winners selected by the nonprofit James Irvine Foundation, which awards grants to improve educational and economic opportunities for low-income residents. The money will fund Latino Health Access programs.
Bracho, who started the Santa Ana nonprofit 15 years ago, was chosen for her grassroots way of engaging local residents, known as promotores, to teach their neighbors about healthy lifestyles. They have also spoken out against new liquor licenses in the city and pushed for more park space.
"She's just a dynamic, passionate person who has really dedicated her life to working with residents to improve conditions in their community," said Amy Dominguez-Arms, program director. "It is striking how this is an award for America, but she very much emphasizes the role of the promotores, the other community residents with whom she works to conduct outreach and community change by working together."
Last year, Latino Health Access was featured in the PBS documentary "FAT: What No One Is Telling You." The film followed nutrition and exercise classes for overweight kids living in apartments.
Other award winners include job placement services for former gang members, environmental clean up in neighborhoods around ports and affordable banking for low-income wage earners.
America Bracho is recognized for encouraging community involvement.
BY COURTNEY PERKES, The Orange County Register
Latino Health Access founder America Bracho will receive a $125,000 leadership prize for her work to improve public health one Santa Ana neighborhood at a time.
Bracho is one of 12 California winners selected by the nonprofit James Irvine Foundation, which awards grants to improve educational and economic opportunities for low-income residents. The money will fund Latino Health Access programs.
Bracho, who started the Santa Ana nonprofit 15 years ago, was chosen for her grassroots way of engaging local residents, known as promotores, to teach their neighbors about healthy lifestyles. They have also spoken out against new liquor licenses in the city and pushed for more park space.
"She's just a dynamic, passionate person who has really dedicated her life to working with residents to improve conditions in their community," said Amy Dominguez-Arms, program director. "It is striking how this is an award for America, but she very much emphasizes the role of the promotores, the other community residents with whom she works to conduct outreach and community change by working together."
Last year, Latino Health Access was featured in the PBS documentary "FAT: What No One Is Telling You." The film followed nutrition and exercise classes for overweight kids living in apartments.
Other award winners include job placement services for former gang members, environmental clean up in neighborhoods around ports and affordable banking for low-income wage earners.
LATINOS CANCER DEATHS HIGHER IN SANTA CRUZ COUNTY
Experts ask why cancer deaths are higher among Latinos in Santa Cruz County
Jondi Gumz, Sentinel Staff Writer
WATSONVILLE - Santa Cruz County stands out on a statewide map of cancer statistics.
The rate of cancer among Latinos here is higher than in Monterey and San Benito counties, and much higher than the state average, according to the California Cancer Registry. For example, there are 439 cases of cancer per 100,000 people among Latinos in Santa Cruz County compared to 372 per 100,000 statewide.
That's not the only statistic troubling local health officials.
Death rates for Latinos with cancer are higher in Santa Cruz County than in neighboring counties.
Recent research indicates nearly one-half of Latino women and one-third of Latino men can expect to be diagnosed with cancer, according to the American Cancer Society.
"Hispanic men and women have a greater chance of being diagnosed with cancer at a later, less treatable stage of the disease, and they are less likely than the general public to survive five years after a cancer diagnosis," said Elsa Quezada of the Central Coast Center for Independent Living in Santa Cruz.
Latinos are less likely to have health insurance to pay for treatment. Last year, 91 percent of white adults in the county reported they have health insurance; for Latinos, it was 78 percent, according to the United Way Community Assessment Project.
"Millions of Americans think they are covered but find out too late their insurance is inadequate, and as a consequence they often face substantial financial burdens," Quezada said.
Those diagnosed with more advanced cancer face more difficult and more expensive medical treatments.
This issue, and what to do about it, will be discussed at a special day-long forum sponsored by the American Cancer Society on Aug. 8 at the Watsonville Civic Center Plaza community room. The society's Cancer Action Network has launched a major initiative to make the issue of access to health care a state and national priority.
The goal of the local forum is to gather input from health experts and community members to develop a plan to reduce health care inequities in cancer treatment. Quezada is chairwoman for the program.
Speakers include Dr. George Fisher, president-elect of the California Division of the American Cancer Society, Sheena Cresswell of the Northern California Cancer Center, Jessica Oltmanns of Santa Cruz County Health Services, Chila Correa of WomenCARE, a support group for cancer patients and Christian Pinon of Salud Para la Gente. Eleanor Littman of the Health Improvement Partnership of Santa Cruz County will moderate.
The forum is free; people are asked to register by e-mailing Nancy Valdez at nancy.valdez@cancer.org or calling 442-2994 by Aug. 1.
Contact Jondi Gumz at 706-3253 or jgumz@santacruzsentinel.com.
Cancer snapshot
Cancer rates for the Hispanic population, 2001-05. They are the most recent figures available.
CANCER CASES Rate per 100,000 people
Santa Cruz County 439
San Benito County 410
Monterey County 379
California 372
CANCER DEATHS RATE PER 100,000 PEOPLE
Santa Cruz County 162
San Benito County 139
Monterey County 132
California 140
SOURCE: California Cancer Registry, www.cancer-rates.info/ca
Jondi Gumz, Sentinel Staff Writer
WATSONVILLE - Santa Cruz County stands out on a statewide map of cancer statistics.
The rate of cancer among Latinos here is higher than in Monterey and San Benito counties, and much higher than the state average, according to the California Cancer Registry. For example, there are 439 cases of cancer per 100,000 people among Latinos in Santa Cruz County compared to 372 per 100,000 statewide.
That's not the only statistic troubling local health officials.
Death rates for Latinos with cancer are higher in Santa Cruz County than in neighboring counties.
Recent research indicates nearly one-half of Latino women and one-third of Latino men can expect to be diagnosed with cancer, according to the American Cancer Society.
"Hispanic men and women have a greater chance of being diagnosed with cancer at a later, less treatable stage of the disease, and they are less likely than the general public to survive five years after a cancer diagnosis," said Elsa Quezada of the Central Coast Center for Independent Living in Santa Cruz.
Latinos are less likely to have health insurance to pay for treatment. Last year, 91 percent of white adults in the county reported they have health insurance; for Latinos, it was 78 percent, according to the United Way Community Assessment Project.
"Millions of Americans think they are covered but find out too late their insurance is inadequate, and as a consequence they often face substantial financial burdens," Quezada said.
Those diagnosed with more advanced cancer face more difficult and more expensive medical treatments.
This issue, and what to do about it, will be discussed at a special day-long forum sponsored by the American Cancer Society on Aug. 8 at the Watsonville Civic Center Plaza community room. The society's Cancer Action Network has launched a major initiative to make the issue of access to health care a state and national priority.
The goal of the local forum is to gather input from health experts and community members to develop a plan to reduce health care inequities in cancer treatment. Quezada is chairwoman for the program.
Speakers include Dr. George Fisher, president-elect of the California Division of the American Cancer Society, Sheena Cresswell of the Northern California Cancer Center, Jessica Oltmanns of Santa Cruz County Health Services, Chila Correa of WomenCARE, a support group for cancer patients and Christian Pinon of Salud Para la Gente. Eleanor Littman of the Health Improvement Partnership of Santa Cruz County will moderate.
The forum is free; people are asked to register by e-mailing Nancy Valdez at nancy.valdez@cancer.org or calling 442-2994 by Aug. 1.
Contact Jondi Gumz at 706-3253 or jgumz@santacruzsentinel.com.
Cancer snapshot
Cancer rates for the Hispanic population, 2001-05. They are the most recent figures available.
CANCER CASES Rate per 100,000 people
Santa Cruz County 439
San Benito County 410
Monterey County 379
California 372
CANCER DEATHS RATE PER 100,000 PEOPLE
Santa Cruz County 162
San Benito County 139
Monterey County 132
California 140
SOURCE: California Cancer Registry, www.cancer-rates.info/ca
HOUSTON WILL BE PREDOMINANTLY HISPANIC IN A FEW YEARS
New majority
Hispanics must succeed in order for the Houston region to prosper in the coming decades
Houston Chronicle
Speaking to a gathering of the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce Thursday, Rice University sociologist Stephen Kleinberg produced two statistics:
• 70 percent of Houstonians over the age of 60 are Anglo.
• 75 percent of Houstonians under the age of 30 are non-Anglo, mostly Hispanic.
The conclusion is obvious. In a few years Houston will be a predominantly Hispanic city. Further, if Hispanics don't prosper, Houston won't prosper.
The chamber's board of directors has concluded that the next 10 years will be a decade of great opportunity for Hispanics in the Houston region, and they're right. Houston's bilingual residents and immigrants from all over are ideally placed to compete in the global market.
The chamber has crafted a strategic plan to ensure that Hispanics here seize the day. The plan has three visions. The Hispanic Chamber of Commerce will, among other things:
• Lead Houston's new majority. It will identify and develop Hispanic civic, business and government leaders, and craft solutions to problems affecting the Hispanic community.
• Plan and direct economic development and investment in the Hispanic community; promote Houston as a gateway to Latin America and the Caribbean; and market Houston Hispanic businesses to the global economy.
• Be a catalyst for growth among Hispanic entrepreneurs; expand their access to capital; pursue public policies favorable to Hispanic business development; and increase the number of Hispanics in corporate management.
The chamber's strategic plan does not specifically address what must be regarded as the greatest barrier to Hispanic success: Houston's high dropout rate. At some high schools the graduating class is a third the size of the entering class, indicating a dropout rate exceeding 60 percent.
The chamber's directors state that, while the group is focused on improving Hispanics' lot in the Houston economy, they mean to be collaborative. This is an important point. It will take the efforts of the whole community to make sure Houston and its residents — soon to be majority Hispanic — prosper in the coming years.
Rice's Kleinberg points out that Houston's diverse population now looks like how America's population will come to look. Houston, he said, is where America's future will be worked out.
The Chronicle congratulates the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce for doing its constructive and cooperative part.
Hispanics must succeed in order for the Houston region to prosper in the coming decades
Houston Chronicle
Speaking to a gathering of the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce Thursday, Rice University sociologist Stephen Kleinberg produced two statistics:
• 70 percent of Houstonians over the age of 60 are Anglo.
• 75 percent of Houstonians under the age of 30 are non-Anglo, mostly Hispanic.
The conclusion is obvious. In a few years Houston will be a predominantly Hispanic city. Further, if Hispanics don't prosper, Houston won't prosper.
The chamber's board of directors has concluded that the next 10 years will be a decade of great opportunity for Hispanics in the Houston region, and they're right. Houston's bilingual residents and immigrants from all over are ideally placed to compete in the global market.
The chamber has crafted a strategic plan to ensure that Hispanics here seize the day. The plan has three visions. The Hispanic Chamber of Commerce will, among other things:
• Lead Houston's new majority. It will identify and develop Hispanic civic, business and government leaders, and craft solutions to problems affecting the Hispanic community.
• Plan and direct economic development and investment in the Hispanic community; promote Houston as a gateway to Latin America and the Caribbean; and market Houston Hispanic businesses to the global economy.
• Be a catalyst for growth among Hispanic entrepreneurs; expand their access to capital; pursue public policies favorable to Hispanic business development; and increase the number of Hispanics in corporate management.
The chamber's strategic plan does not specifically address what must be regarded as the greatest barrier to Hispanic success: Houston's high dropout rate. At some high schools the graduating class is a third the size of the entering class, indicating a dropout rate exceeding 60 percent.
The chamber's directors state that, while the group is focused on improving Hispanics' lot in the Houston economy, they mean to be collaborative. This is an important point. It will take the efforts of the whole community to make sure Houston and its residents — soon to be majority Hispanic — prosper in the coming years.
Rice's Kleinberg points out that Houston's diverse population now looks like how America's population will come to look. Houston, he said, is where America's future will be worked out.
The Chronicle congratulates the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce for doing its constructive and cooperative part.
IDAHO TAKES LATINO STUDENTS TO HIGHER LEVEL
Education Summit seeks success for Hispanic students
JENNIFER SAWMILLER, News Journalist – ARBITERONLINE.COM
The message was an unequivocal “¡Sí, se puede!” as the first-ever Idaho Summit on Educational Excellence About Hispanic Students convened July 24 and 25 at Boise State University. The summit, coordinated by the Idaho Commission on Hispanic Affairs and supported by the state Department of Education, Idaho colleges and universities, and private sponsors, drew more than 300 participants and addressed issues in education affecting Latino students.
“It’s Latino students reflected in the drop-out rate and in test scores,” Margie Gonzalez, director of the Idaho Commission on Hispanic Affairs, a department of state government initiated in 1987 to help air concerns of Hispanic citizens said. “We’re not asking for special standards, we’re asking for equality for all students. We need to start to look at solutions.”
Through workshops and presentations from state leaders in education, the summit (which took eight months of planning) examined three issues: closing the achievement gap between Latino students and their peers, drop-out prevention and retention and access to and equity in higher education.
“It is our goal this summit will set the stage for a statewide network of state, public and private organizations that provide Hispanic families with the knowledge and tools needed to help them prepare our children for academic success,” Gonzalez said in a written welcome.
During the 2006-07 school year, almost 36,000 Idaho students were of Latino heritage. Of those, more than 14,000 were considered to be Limited English Proficient, a population considered at risk for academic difficulties and dropping out.
The President’s Advisory Committee on Educational Excellence for Hispanic Americans found that nationally, one of three Latino students fails to finish high school.
Troubling statistics about students from the fastest-growing minority group in Idaho led to the creation of the summit with cooperation from both the public and private sectors.
“INL, State Farm, Partners for Prosperity – they … jumped on board before we asked,” Juan Saldaña, technical records specialist for the Idaho Commission on Hispanic Affairs, said.
Speaker Mary Gutierrez, an ESL/Bilingual consulting teacher for the Nampa School District, touted the success of a new dual-immersion program for kindergartners in which Spanish speakers learn English and English speakers learn Spanish.
“We’re talking about how to help English language learners succeed in this conference,” Gutierrez said. “We’ve assessed them in both English and Spanish and they’re succeeding. Eventually they will be able to succeed in higher education and in the job market.”
Speakers included Executive Director of the White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for Hispanic Americans Adam Chavarría, President of Excelencia in Education Sarita E. Brown and other local leaders and educators.
“They had statistics showing there is a problem, and we can solve it,” Magaly Carrillo, who graduated from Caldwell High this spring and will attend Boise State in the fall said. “There were a lot of people who were interested in helping.”
JENNIFER SAWMILLER, News Journalist – ARBITERONLINE.COM
The message was an unequivocal “¡Sí, se puede!” as the first-ever Idaho Summit on Educational Excellence About Hispanic Students convened July 24 and 25 at Boise State University. The summit, coordinated by the Idaho Commission on Hispanic Affairs and supported by the state Department of Education, Idaho colleges and universities, and private sponsors, drew more than 300 participants and addressed issues in education affecting Latino students.
“It’s Latino students reflected in the drop-out rate and in test scores,” Margie Gonzalez, director of the Idaho Commission on Hispanic Affairs, a department of state government initiated in 1987 to help air concerns of Hispanic citizens said. “We’re not asking for special standards, we’re asking for equality for all students. We need to start to look at solutions.”
Through workshops and presentations from state leaders in education, the summit (which took eight months of planning) examined three issues: closing the achievement gap between Latino students and their peers, drop-out prevention and retention and access to and equity in higher education.
“It is our goal this summit will set the stage for a statewide network of state, public and private organizations that provide Hispanic families with the knowledge and tools needed to help them prepare our children for academic success,” Gonzalez said in a written welcome.
During the 2006-07 school year, almost 36,000 Idaho students were of Latino heritage. Of those, more than 14,000 were considered to be Limited English Proficient, a population considered at risk for academic difficulties and dropping out.
The President’s Advisory Committee on Educational Excellence for Hispanic Americans found that nationally, one of three Latino students fails to finish high school.
Troubling statistics about students from the fastest-growing minority group in Idaho led to the creation of the summit with cooperation from both the public and private sectors.
“INL, State Farm, Partners for Prosperity – they … jumped on board before we asked,” Juan Saldaña, technical records specialist for the Idaho Commission on Hispanic Affairs, said.
Speaker Mary Gutierrez, an ESL/Bilingual consulting teacher for the Nampa School District, touted the success of a new dual-immersion program for kindergartners in which Spanish speakers learn English and English speakers learn Spanish.
“We’re talking about how to help English language learners succeed in this conference,” Gutierrez said. “We’ve assessed them in both English and Spanish and they’re succeeding. Eventually they will be able to succeed in higher education and in the job market.”
Speakers included Executive Director of the White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for Hispanic Americans Adam Chavarría, President of Excelencia in Education Sarita E. Brown and other local leaders and educators.
“They had statistics showing there is a problem, and we can solve it,” Magaly Carrillo, who graduated from Caldwell High this spring and will attend Boise State in the fall said. “There were a lot of people who were interested in helping.”
Wednesday, July 30, 2008
LATINO OUTREACH PLAN THRILLS SUPER DELEGATE FOR SALE
$20 million Latino outreach plan thrills superdelegate-for-sale
By Shane Goldmacher - sgoldmacher@sacbee.com
Steve Ybarra got his $20 million after all.
The Democratic superdelegate from Sacramento made national headlines when he put his vote up for sale in the Democratic primary back in May.
That's when Ybarra announced that either Sens. Hillary Rodham Clinton or Barack Obama could have his support – for a cool $20 million.
The catch: Every penny was to go to voter outreach for Latinos.
Neither candidate took the bait. So Ybarra, a member of the Democratic National Committee, was headed to the Denver convention next month an uncommitted man. "I was ready to abstain," Ybarra said. "Absolutely."
Fast-forward to Tuesday, when the Obama campaign and the Democratic National Committee announced a plan to spend, you guessed it, exactly $20 million on Latino voter outreach.
"Wow!" Ybarra said when he learned of the spending. "That's amazing."
Ironic, too. His money-for-vote offer cost him his seat on the DNC in a state party executive committee vote last month, he said.
"The folks in D.C. were very upset," said Ybarra, who will keep his post through the national convention.
Not that Ybarra seems to mind. "I get to go (to Denver) and say 'Na, na, nana, na,' " Ybarra beamed.
The Obama campaign rolled out the Latino outreach plan, promising big efforts in swing states such as Colorado, New Mexico, Nevada and Florida – exactly the states Ybarra wanted targeted.
"Obviously, I am delighted that the senator and his people have figured out that the Latino vote is the vote that decides the election," Ybarra said.
"It's nice to be shown that, guess what, I was right," he added.
Even if it cost him his committee seat.
By Shane Goldmacher - sgoldmacher@sacbee.com
Steve Ybarra got his $20 million after all.
The Democratic superdelegate from Sacramento made national headlines when he put his vote up for sale in the Democratic primary back in May.
That's when Ybarra announced that either Sens. Hillary Rodham Clinton or Barack Obama could have his support – for a cool $20 million.
The catch: Every penny was to go to voter outreach for Latinos.
Neither candidate took the bait. So Ybarra, a member of the Democratic National Committee, was headed to the Denver convention next month an uncommitted man. "I was ready to abstain," Ybarra said. "Absolutely."
Fast-forward to Tuesday, when the Obama campaign and the Democratic National Committee announced a plan to spend, you guessed it, exactly $20 million on Latino voter outreach.
"Wow!" Ybarra said when he learned of the spending. "That's amazing."
Ironic, too. His money-for-vote offer cost him his seat on the DNC in a state party executive committee vote last month, he said.
"The folks in D.C. were very upset," said Ybarra, who will keep his post through the national convention.
Not that Ybarra seems to mind. "I get to go (to Denver) and say 'Na, na, nana, na,' " Ybarra beamed.
The Obama campaign rolled out the Latino outreach plan, promising big efforts in swing states such as Colorado, New Mexico, Nevada and Florida – exactly the states Ybarra wanted targeted.
"Obviously, I am delighted that the senator and his people have figured out that the Latino vote is the vote that decides the election," Ybarra said.
"It's nice to be shown that, guess what, I was right," he added.
Even if it cost him his committee seat.
LATINO GROUP URGES CONGRESS ON TOBACCO LEGISLATION
Esperanza Urges Congress to Pass Historic Tobacco Legislation
H.R. 1108 Allows FDA Un-Precedential Regulatory Authority Over Tobacco
PRESS RELEASE = Marisol Martinez of Esperanza, +1-215-324-0746
WASHINGTON, July 29 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- Esperanza, the largest Hispanic faith-based organization in the country, presses Congress to take advantage of opportunity to prevent youth smoking and pass H.R 1108, The Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act. This legislation gives the FDA the ability to regulate tobacco products and marketing in order to prevent tobacco companies from targeting youth.
With H.R. 1108 the FDA would have the ability to further restrict sales of tobacco products to children and require more meaningful warnings on tobacco products, said the President of Esperanza Rev. Luis Cortes. This offers a great deal of hope, and we are pleased to see that this bill will receive a vote on the house floor. Congress needs to pass this historic legislation now!
The Reverend Luis Cortes, Jr. is the founder and president of Esperanza. Esperanza is the largest Hispanic Faith-Based Evangelical network in the country. With a national network of 12,000 faith and community-based agencies, Esperanza is one of the leading voices for Hispanics in America.
H.R. 1108 Allows FDA Un-Precedential Regulatory Authority Over Tobacco
PRESS RELEASE = Marisol Martinez of Esperanza, +1-215-324-0746
WASHINGTON, July 29 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- Esperanza, the largest Hispanic faith-based organization in the country, presses Congress to take advantage of opportunity to prevent youth smoking and pass H.R 1108, The Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act. This legislation gives the FDA the ability to regulate tobacco products and marketing in order to prevent tobacco companies from targeting youth.
With H.R. 1108 the FDA would have the ability to further restrict sales of tobacco products to children and require more meaningful warnings on tobacco products, said the President of Esperanza Rev. Luis Cortes. This offers a great deal of hope, and we are pleased to see that this bill will receive a vote on the house floor. Congress needs to pass this historic legislation now!
The Reverend Luis Cortes, Jr. is the founder and president of Esperanza. Esperanza is the largest Hispanic Faith-Based Evangelical network in the country. With a national network of 12,000 faith and community-based agencies, Esperanza is one of the leading voices for Hispanics in America.
GROUP TRYING TO CHANGE PERCEPTION OF ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS
Hispanics to combat perceptions of illegal immigrants
By MICHAEL WELLES SHAPIRO, mshapiro@islandpacket.com
Local Hispanic leaders met Monday night to push back against federal, state and county measures targeting illegal immigration.
An Immigration and Customs Enforcement program designed to deport illegal immigrants booked in Beaufort County's jail took effect this month, fueling action within the Hispanic community, they said.
At the meeting at the Hilton Head Island office of La Isla magazine, the group laid out possible strategies to educate the Hispanic population about their rights and ways to combat perceptions about illegal immigrants.
Hispanics booked in the Beaufort County jail who are suspected of being illegal immigrants and face deportation often don't know their rights, said Luis Bell, executive director of the Latin American Council.
"None of them know they have a right to a trial," Bell said. "All of them waive their right for a public defender."
Bell said there also was confusion among families about how to contact their relatives being held in the county jail.
He suggested setting up a task force of lawyers to open the lines of communication and help educate people on their rights.
But the meeting also focused on the broader goal of creating more of a voice for the Hispanic community.
Eric Esquivel, La Isla's publisher, said the group needs to organize Hispanics, and "then we need to find unity with other members of the community who support the Latino community."
In addition to improving the image of Hispanics, Esquivel said the group should act as a watchdog against instances of racial profiling. By working with national civil rights advocacy groups, the group could discourage law enforcement agents from singling out Hispanics.
Mario Martinez, a Bluffton banker, pointed out that the larger community often associates negative stereotypes with Hispanics.
"We have to change that image," he said, urging the group to emphasize the positive and "what we give back to the community and how hard we work."
Augustin Martinez, a local translator, chimed in on what the message should be: "Beaufort County is spending tens of thousands of bucks to deport someone who's busted his butt to help build this community."
For the movement to be effective, the leaders stressed that they would have to remain positive. Esquivel said the area has not gotten involved in national boycotts because they are negative.
Mario Martinez said they now have to rise above the raw emotion in the community and stage a savvy campaign to turn things around for Hispanics.
"I understand that anger, but it's not going to get us anywhere."
Strategies to combat negative perceptions
• Educating Hispanics about their legal rights
• Building unity in the Hispanic community and solidarity among the general public
• Launching a media campaign on radio, the Internet and in newspapers
By MICHAEL WELLES SHAPIRO, mshapiro@islandpacket.com
Local Hispanic leaders met Monday night to push back against federal, state and county measures targeting illegal immigration.
An Immigration and Customs Enforcement program designed to deport illegal immigrants booked in Beaufort County's jail took effect this month, fueling action within the Hispanic community, they said.
At the meeting at the Hilton Head Island office of La Isla magazine, the group laid out possible strategies to educate the Hispanic population about their rights and ways to combat perceptions about illegal immigrants.
Hispanics booked in the Beaufort County jail who are suspected of being illegal immigrants and face deportation often don't know their rights, said Luis Bell, executive director of the Latin American Council.
"None of them know they have a right to a trial," Bell said. "All of them waive their right for a public defender."
Bell said there also was confusion among families about how to contact their relatives being held in the county jail.
He suggested setting up a task force of lawyers to open the lines of communication and help educate people on their rights.
But the meeting also focused on the broader goal of creating more of a voice for the Hispanic community.
Eric Esquivel, La Isla's publisher, said the group needs to organize Hispanics, and "then we need to find unity with other members of the community who support the Latino community."
In addition to improving the image of Hispanics, Esquivel said the group should act as a watchdog against instances of racial profiling. By working with national civil rights advocacy groups, the group could discourage law enforcement agents from singling out Hispanics.
Mario Martinez, a Bluffton banker, pointed out that the larger community often associates negative stereotypes with Hispanics.
"We have to change that image," he said, urging the group to emphasize the positive and "what we give back to the community and how hard we work."
Augustin Martinez, a local translator, chimed in on what the message should be: "Beaufort County is spending tens of thousands of bucks to deport someone who's busted his butt to help build this community."
For the movement to be effective, the leaders stressed that they would have to remain positive. Esquivel said the area has not gotten involved in national boycotts because they are negative.
Mario Martinez said they now have to rise above the raw emotion in the community and stage a savvy campaign to turn things around for Hispanics.
"I understand that anger, but it's not going to get us anywhere."
Strategies to combat negative perceptions
• Educating Hispanics about their legal rights
• Building unity in the Hispanic community and solidarity among the general public
• Launching a media campaign on radio, the Internet and in newspapers
LATINSO GOING GREEN
Expo to encourage Hispanics to go green
DALLAS MORNING NEWS
The idea that Latinos are not conservation-minded simply doesn't hold water.
Just ask Dallas business executive John Martinez.
He was surprised last year when his two septuagenarian aunts told him one of the things they were doing to help the planet.
When they would shower, they would turn off the water every time they would lather so as not to waste it.
"They told me they did it because Oprah Winfrey said to do this," he recalled, adding how impressed he was with how far they were willing to go to change their habits and help the environment.
"If my aunts are willing to do this, I know there are other Latinos out there willing, also," he said.
He's counting on the growing interest by Hispanics on going green to increase turnout at the fifth annual Viva Dallas! Expo at Dallas Market Hall on Aug. 9-10.
Mr. Martinez, president of the Hispanic Contractors Association of DFW, pushed to expand the expo to include green exhibits promoting environment-friendly products and services. Workshop sessions at the expo will feature a range of topics from the complex to the simple – from how to build a green home to the benefits of using water-saving toilets and paints with fewer chemicals.
The way he sees it, many Mexican immigrants and Mexican-Americans grew up with natural products that are becoming an increasing part of the U.S. marketplace. For many Hispanics, using a natural ingredient was often preferred because it was the traditional way.
But going green wasn't always just about saving the environment, he said. It also meant saving dollars. It still does.
"For us Latinos, we know the lifestyle, but may not call it green," he said. "We may have different reasons to go to the same place."
He adds that going green is just the first step in a long process of educating consumers.
"We should also be exposing them to the 'why,' " he said. "When you tell them the 'why,' you're giving them the philosophy, and they can incorporate it into other parts of their lives."
In addition to the Going Green pavilion at the expo, the number of health and wellness exhibits will also expand this year, along with educational offerings.
The continued growth of the expo is a good indicator for officials at the Greater Dallas Hispanic Chamber of Commerce that Hispanics continue to be an attractive market to corporate America. The expo is 50 percent bigger than last year, and more than 25,000 people are expected to attend this year, despite a slower economy.
Cici Rojas, president of the Hispanic chamber, said she found no reluctance on the part of corporate sponsors to participate again this year, including Bank of America, Wal-Mart and Best Buy.
"They have to take a good look at its biggest growth market, and that's Hispanics," Ms. Rojas said. "This is a young demographic that is just now developing brand loyalty. I think these companies are banking that this will translate into future customers."
DALLAS MORNING NEWS
The idea that Latinos are not conservation-minded simply doesn't hold water.
Just ask Dallas business executive John Martinez.
He was surprised last year when his two septuagenarian aunts told him one of the things they were doing to help the planet.
When they would shower, they would turn off the water every time they would lather so as not to waste it.
"They told me they did it because Oprah Winfrey said to do this," he recalled, adding how impressed he was with how far they were willing to go to change their habits and help the environment.
"If my aunts are willing to do this, I know there are other Latinos out there willing, also," he said.
He's counting on the growing interest by Hispanics on going green to increase turnout at the fifth annual Viva Dallas! Expo at Dallas Market Hall on Aug. 9-10.
Mr. Martinez, president of the Hispanic Contractors Association of DFW, pushed to expand the expo to include green exhibits promoting environment-friendly products and services. Workshop sessions at the expo will feature a range of topics from the complex to the simple – from how to build a green home to the benefits of using water-saving toilets and paints with fewer chemicals.
The way he sees it, many Mexican immigrants and Mexican-Americans grew up with natural products that are becoming an increasing part of the U.S. marketplace. For many Hispanics, using a natural ingredient was often preferred because it was the traditional way.
But going green wasn't always just about saving the environment, he said. It also meant saving dollars. It still does.
"For us Latinos, we know the lifestyle, but may not call it green," he said. "We may have different reasons to go to the same place."
He adds that going green is just the first step in a long process of educating consumers.
"We should also be exposing them to the 'why,' " he said. "When you tell them the 'why,' you're giving them the philosophy, and they can incorporate it into other parts of their lives."
In addition to the Going Green pavilion at the expo, the number of health and wellness exhibits will also expand this year, along with educational offerings.
The continued growth of the expo is a good indicator for officials at the Greater Dallas Hispanic Chamber of Commerce that Hispanics continue to be an attractive market to corporate America. The expo is 50 percent bigger than last year, and more than 25,000 people are expected to attend this year, despite a slower economy.
Cici Rojas, president of the Hispanic chamber, said she found no reluctance on the part of corporate sponsors to participate again this year, including Bank of America, Wal-Mart and Best Buy.
"They have to take a good look at its biggest growth market, and that's Hispanics," Ms. Rojas said. "This is a young demographic that is just now developing brand loyalty. I think these companies are banking that this will translate into future customers."
LATINO NEIGHBORHOOD SLOWLY DISAPPEARING IN ARIZONA
Latino neighborhood slowly disappearing in central Mesa
The Arizona Republic
Family by family, business by business, a central Mesa neighborhood is vanishing.
Already struggling with blight, the Reed Park area near Gilbert and Broadway roads is taking another hit as undocumented immigrants leave the neighborhood, pressured by the state's employer-sanctions law, stricter immigration enforcement and a sagging economy.
There is no reliable data on just how many immigrants have left Mesa in the past year, but there are other indicators: vacant houses and apartments, a sharp drop in business at stores that cater to Latinos, and a decline in attendance at churches and schools.
"From what you hear in the neighborhood, people have packed up and left and have gone to other states, or have gone back home to their country," said Cynthia Garza, a city Neighborhood Outreach coordinator.
"We have seen more and more vacant homes."
Homes for rent
"For Rent" signs advertise vacant apartments throughout central Mesa. Some signs in the largely Latino neighborhood near Gilbert and Broadway read "Gratis Renta," free rent. Boarded up duplexes and apartment buildings suggest some owners have given up.
"Here, it's a family community. If somebody leaves, they (all) follow," said Janeth Lira, who manages the 97-unit Palm Gardens apartments on Broadway. Since fall, Lira has had as many as 20 units vacant. Today, there are eight.
"I did have a lot of people say it was getting difficult to find work," said Lira, who believes many of the residents are undocumented.
To help lure new tenants Lira has dropped rent to $499 a month on a unit that once went for $667.
"It used to be a mostly Hispanic community. Now I have all kinds of different families," she said.
The Reed Park area, already known for its high crime rate, now must contend with a growing number of abandoned residences, which often leads to more crime.
Patricia Tracey, a city prosecutor who works on Mesa's anti-blight ACTION Team, said the area could have a vacancy rate as high as 40 percent.
"The Reed Park area has a high number of rental units and many of them are vacant because of the economy and people leaving," she said.
Juan Carlos, 35, an undocumented immigrant who lives in the area, is considering moving. The Republic is not disclosing his last name.
His eyes welled with tears as he thought about all he'd been through the past six months.
"It has affected me at work because the hours have been reduced," he said, noting there are weeks when he gets less than eight hours of work painting.
Juan Carlos has a wife and three kids, with another on the way. Eleven years ago, he and his wife settled in Mesa and bought a home.
Family outings used to include hanging out near the Salt River. Now he must decide whether to move his family or leave them behind in Mesa to find work in another state.
"I have house payments. And at times I can't pay for the house," he said. "At work they give you the harder work and will tell you, 'You can like it or not.' "
"This is the worst year."
Businesses hurting
Dollars and customers have been scarce the past few months at businesses catering to Latinos along Broadway Road between Stapley and Gilbert.
Benny Juaréz manages Jalisco Mexican Food tucked in a strip mall that houses other Latino-flavored shops. He looks out at the dining room at a recent lunch-hour crowd and calls it dismal.
"Last year was busy, but now it's slow," he said.
"People are leaving" because there is no work, Juaréz said. Those who stayed can't afford to dine out.
Annabel Wright is feeling the same pinch. Less than a mile from the restaurant, she runs Eagle Immigration, where she prepares legal documents for immigrants. Wright said she has lost 70 percent of her business since last winter because of random sweeps by the Maricopa County Sheriff's Office.
"People are very scared," she said. "They think (Sheriff Joe) Arpaio is coming."
Wright said she will close her office before next year if business doesn't pick up.
"What I make now just pays the rent (at the business)," Wright said.
Several doors down, Luis Campos owns Campos Music, where he sells Norteño-style accordions, bass guitars, saxophones, mixers, DJ equipment and cumbias-style music. He is worried.
"It's been slower than ever," said Campos, who has seen a 60 percent drop in business compared to last year. Campos' primary customers include DJs and local bands that buy parts and equipment. Even before the sweeps - Arpaio came into Mesa twice in November - Campos saw a decline in business.
"If every undocumented resident was removed in Mesa, it would take about 50 percent of my business," he said.
Harry Kirakosian's Mi Amigos Food Mart has served the Reed Park neighborhood for 12 years. He owns a small shopping strip near Gilbert and Broadway roads that includes a laundry mat and a now-closed ice and water store.
"I already closed one store," Kirakosian said. "I am about to close the laundry mat. I owe a big mortgage on the shopping center. I'm giving it till December. I've never been impacted like this before."
Kirakosian said he couldn't afford to pay for his children to attend a private school this year and that he is behind on his mortgage payments.
"The city councilman comes by and asks us what he can do to improve the area," he said, "and we keep telling him he's got to protect us from the sheriff and immigration because those are the people we cater to right now. Nobody listens."
"If the sheriff gets (re-)elected, we're afraid more people are going to leave."
Churches and schools
On a typical Sunday, the 800-seat sanctuary at Queen of Peace Catholic Church north of downtown Mesa is packed. The church, with 3,600 members, has seven Masses on Sunday, three of those in Spanish.
But the days of parishioners spilling out onto walkways from the overcrowded church are dwindling, Father Charles Goraieb said.
In April, Goraieb said he began seeing a decline of about 30 percent in Sunday attendance, and expects that number to rise. He blames stricter immigration enforcement.
The parish's private school also has been hit, and expects to lose 10 to 15 students this year from its enrollment of 200.
"Sheriff Arpaio's sweeps are being moments of peak terror for the community . . . (but) that is not the biggest issue," Goraieb said. "It's the employer-sanctions law that's decimating the community. If people can't find work, they have to leave."
But at Mesa Church of Christ on Dana Avenue, Jesús Rodriguez, who oversees the Spanish ministry, says he is affected, but not nearly as much.
Since January, he has lost 10 to 20 members from his 140-member congregation, which includes families from Puerto Rico, Guatemala and Mexico. The families that left, Rodriguez said, returned to Guatemala and Mexico. He said immigration laws are forcing "many to go back to their country."
"For the economy, it's not a good thing," he said.
But Eduardo Celaya, 55, who is impeccably dressed on a Sunday morning at Queen of Peace, doesn't plan to move anytime soon. A permanent resident, he is in the process of becoming a U.S. citizen. He has lived in Arizona for 13 years, and he and his wife have watched their children graduate from high school and college.
Celaya is proud of his 19-year-old son, who has special needs and recently graduated from high school. He would not have had a similar opportunity in Mexico, he said.
"This is something that I thank this country for," Celaya said. "I still have hope and I am grateful to this country and to God to be here."
The Arizona Republic
Family by family, business by business, a central Mesa neighborhood is vanishing.
Already struggling with blight, the Reed Park area near Gilbert and Broadway roads is taking another hit as undocumented immigrants leave the neighborhood, pressured by the state's employer-sanctions law, stricter immigration enforcement and a sagging economy.
There is no reliable data on just how many immigrants have left Mesa in the past year, but there are other indicators: vacant houses and apartments, a sharp drop in business at stores that cater to Latinos, and a decline in attendance at churches and schools.
"From what you hear in the neighborhood, people have packed up and left and have gone to other states, or have gone back home to their country," said Cynthia Garza, a city Neighborhood Outreach coordinator.
"We have seen more and more vacant homes."
Homes for rent
"For Rent" signs advertise vacant apartments throughout central Mesa. Some signs in the largely Latino neighborhood near Gilbert and Broadway read "Gratis Renta," free rent. Boarded up duplexes and apartment buildings suggest some owners have given up.
"Here, it's a family community. If somebody leaves, they (all) follow," said Janeth Lira, who manages the 97-unit Palm Gardens apartments on Broadway. Since fall, Lira has had as many as 20 units vacant. Today, there are eight.
"I did have a lot of people say it was getting difficult to find work," said Lira, who believes many of the residents are undocumented.
To help lure new tenants Lira has dropped rent to $499 a month on a unit that once went for $667.
"It used to be a mostly Hispanic community. Now I have all kinds of different families," she said.
The Reed Park area, already known for its high crime rate, now must contend with a growing number of abandoned residences, which often leads to more crime.
Patricia Tracey, a city prosecutor who works on Mesa's anti-blight ACTION Team, said the area could have a vacancy rate as high as 40 percent.
"The Reed Park area has a high number of rental units and many of them are vacant because of the economy and people leaving," she said.
Juan Carlos, 35, an undocumented immigrant who lives in the area, is considering moving. The Republic is not disclosing his last name.
His eyes welled with tears as he thought about all he'd been through the past six months.
"It has affected me at work because the hours have been reduced," he said, noting there are weeks when he gets less than eight hours of work painting.
Juan Carlos has a wife and three kids, with another on the way. Eleven years ago, he and his wife settled in Mesa and bought a home.
Family outings used to include hanging out near the Salt River. Now he must decide whether to move his family or leave them behind in Mesa to find work in another state.
"I have house payments. And at times I can't pay for the house," he said. "At work they give you the harder work and will tell you, 'You can like it or not.' "
"This is the worst year."
Businesses hurting
Dollars and customers have been scarce the past few months at businesses catering to Latinos along Broadway Road between Stapley and Gilbert.
Benny Juaréz manages Jalisco Mexican Food tucked in a strip mall that houses other Latino-flavored shops. He looks out at the dining room at a recent lunch-hour crowd and calls it dismal.
"Last year was busy, but now it's slow," he said.
"People are leaving" because there is no work, Juaréz said. Those who stayed can't afford to dine out.
Annabel Wright is feeling the same pinch. Less than a mile from the restaurant, she runs Eagle Immigration, where she prepares legal documents for immigrants. Wright said she has lost 70 percent of her business since last winter because of random sweeps by the Maricopa County Sheriff's Office.
"People are very scared," she said. "They think (Sheriff Joe) Arpaio is coming."
Wright said she will close her office before next year if business doesn't pick up.
"What I make now just pays the rent (at the business)," Wright said.
Several doors down, Luis Campos owns Campos Music, where he sells Norteño-style accordions, bass guitars, saxophones, mixers, DJ equipment and cumbias-style music. He is worried.
"It's been slower than ever," said Campos, who has seen a 60 percent drop in business compared to last year. Campos' primary customers include DJs and local bands that buy parts and equipment. Even before the sweeps - Arpaio came into Mesa twice in November - Campos saw a decline in business.
"If every undocumented resident was removed in Mesa, it would take about 50 percent of my business," he said.
Harry Kirakosian's Mi Amigos Food Mart has served the Reed Park neighborhood for 12 years. He owns a small shopping strip near Gilbert and Broadway roads that includes a laundry mat and a now-closed ice and water store.
"I already closed one store," Kirakosian said. "I am about to close the laundry mat. I owe a big mortgage on the shopping center. I'm giving it till December. I've never been impacted like this before."
Kirakosian said he couldn't afford to pay for his children to attend a private school this year and that he is behind on his mortgage payments.
"The city councilman comes by and asks us what he can do to improve the area," he said, "and we keep telling him he's got to protect us from the sheriff and immigration because those are the people we cater to right now. Nobody listens."
"If the sheriff gets (re-)elected, we're afraid more people are going to leave."
Churches and schools
On a typical Sunday, the 800-seat sanctuary at Queen of Peace Catholic Church north of downtown Mesa is packed. The church, with 3,600 members, has seven Masses on Sunday, three of those in Spanish.
But the days of parishioners spilling out onto walkways from the overcrowded church are dwindling, Father Charles Goraieb said.
In April, Goraieb said he began seeing a decline of about 30 percent in Sunday attendance, and expects that number to rise. He blames stricter immigration enforcement.
The parish's private school also has been hit, and expects to lose 10 to 15 students this year from its enrollment of 200.
"Sheriff Arpaio's sweeps are being moments of peak terror for the community . . . (but) that is not the biggest issue," Goraieb said. "It's the employer-sanctions law that's decimating the community. If people can't find work, they have to leave."
But at Mesa Church of Christ on Dana Avenue, Jesús Rodriguez, who oversees the Spanish ministry, says he is affected, but not nearly as much.
Since January, he has lost 10 to 20 members from his 140-member congregation, which includes families from Puerto Rico, Guatemala and Mexico. The families that left, Rodriguez said, returned to Guatemala and Mexico. He said immigration laws are forcing "many to go back to their country."
"For the economy, it's not a good thing," he said.
But Eduardo Celaya, 55, who is impeccably dressed on a Sunday morning at Queen of Peace, doesn't plan to move anytime soon. A permanent resident, he is in the process of becoming a U.S. citizen. He has lived in Arizona for 13 years, and he and his wife have watched their children graduate from high school and college.
Celaya is proud of his 19-year-old son, who has special needs and recently graduated from high school. He would not have had a similar opportunity in Mexico, he said.
"This is something that I thank this country for," Celaya said. "I still have hope and I am grateful to this country and to God to be here."
LATINO FAMILIES IN DANGER OF FALLING OUT OF MIDDLE CLASS
Many African-American and Latino Families in Danger of Falling Out of Middle Class, According To New Report
NEW YORK, July 28, 2008 /PRNewswire-USNewswire via COMTEX/ -- Landmark study based on new "Middle Class Security Index" developed by Demos and Brandeis University finds that 3 out of 4 African-American and 4 out of 5 Latino middle-class families are on shaky financial ground
Full report available for download at www.demos.org
As CNN explores many of the aspects of the African-American experience in its "Black in America" series, a new report shows that the vast majority of African-American and Latino families who have entered the middle class are either borderline or at high risk of falling out of the middle class altogether. The 2008 study by the policy center Demos and the Institute for Assets and Social Policy (IASP) at Brandeis University shows that one in four African-American and fewer than one in five Latino middle-class families in America are financially secure.
"Economic (In)Security: The Experience of the African American and Latino Middle Classes" is the first comprehensive report to measure the economic stability of households of color in the United States. Based on national government data, "Economic (In)Security" is the second in a series of reports and briefing papers that utilize the new Middle Class Security Index developed by the non-partisan policy center Demos and IASP/Brandeis. The first report, "By a Thread: The New Experience of America's Middle Class," was published in late November 2007 and presents findings on the middle class as a whole.
This Index measures the financial security of the middle class by rating household stability across five core economic factors: assets, educational achievement, housing costs, budget and healthcare. Based on how a family ranked in each of these factors, they were defined as financially "secure," "borderline" or "at risk."
"Financial health eludes the majority of African-American and Latino middle class," said Thomas M. Shapiro, Director of the Institute on Assets and Social Policy at Brandies and one of the co-authors of the report. "Tremendous middle-class gains earned in schools, achieved on the job, and seen in paychecks are eroded by lack of assets, which seriously undermines the financial security of African-American and Latino middle class families."
The Middle Class Security Index shows worrying trends in African-American and Latino households:
* African-American and Latino families have more difficulty moving into the middle class, and families that do enter the middle class are less secure and at higher risk than the middle class as a whole.
* Only 26 percent of African-American middle-class families have the combination of assets, education, sufficient income, and health insurance to ensure middle-class financial security. One in three (33 percent) are at high risk of falling out of the middle class.
* Fewer than one in five Latino families (18 percent) are securely in the middle class. More than twice as many Latino (41 percent) families are in danger of slipping out of the middle class.
* African-American middle-class families are less secure and at greater risk than the middle class as a whole on four of the five indicators of security and vulnerability. Latino middle-class families are less secure and at greater risk on all five indicators.
The report also shows that assets and housing costs are among the key destabilizing factors Latino and African-American families face:
* Only 2 percent of African-American and 8 percent of middle-class Latino families have enough net financial assets to meet three-quarters of their essential living expenses for nine months if their source of income disappeared.
* About 95 percent of African-American and 87 percent of Latino middle-class families do not have enough net assets to meet three-quarters of their essential living expenses for even three months if their source of income were to disappear.
* Only 26 percent of African-American and 37 percent of Latino middle-class families spend less than 20 percent of their after-tax income on housing -- both are below the national average of 40 percent.
The "Economic (In)Security" report recommends a set of policies that will help open access to, and strengthen, America's middle class. These policies cover a range of important issues affecting American households, including asset building and debt reduction, making higher education more accessible and affordable, and addressing the healthcare crisis.
"African-American and Latino families, even those who have made it into the middle class, still face very serious barriers to financial security," said Jennifer Wheary, Senior Fellow at Demos and report co-author. "Strengthening the middle class was a theme early in the election cycle. While both candidates seem to have forgotten about the topic, building a strong and inclusive middle class is more important than ever. Given the forecasts for population growth, candidates who say they are trying to build a better future for America cannot continue to ignore the great disparities, especially in key areas such as assets and housing costs that make the African-American and Latino middle classes financially weaker and less stable than their white counterparts."
The Middle Class Security Index will be updated biennially, with accompanying reports, as new national data become available. PDF versions of "Economic (In)Security" and the initial By a Thread reports are available for download at www.demos.org or iasp.brandeis.edu. To order a hard copy or to arrange an interview with one of the authors, please see contact information.
NEW YORK, July 28, 2008 /PRNewswire-USNewswire via COMTEX/ -- Landmark study based on new "Middle Class Security Index" developed by Demos and Brandeis University finds that 3 out of 4 African-American and 4 out of 5 Latino middle-class families are on shaky financial ground
Full report available for download at www.demos.org
As CNN explores many of the aspects of the African-American experience in its "Black in America" series, a new report shows that the vast majority of African-American and Latino families who have entered the middle class are either borderline or at high risk of falling out of the middle class altogether. The 2008 study by the policy center Demos and the Institute for Assets and Social Policy (IASP) at Brandeis University shows that one in four African-American and fewer than one in five Latino middle-class families in America are financially secure.
"Economic (In)Security: The Experience of the African American and Latino Middle Classes" is the first comprehensive report to measure the economic stability of households of color in the United States. Based on national government data, "Economic (In)Security" is the second in a series of reports and briefing papers that utilize the new Middle Class Security Index developed by the non-partisan policy center Demos and IASP/Brandeis. The first report, "By a Thread: The New Experience of America's Middle Class," was published in late November 2007 and presents findings on the middle class as a whole.
This Index measures the financial security of the middle class by rating household stability across five core economic factors: assets, educational achievement, housing costs, budget and healthcare. Based on how a family ranked in each of these factors, they were defined as financially "secure," "borderline" or "at risk."
"Financial health eludes the majority of African-American and Latino middle class," said Thomas M. Shapiro, Director of the Institute on Assets and Social Policy at Brandies and one of the co-authors of the report. "Tremendous middle-class gains earned in schools, achieved on the job, and seen in paychecks are eroded by lack of assets, which seriously undermines the financial security of African-American and Latino middle class families."
The Middle Class Security Index shows worrying trends in African-American and Latino households:
* African-American and Latino families have more difficulty moving into the middle class, and families that do enter the middle class are less secure and at higher risk than the middle class as a whole.
* Only 26 percent of African-American middle-class families have the combination of assets, education, sufficient income, and health insurance to ensure middle-class financial security. One in three (33 percent) are at high risk of falling out of the middle class.
* Fewer than one in five Latino families (18 percent) are securely in the middle class. More than twice as many Latino (41 percent) families are in danger of slipping out of the middle class.
* African-American middle-class families are less secure and at greater risk than the middle class as a whole on four of the five indicators of security and vulnerability. Latino middle-class families are less secure and at greater risk on all five indicators.
The report also shows that assets and housing costs are among the key destabilizing factors Latino and African-American families face:
* Only 2 percent of African-American and 8 percent of middle-class Latino families have enough net financial assets to meet three-quarters of their essential living expenses for nine months if their source of income disappeared.
* About 95 percent of African-American and 87 percent of Latino middle-class families do not have enough net assets to meet three-quarters of their essential living expenses for even three months if their source of income were to disappear.
* Only 26 percent of African-American and 37 percent of Latino middle-class families spend less than 20 percent of their after-tax income on housing -- both are below the national average of 40 percent.
The "Economic (In)Security" report recommends a set of policies that will help open access to, and strengthen, America's middle class. These policies cover a range of important issues affecting American households, including asset building and debt reduction, making higher education more accessible and affordable, and addressing the healthcare crisis.
"African-American and Latino families, even those who have made it into the middle class, still face very serious barriers to financial security," said Jennifer Wheary, Senior Fellow at Demos and report co-author. "Strengthening the middle class was a theme early in the election cycle. While both candidates seem to have forgotten about the topic, building a strong and inclusive middle class is more important than ever. Given the forecasts for population growth, candidates who say they are trying to build a better future for America cannot continue to ignore the great disparities, especially in key areas such as assets and housing costs that make the African-American and Latino middle classes financially weaker and less stable than their white counterparts."
The Middle Class Security Index will be updated biennially, with accompanying reports, as new national data become available. PDF versions of "Economic (In)Security" and the initial By a Thread reports are available for download at www.demos.org or iasp.brandeis.edu. To order a hard copy or to arrange an interview with one of the authors, please see contact information.
ARE LATINOS REALLY SUPPORTING OBAMA?
What if polls about Latino support for Obama are wrong?
by Adrian Perez, Latino Journal
Sacramento, California - Every week we get a new poll that says Latinos support Senator Barrack Obama over Senator John McCain. Yet, when I talk to my politically active Latino family and friends, they haven’t made up their minds or they are voting for McCain.
So, why are all these early election polls so important? And, how do we know they are asking the right question?
Polls are done early in a campaign to try to sway voters toward a particular issue or candidate. It’s a good strategy, but I’m not so sure it necessarily works for Latinos. The last time I got polled was this past primary where I was asked who would I vote for? They gave me a list of names, none of which I would vote for, but feeling that I count in this world, I gave them the name of who I would most likely vote from their list. Then when it came to the primary election day I voted for somebody else not part of that list. Which leads me to believe there are other Latinos out there who, like me, provide an answer to pollsters and yet do something totally different come election time.
But, had pollsters asked me a direct question, instead of a hypothetical, I’d be more inclined to tell them the truth.
To test my theory I asked ten family members to tell me exactly who they will be voting for President of the United States come this November election. My results were 70 percent for McCain and 30 percent for Clinton. Of those I polled, three are registered “decline to state,” five are registered Democrats, and two are registered Republican. But, why would anyone pick Senator Hillary Clinton?
So, I asked a follow up question: Why Clinton, knowing she is no longer actively running for President? The responses included: 1) She’s a real leader and a woman; 2) They would trust her over Obama to address the nation’s economic problems; and 3) Clinton has only suspended her election campaign. Could this be what Latinos across the nation are actually thinking?
Well, although my survey wasn’t scientific, it is still a poll that says Obama does not have Latinos in hand. And, if I were Obama’s political strategist I would be concerned, because if my poll is accurate, McCain will be our next President.
by Adrian Perez, Latino Journal
Sacramento, California - Every week we get a new poll that says Latinos support Senator Barrack Obama over Senator John McCain. Yet, when I talk to my politically active Latino family and friends, they haven’t made up their minds or they are voting for McCain.
So, why are all these early election polls so important? And, how do we know they are asking the right question?
Polls are done early in a campaign to try to sway voters toward a particular issue or candidate. It’s a good strategy, but I’m not so sure it necessarily works for Latinos. The last time I got polled was this past primary where I was asked who would I vote for? They gave me a list of names, none of which I would vote for, but feeling that I count in this world, I gave them the name of who I would most likely vote from their list. Then when it came to the primary election day I voted for somebody else not part of that list. Which leads me to believe there are other Latinos out there who, like me, provide an answer to pollsters and yet do something totally different come election time.
But, had pollsters asked me a direct question, instead of a hypothetical, I’d be more inclined to tell them the truth.
To test my theory I asked ten family members to tell me exactly who they will be voting for President of the United States come this November election. My results were 70 percent for McCain and 30 percent for Clinton. Of those I polled, three are registered “decline to state,” five are registered Democrats, and two are registered Republican. But, why would anyone pick Senator Hillary Clinton?
So, I asked a follow up question: Why Clinton, knowing she is no longer actively running for President? The responses included: 1) She’s a real leader and a woman; 2) They would trust her over Obama to address the nation’s economic problems; and 3) Clinton has only suspended her election campaign. Could this be what Latinos across the nation are actually thinking?
Well, although my survey wasn’t scientific, it is still a poll that says Obama does not have Latinos in hand. And, if I were Obama’s political strategist I would be concerned, because if my poll is accurate, McCain will be our next President.
Tuesday, July 29, 2008
ARE LATINOS GETTING WARY OF BEING "LATINIZED" BY PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS?
The importance of the Latino vote
Presidential candidates should cater to all racial groups in order to secure win
By: Eva Rodriguez
Presidential campaigns appear wary of being "Latinized," falling prey to the myths surrounding the powerful Latino vote.
This year marks the 56th U.S. presidential election. Analysts, pundits and ordinary Americans continuously overanalyze the presidential campaigns, providing advice on strategies necessary to win.
Every four years the Latino community, along with Latin America, become of great importance to the political elites of North America. Many are questioning the legitimacy of the argument that the Latino vote is necessary to the presidential win.
Four years ago the same debate took place. Do Latinos statistically affect elections? Why are Latinos unable to assimilate while forcing campaigns to be "Latinized"?
Latinos do, in fact, affect elections statistically in a game that relies on numbers for to win. It would be false to say that a majority of voters are Latino, yet it would be a greater fallacy to state that they do not matter in terms of policy or outcome.
The U.S. Census Bureau places the Latino population at slightly more than 13.5 percent of the total population. The average age is 25.8, and the average household income is $33,447 per year. From 1996 to 2000 there were a million Latino voters, followed by just short of two million Latino voters in 2004.
These figures offer a raw picture of the makeup of this community and its needs, yet Latinos are composed of various dynamic backgrounds and should not be targeted as all having the same needs.
Latino voters are American citizens who are as troubled as their fellow Americans by the economy, lack of education funding and national safety.
Immigration is of great concern for many documented Latinos who have family members with undocumented immigration statuses. However, neither Sen. John McCain nor Sen. Barack Obama clearly confronts this issue. Although a dangerous liaison for politicians, immigration remains an important issue, meaning that failing to deal with it can be counterproductive.
Some critics argue that the Latino vote is already won by Democrats by default and that there is no further need to campaign for it. But the Latino vote is not necessarily secured by the Democrats and it would serve them well to remember 2004.
In 2004 Edison/Mitofsky for the National Election Pool estimated that President Bush received 44 percent of the Latino vote. In fact, he won Florida via the overwhelming Cuban-American support, securing his presidential win.
Obama, when interviewed by Univision's anchorman Jorge Ramos, admitted to never having traveled to Latin America, but boasted about his vast work with the Latino community in Chicago.
On the other hand, Obama has a history of votes in the Senate that have moved forward legislation to erect a wall of separation on the U.S.-Mexico border. This is not to say that McCain is any better or worse, but it is indicative of the reasons why the Latino community has become disenchanted with current American politics.
Periodic commercials, token Latinos, random Spanish words, vague immigration comments, and a disrespectful push for assimilation are all trends found in both campaigns. Neither candidate has properly dealt with the Latino community.
Nov. 4, 2008 will be decisive for the future of American politics, but for many in the Latino community, it will merely mark another four years of ambiguous politics in regards to immigration as well as Latin American policy.
The concerns of the Latino community surpass domestic policy to encompass international policy as well, primarily in dealing with Latin America. Latin American policy is as important to Latino voters as other issues are, for many have roots in those nations, not to mention the clear advantage of having happy neighbors.
Latin America has steadily moved towards socialist inclined governments due to the prowess of state leaders such as Lula da Silva and Michelle Bachelet. Countries with on-going "good" relations with the U.S., such as Colombia, are at times ridiculed for being puppet governments to the U.S. by the more outspoken presidents of Venezuela or Bolivia.
These changes in Latin American governments are the result of years of abandonment by American policy. The next president will have to tread carefully to solidify good relations once again.
It is important for both candidates to understand and acknowledge the damage done by the bad policy of the past in order to rectify it. It is understandable that other issues are more pressing; however, ignoring the issues that are important to the Latino community can only hurt either candidate's probability of winning the election.
The campaigns are not being asked to become "Latinized". They are simply encouraged to have a greater respect for this community than to presume victory after a 10 - minute interview on Spanish television telling viewers "Buenos Dias," or by chanting "Si se puede!"
Presidential candidates should cater to all racial groups in order to secure win
By: Eva Rodriguez
Presidential campaigns appear wary of being "Latinized," falling prey to the myths surrounding the powerful Latino vote.
This year marks the 56th U.S. presidential election. Analysts, pundits and ordinary Americans continuously overanalyze the presidential campaigns, providing advice on strategies necessary to win.
Every four years the Latino community, along with Latin America, become of great importance to the political elites of North America. Many are questioning the legitimacy of the argument that the Latino vote is necessary to the presidential win.
Four years ago the same debate took place. Do Latinos statistically affect elections? Why are Latinos unable to assimilate while forcing campaigns to be "Latinized"?
Latinos do, in fact, affect elections statistically in a game that relies on numbers for to win. It would be false to say that a majority of voters are Latino, yet it would be a greater fallacy to state that they do not matter in terms of policy or outcome.
The U.S. Census Bureau places the Latino population at slightly more than 13.5 percent of the total population. The average age is 25.8, and the average household income is $33,447 per year. From 1996 to 2000 there were a million Latino voters, followed by just short of two million Latino voters in 2004.
These figures offer a raw picture of the makeup of this community and its needs, yet Latinos are composed of various dynamic backgrounds and should not be targeted as all having the same needs.
Latino voters are American citizens who are as troubled as their fellow Americans by the economy, lack of education funding and national safety.
Immigration is of great concern for many documented Latinos who have family members with undocumented immigration statuses. However, neither Sen. John McCain nor Sen. Barack Obama clearly confronts this issue. Although a dangerous liaison for politicians, immigration remains an important issue, meaning that failing to deal with it can be counterproductive.
Some critics argue that the Latino vote is already won by Democrats by default and that there is no further need to campaign for it. But the Latino vote is not necessarily secured by the Democrats and it would serve them well to remember 2004.
In 2004 Edison/Mitofsky for the National Election Pool estimated that President Bush received 44 percent of the Latino vote. In fact, he won Florida via the overwhelming Cuban-American support, securing his presidential win.
Obama, when interviewed by Univision's anchorman Jorge Ramos, admitted to never having traveled to Latin America, but boasted about his vast work with the Latino community in Chicago.
On the other hand, Obama has a history of votes in the Senate that have moved forward legislation to erect a wall of separation on the U.S.-Mexico border. This is not to say that McCain is any better or worse, but it is indicative of the reasons why the Latino community has become disenchanted with current American politics.
Periodic commercials, token Latinos, random Spanish words, vague immigration comments, and a disrespectful push for assimilation are all trends found in both campaigns. Neither candidate has properly dealt with the Latino community.
Nov. 4, 2008 will be decisive for the future of American politics, but for many in the Latino community, it will merely mark another four years of ambiguous politics in regards to immigration as well as Latin American policy.
The concerns of the Latino community surpass domestic policy to encompass international policy as well, primarily in dealing with Latin America. Latin American policy is as important to Latino voters as other issues are, for many have roots in those nations, not to mention the clear advantage of having happy neighbors.
Latin America has steadily moved towards socialist inclined governments due to the prowess of state leaders such as Lula da Silva and Michelle Bachelet. Countries with on-going "good" relations with the U.S., such as Colombia, are at times ridiculed for being puppet governments to the U.S. by the more outspoken presidents of Venezuela or Bolivia.
These changes in Latin American governments are the result of years of abandonment by American policy. The next president will have to tread carefully to solidify good relations once again.
It is important for both candidates to understand and acknowledge the damage done by the bad policy of the past in order to rectify it. It is understandable that other issues are more pressing; however, ignoring the issues that are important to the Latino community can only hurt either candidate's probability of winning the election.
The campaigns are not being asked to become "Latinized". They are simply encouraged to have a greater respect for this community than to presume victory after a 10 - minute interview on Spanish television telling viewers "Buenos Dias," or by chanting "Si se puede!"
HISPANIC MBAs TO HOST EVENT
National Society of Hispanic MBAs Announces First Annual Executive Perspective Event
Cincinnati NSHMBA Welcomes Distinguished Panel of Cincinnati Area Executives to Discuss “Developing a High Performance Mindset”
(EMAILWIRE.COM, July 29, 2008 )
The Cincinnati chapter of the National Society of Hispanic MBAs has today announced the official lineup of panel speakers for its inaugural Executive Perspective event, sponsored by Accenture. Five of the six featured speakers are Cincinnati area executives. This year’s topic is: “Developing a High Performance Mindset,” at the program which will be held August 7 at the Westin hotel.
Presenters include:
• Steve Aguilar, VP of operations for the Mid-America Zone of State Farm
• Miguel Alemañy, Director of worldwide research and development, Procter & Gamble
• Mark G. Contreras, Senior VP of newspapers, E. W. Scripps Company
• Tillie Hidalgo Lima, CEO Best Upon Request
• Nelson Rosario, GM, international programs, General Electric Aviation
• Jay Zerbe, utility industry managing partner, Accenture
Each of the speakers is invited to deliver a brief presentation related to the event’s topic, followed by a question-answer session and networking opportunity.
“This event provides not only NSHMBA members but, since the event is open to the public, the larger community with an opportunity for personal development by listening to Hispanic executives talk about the things that have brought them success,” Cincinnati NSHMBA president Gema Bahns said. “Even more importantly, it provides Greater Cincinnati with a positive picture of Hispanics in general. We are elated to be working with Accenture in order to present Executive Perspective and look forward to working with them for years to come.”
The NSHMBA Executive Perspective panel discussion will be held Thursday, August 7 in the Taft Room of the Cincinnati Westin, 21 East Fifth St. downtown. The event will be from 6-9pm and will include refreshments. Business dress is preferred. The cost for the event is free to the public, and reservations can be made online at http://cincinnati.nshmba.org/home.asp. Questions can be directed to Glenna Anderson, VP Corporate Relations at recruiting@cincinnati.nshmba.org.
About The National Society for Hispanic MBAs
The National Society of Hispanic MBAs (NSHMBA) was created in 1988 as a 501(C)(3) non-profit organization. Widely known as the "Premier Hispanic Organization," NSHMBA serves 32 chapters and 7,000 members in the U.S. and Puerto Rico. It exists to foster Hispanic leadership through graduate management education and professional development. NSHMBA works to prepare Hispanics for leadership positions throughout the U.S. so that they can provide the cultural awareness and sensitivity vital in the management of the nation's diverse workforce. More information can be accessed at: www.nshmba.org.
Cincinnati NSHMBA Welcomes Distinguished Panel of Cincinnati Area Executives to Discuss “Developing a High Performance Mindset”
(EMAILWIRE.COM, July 29, 2008 )
The Cincinnati chapter of the National Society of Hispanic MBAs has today announced the official lineup of panel speakers for its inaugural Executive Perspective event, sponsored by Accenture. Five of the six featured speakers are Cincinnati area executives. This year’s topic is: “Developing a High Performance Mindset,” at the program which will be held August 7 at the Westin hotel.
Presenters include:
• Steve Aguilar, VP of operations for the Mid-America Zone of State Farm
• Miguel Alemañy, Director of worldwide research and development, Procter & Gamble
• Mark G. Contreras, Senior VP of newspapers, E. W. Scripps Company
• Tillie Hidalgo Lima, CEO Best Upon Request
• Nelson Rosario, GM, international programs, General Electric Aviation
• Jay Zerbe, utility industry managing partner, Accenture
Each of the speakers is invited to deliver a brief presentation related to the event’s topic, followed by a question-answer session and networking opportunity.
“This event provides not only NSHMBA members but, since the event is open to the public, the larger community with an opportunity for personal development by listening to Hispanic executives talk about the things that have brought them success,” Cincinnati NSHMBA president Gema Bahns said. “Even more importantly, it provides Greater Cincinnati with a positive picture of Hispanics in general. We are elated to be working with Accenture in order to present Executive Perspective and look forward to working with them for years to come.”
The NSHMBA Executive Perspective panel discussion will be held Thursday, August 7 in the Taft Room of the Cincinnati Westin, 21 East Fifth St. downtown. The event will be from 6-9pm and will include refreshments. Business dress is preferred. The cost for the event is free to the public, and reservations can be made online at http://cincinnati.nshmba.org/home.asp. Questions can be directed to Glenna Anderson, VP Corporate Relations at recruiting@cincinnati.nshmba.org.
About The National Society for Hispanic MBAs
The National Society of Hispanic MBAs (NSHMBA) was created in 1988 as a 501(C)(3) non-profit organization. Widely known as the "Premier Hispanic Organization," NSHMBA serves 32 chapters and 7,000 members in the U.S. and Puerto Rico. It exists to foster Hispanic leadership through graduate management education and professional development. NSHMBA works to prepare Hispanics for leadership positions throughout the U.S. so that they can provide the cultural awareness and sensitivity vital in the management of the nation's diverse workforce. More information can be accessed at: www.nshmba.org.
STUDY TO MEASURE LATINO ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTIONS
Study to measure Latino economic contributions
Posted by Tom Zanki
Penn State Lehigh Valley and the Latino Economic Council of the Lehigh Valley have launched a study to document the Hispanic contribution to the local economy.
Latino business owners and professionals are encouraged to participate, according to a news release. Call 610-285-6082 to set up an interview or complete an online survey. A link is also available through Penn State Lehigh Valley.
This survey follows a study performed by Lehigh Valley Economic Development Corp. in 2005. The new study will assess how Latinos, about 10 percent of the Lehigh Valley population, can achieve greater economic mobility.
The study is funded by private and public sources, including LVEDC, the Greater Lehigh Valley Chamber of Commerce Foundation and area companies and work force development groups.
Posted by Tom Zanki
Penn State Lehigh Valley and the Latino Economic Council of the Lehigh Valley have launched a study to document the Hispanic contribution to the local economy.
Latino business owners and professionals are encouraged to participate, according to a news release. Call 610-285-6082 to set up an interview or complete an online survey. A link is also available through Penn State Lehigh Valley.
This survey follows a study performed by Lehigh Valley Economic Development Corp. in 2005. The new study will assess how Latinos, about 10 percent of the Lehigh Valley population, can achieve greater economic mobility.
The study is funded by private and public sources, including LVEDC, the Greater Lehigh Valley Chamber of Commerce Foundation and area companies and work force development groups.
COURT DECIDES COUNTY MUST MAKE ELECTIONS OPEN TO HISPANICS
Justice Dept. settles with Salem over Latino vote
NEWSDAY.COM
PENNS GROVE, N.J. - Federal election overseers say they have reached a deal with Salem County and Penns Grove aimed at protecting the rights of Puerto Rican and Spanish-speaking voters.
The settlement announced Monday settles concerns by civil rights officials.
It requires Salem County and Penns Grove to make sure that elections are open to Hispanics, that Spanish-language assistance and materials are available at the polls, and that Spanish-speaking voters can make their own choice of someone to help them.
The settlement was filed in federal court along with a Justice Department complaint that charged discrimination in the enforcement of voter identification laws.
NEWSDAY.COM
PENNS GROVE, N.J. - Federal election overseers say they have reached a deal with Salem County and Penns Grove aimed at protecting the rights of Puerto Rican and Spanish-speaking voters.
The settlement announced Monday settles concerns by civil rights officials.
It requires Salem County and Penns Grove to make sure that elections are open to Hispanics, that Spanish-language assistance and materials are available at the polls, and that Spanish-speaking voters can make their own choice of someone to help them.
The settlement was filed in federal court along with a Justice Department complaint that charged discrimination in the enforcement of voter identification laws.
LATINO FESTIVAL RESULTS IN TWO GROUPS COMBINING THEIR POWER
Festival ends with a bang
By TOM ROWAN, Bucks County Courier Times, STAFF WRITER
Two hours after the Puerto Rican Day Festival began in Bristol yesterday, it was stopped when thunder, lightning, and rain crashed the party.
“People hid underneath the wharf for a little while, but they had to leave because of the lightning and the [Delaware] river. But they slowly started to come back,” said Glorivee Gonzalezz, vice president of the Communidad Hispana Unida de Bristol, the nonprofit Latino organization that runs the event.
Prior to the storm, the festival, which originated in Grundy Park on Jefferson Avenue in Bristol and later moved to Lions Park on Mill Street more than 15 years ago according to Gonzalezz, was mobbed with festival-goers enjoying the various food vendors, novelty stands, live music and activities, like the moon bounce for children.
“There was a pretty good crowd this year,” said Ashley Newell, from Northeast Philadelphia, who comes every year because her son's father lives in Bristol. “They have good food, rides, music, everything. It's fun every year — except when it rains!”
The festival, which has been celebrated annually in Bristol for more than 30 years according to Gonzalezz, is CHUB's biggest event. Throughout the year, the group also sponsors dances and holiday specials with aspirations of offering a scholarship.
Click Here!
“It's a wonderful festival to have and celebrate our culture but it is a lot of work,” said Carmen Rivera, CHUB's president, treasurer and secretary, a duty she shares with Gonzalezz. “It's only the two of us running the entire event,” she said.
CHUB is planning on merging with the Latino Leadership Alliance, also a nonprofit that has offices in both Bristol and Warminster, beginning the process at the next meeting between the two organizations.
“We have very little help,” said Gonzalez, who has also been an LLA board member for over a year. “With a merger we hope to include other Latinos. If we [include all Latinos] I believe we'll have more people who want to help and participate in the festival. Mexicans won't want to join the group if they know it's not for them, Guatemalans won't want to help if they're not included. We need a bigger group that can work together.
“A couple of people are against an [all-Latino festival], but we want to work with everybody; I know Puerto Ricans worked so hard to get their own event, but I see it as the past is past and the future is now,” she said.
Tom Rowan can be reached at news@phillyBurbs.com.
By TOM ROWAN, Bucks County Courier Times, STAFF WRITER
Two hours after the Puerto Rican Day Festival began in Bristol yesterday, it was stopped when thunder, lightning, and rain crashed the party.
“People hid underneath the wharf for a little while, but they had to leave because of the lightning and the [Delaware] river. But they slowly started to come back,” said Glorivee Gonzalezz, vice president of the Communidad Hispana Unida de Bristol, the nonprofit Latino organization that runs the event.
Prior to the storm, the festival, which originated in Grundy Park on Jefferson Avenue in Bristol and later moved to Lions Park on Mill Street more than 15 years ago according to Gonzalezz, was mobbed with festival-goers enjoying the various food vendors, novelty stands, live music and activities, like the moon bounce for children.
“There was a pretty good crowd this year,” said Ashley Newell, from Northeast Philadelphia, who comes every year because her son's father lives in Bristol. “They have good food, rides, music, everything. It's fun every year — except when it rains!”
The festival, which has been celebrated annually in Bristol for more than 30 years according to Gonzalezz, is CHUB's biggest event. Throughout the year, the group also sponsors dances and holiday specials with aspirations of offering a scholarship.
Click Here!
“It's a wonderful festival to have and celebrate our culture but it is a lot of work,” said Carmen Rivera, CHUB's president, treasurer and secretary, a duty she shares with Gonzalezz. “It's only the two of us running the entire event,” she said.
CHUB is planning on merging with the Latino Leadership Alliance, also a nonprofit that has offices in both Bristol and Warminster, beginning the process at the next meeting between the two organizations.
“We have very little help,” said Gonzalez, who has also been an LLA board member for over a year. “With a merger we hope to include other Latinos. If we [include all Latinos] I believe we'll have more people who want to help and participate in the festival. Mexicans won't want to join the group if they know it's not for them, Guatemalans won't want to help if they're not included. We need a bigger group that can work together.
“A couple of people are against an [all-Latino festival], but we want to work with everybody; I know Puerto Ricans worked so hard to get their own event, but I see it as the past is past and the future is now,” she said.
Tom Rowan can be reached at news@phillyBurbs.com.
CHURROS, A MAJOR LATINO TREAT
Simple Latino treat hits big time
Associated Press
Magnolia Bakery, beware: An unlikely new kid on the block is poised to knock designer cupcakes right off their overpriced pedestals.
In today's wacky dessert world, where paying $3 for a dolled-up cupcake is de rigueur and chefs delight in pairing savory with sweet (foie gras and chocolate, anyone?), the next hot thing actually is a humble snack with a storied tradition: churros.
Spurred by an explosion of interest in all things Latino, the fried batons of dough - traditionally sprinkled with cinnamon and sugar - are popping up on menus across the country. When the president's daughter serves churros at her wedding, it's probably safe to say they've hit the mainstream.
And Jenna Bush is not alone. Entrepreneurs and big-name chefs have hopped on the bandwagon, too, pushing this modest, deep-fried snack into the spotlight.
These days you can find churros on menus from coast to coast, from West LA's well-loved Literati 2 (helmed by Chris Kidder, formerly of Campanile) to New York's trendy Dos Caminos.
Churros are believed to have their origins in Spain, though they're also extremely popular in Mexico and other parts of Latin America, where they're found at street carts, large markets and cafes.
The key to their appeal is their distinctive ridges, achieved with the help of a churrera, an extruder with a star-shaped attachment. When the thick batter is pressed and dropped into boiling-hot oil, each ridge fries up wonderfully crisp, giving the churro its trademark texture - crunchy on the outside, soft and almost creamy inside.
A number of businesses have sprung up to accommodate the booming interest.
"Five years ago, there were lots and lots of people who'd never heard of a churro, and many of the people who did know what one was had had one at Disneyland or at a ballpark," says Melanie Farkas, owner of the 5-year-old Churro Station franchise based in San Rafael, Calif.
If you're one of those who sampled a churro from an amusement park or baseball game years ago, it's likely it was a frozen product produced by J&J Snack Foods of . . . New Jersey?
For years, the Tio Pepe-brand churro, shipped frozen and reheated under lamps, was the only option for Americans who wanted to sample the snack. Farkas has built her business around the notion that fresh-fried churros are superior, but she conceded, "I'll tip my hat to them - they familiarized the American people with churros and gave people that first wonderful experience."
Farkas decided to bring fresh churros north of the border after a trip to Mexico in 2002. Susana Trilling, director of Seasons of My Heart Cooking School in Oaxaca, Mexico, understands the appeal. She often takes her students to experience churros at the city's Mercado de Abastos, where they're eaten as a breakfast or snack food.
"They're sold in the mornings by women who carry large flat baskets on their heads," Trilling says. "These churros are made at home and brought into the market to sell, still hot and covered with granulated sugar."
Because the pastries often are consumed with Mexican hot chocolate, the vendors follow the carts that sell bowls of hot Oaxacan chocolate with water or milk - a pretty delicious field trip.
Chicago restaurateur and Mexican-food authority Rick Bayless favors Mexico City's Churrería El Moro, a local institution that serves piping-hot churros 24 hours a day to a packed house.
"The menu is churros and four kinds of hot chocolate, and that's it," he says. "I am so wild about churros."
He's using El Moro as a template for a new (as yet unnamed) venture in Chicago set to open in 2009 that will serve churros and chocolate.
"I think it's all part of the big Latino boom in the U.S.," Bayless says of the churro's new visibility. "We've worked a lot of Latino ingredients into our cooking, and we've hit the second wave. Now people are thinking past hard-shell tacos and looking for more authentic flavors."
Churro Station will have at least five franchises open by the end of 2008, and Farkas attributes the surge in interest to the changing demographics.
"Hispanics are by far the largest minority in the U.S., and we are just starting to see the tremendous impact on our culture," she says.
Associated Press
Magnolia Bakery, beware: An unlikely new kid on the block is poised to knock designer cupcakes right off their overpriced pedestals.
In today's wacky dessert world, where paying $3 for a dolled-up cupcake is de rigueur and chefs delight in pairing savory with sweet (foie gras and chocolate, anyone?), the next hot thing actually is a humble snack with a storied tradition: churros.
Spurred by an explosion of interest in all things Latino, the fried batons of dough - traditionally sprinkled with cinnamon and sugar - are popping up on menus across the country. When the president's daughter serves churros at her wedding, it's probably safe to say they've hit the mainstream.
And Jenna Bush is not alone. Entrepreneurs and big-name chefs have hopped on the bandwagon, too, pushing this modest, deep-fried snack into the spotlight.
These days you can find churros on menus from coast to coast, from West LA's well-loved Literati 2 (helmed by Chris Kidder, formerly of Campanile) to New York's trendy Dos Caminos.
Churros are believed to have their origins in Spain, though they're also extremely popular in Mexico and other parts of Latin America, where they're found at street carts, large markets and cafes.
The key to their appeal is their distinctive ridges, achieved with the help of a churrera, an extruder with a star-shaped attachment. When the thick batter is pressed and dropped into boiling-hot oil, each ridge fries up wonderfully crisp, giving the churro its trademark texture - crunchy on the outside, soft and almost creamy inside.
A number of businesses have sprung up to accommodate the booming interest.
"Five years ago, there were lots and lots of people who'd never heard of a churro, and many of the people who did know what one was had had one at Disneyland or at a ballpark," says Melanie Farkas, owner of the 5-year-old Churro Station franchise based in San Rafael, Calif.
If you're one of those who sampled a churro from an amusement park or baseball game years ago, it's likely it was a frozen product produced by J&J Snack Foods of . . . New Jersey?
For years, the Tio Pepe-brand churro, shipped frozen and reheated under lamps, was the only option for Americans who wanted to sample the snack. Farkas has built her business around the notion that fresh-fried churros are superior, but she conceded, "I'll tip my hat to them - they familiarized the American people with churros and gave people that first wonderful experience."
Farkas decided to bring fresh churros north of the border after a trip to Mexico in 2002. Susana Trilling, director of Seasons of My Heart Cooking School in Oaxaca, Mexico, understands the appeal. She often takes her students to experience churros at the city's Mercado de Abastos, where they're eaten as a breakfast or snack food.
"They're sold in the mornings by women who carry large flat baskets on their heads," Trilling says. "These churros are made at home and brought into the market to sell, still hot and covered with granulated sugar."
Because the pastries often are consumed with Mexican hot chocolate, the vendors follow the carts that sell bowls of hot Oaxacan chocolate with water or milk - a pretty delicious field trip.
Chicago restaurateur and Mexican-food authority Rick Bayless favors Mexico City's Churrería El Moro, a local institution that serves piping-hot churros 24 hours a day to a packed house.
"The menu is churros and four kinds of hot chocolate, and that's it," he says. "I am so wild about churros."
He's using El Moro as a template for a new (as yet unnamed) venture in Chicago set to open in 2009 that will serve churros and chocolate.
"I think it's all part of the big Latino boom in the U.S.," Bayless says of the churro's new visibility. "We've worked a lot of Latino ingredients into our cooking, and we've hit the second wave. Now people are thinking past hard-shell tacos and looking for more authentic flavors."
Churro Station will have at least five franchises open by the end of 2008, and Farkas attributes the surge in interest to the changing demographics.
"Hispanics are by far the largest minority in the U.S., and we are just starting to see the tremendous impact on our culture," she says.
Monday, July 28, 2008
IMMIGRANT MARCH PROTESTS AGRIPROCESSORS' RAID
Hundreds protest immigration raid in small-town America
AFP NEWS
POSTVILLE, Iowa (AFP) — Led by 43 women with electronic tracking bracelets on their ankles, hundreds of people from around the country marched down main street here Sunday to protest the biggest immigration raid in US history at a kosher meat plant that has split this tiny Iowa town asunder.
Released from jail so they can take care of their families, the 43 women out front were among 390 mainly Guatemalan and Mexican workers arrested by federal agents May 12 at the Agriprocessors meat factory and charged with identity theft.
It was the biggest raid on a workplace in US history, as part of the government's crackdown on illegal immigration, a hot-button issue nationally three months ahead of the US presidential election.
The demonstrators marched through Postville's tree-lined streets past Jewish stores and Mexican restaurants, drowning out the shouts of about 100 anti-immigration protesters with chants of "No more raids!"
The arrests have torn families apart, devastated local businesses, especially those serving Hispanics, and left what was before the raid the country's largest kosher meat processing plant operating at only 50 percent capacity.
Maria Laura Gomez, a former plant worker, has looked after her nephew for months while her mother sits in prison.
"My prayer is the words here today will be heard in the halls of power," she said. "I see the pain in my nephew's eyes when he visits his mother in jail."
The protest is not only directed against the anti-immigration movement, but also the meat plant itself, which over the years has left a long trail of workplace safety and environmental violations, including amputations and spilling 40,000 gallons of turkey blood into a nearby stream.
Hundreds from the Jewish communities of Chicago and Minneapolis drove for hours to Postville to publicly decry the plant's owners, who are accused of abusing the workers.
Before the march, which snaked its way to the main entrance of the plant, religious leaders held a prayer vigil in English, Spanish and Hebrew.
Listening to the service on loudspeakers with an overflow crowd on the lawn of Postville's Catholic church, Abbey Romanek, from Chicago, said the plant is a black eye on her Jewish faith.
"I'm embarrassed and ashamed at the way Agriprocessors has treated its workers," she said. "I don't think its kosher meat. I think they're pulling a farce on the Jews of this country."
Two supervisors at the meat plant have been arrested, and the plant's owners remain under investigation.
An estimated 12 million illegal immigrants inside the United States has become a key issue for Democratic and Republican White House contenders Barack Obama and John McCain.
Both are wooing the vote of the legal Hispanic community of about 45 million people, or 15 percent of the US population.
In this small but extraordinarily diverse town of 2,300, the crackdown has less to do with votes than with the fragile social fabric.
Although illegal, the workers and their families were an important segment of the community.
School officials anticipate many empty seats when classes resume in the fall, with students' mothers and fathers now in jail.
Town leaders said that legal workers have meanwhile taken over the vacant jobs, but many are single men with no ties to the community.
And the Postville police said the town's relatively quiet evenings are a thing of the past. Now, they regularly respond to calls of public intoxication and drunken brawls on Friday nights.
"The Hispanic families are the ones who make our community and our schools," said Postville Mayor Robert Penrod.
AFP NEWS
POSTVILLE, Iowa (AFP) — Led by 43 women with electronic tracking bracelets on their ankles, hundreds of people from around the country marched down main street here Sunday to protest the biggest immigration raid in US history at a kosher meat plant that has split this tiny Iowa town asunder.
Released from jail so they can take care of their families, the 43 women out front were among 390 mainly Guatemalan and Mexican workers arrested by federal agents May 12 at the Agriprocessors meat factory and charged with identity theft.
It was the biggest raid on a workplace in US history, as part of the government's crackdown on illegal immigration, a hot-button issue nationally three months ahead of the US presidential election.
The demonstrators marched through Postville's tree-lined streets past Jewish stores and Mexican restaurants, drowning out the shouts of about 100 anti-immigration protesters with chants of "No more raids!"
The arrests have torn families apart, devastated local businesses, especially those serving Hispanics, and left what was before the raid the country's largest kosher meat processing plant operating at only 50 percent capacity.
Maria Laura Gomez, a former plant worker, has looked after her nephew for months while her mother sits in prison.
"My prayer is the words here today will be heard in the halls of power," she said. "I see the pain in my nephew's eyes when he visits his mother in jail."
The protest is not only directed against the anti-immigration movement, but also the meat plant itself, which over the years has left a long trail of workplace safety and environmental violations, including amputations and spilling 40,000 gallons of turkey blood into a nearby stream.
Hundreds from the Jewish communities of Chicago and Minneapolis drove for hours to Postville to publicly decry the plant's owners, who are accused of abusing the workers.
Before the march, which snaked its way to the main entrance of the plant, religious leaders held a prayer vigil in English, Spanish and Hebrew.
Listening to the service on loudspeakers with an overflow crowd on the lawn of Postville's Catholic church, Abbey Romanek, from Chicago, said the plant is a black eye on her Jewish faith.
"I'm embarrassed and ashamed at the way Agriprocessors has treated its workers," she said. "I don't think its kosher meat. I think they're pulling a farce on the Jews of this country."
Two supervisors at the meat plant have been arrested, and the plant's owners remain under investigation.
An estimated 12 million illegal immigrants inside the United States has become a key issue for Democratic and Republican White House contenders Barack Obama and John McCain.
Both are wooing the vote of the legal Hispanic community of about 45 million people, or 15 percent of the US population.
In this small but extraordinarily diverse town of 2,300, the crackdown has less to do with votes than with the fragile social fabric.
Although illegal, the workers and their families were an important segment of the community.
School officials anticipate many empty seats when classes resume in the fall, with students' mothers and fathers now in jail.
Town leaders said that legal workers have meanwhile taken over the vacant jobs, but many are single men with no ties to the community.
And the Postville police said the town's relatively quiet evenings are a thing of the past. Now, they regularly respond to calls of public intoxication and drunken brawls on Friday nights.
"The Hispanic families are the ones who make our community and our schools," said Postville Mayor Robert Penrod.
OPINION: LATINOS STILL NOT SURE ABOUT OBAMA
In quest of the Hispanic vote
By Tina Griego, Rocky Mountain News
New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson was in town Friday and Saturday, hot on the heels of Sen. John McCain, who stopped by to speak to the Hispanic veterans at the American GI Forum's national convention.
This two-for-one wooing - Hispanics and veterans! - is part of the long and clumsy courtship of the Latino vote.
Richardson, acting in Sen. Barack Obama's stead, spoke to the veterans, attended a meet-and-greet with prominent local Hispanics and launched an Obama campaign door-to-door voter canvass in two of Denver's most Hispanic state House districts.
On his way out of town, the governor stopped for tamales at Paul Sandoval's restaurant in north Denver. "Hello, I'm Gov. Bill Richardson from New Mexico, campaigning for Barack Obama," he says, moving from table to table.
The Sandovals - Paul, a former state senator, and Paula, a current one - were devoted Clinton supporters. Paula has since taken up the Obama banner.
"I'm not there, yet," Paul says. "I don't know what I'm going to do."
Over lunch, the Sandovals, City Councilman Paul Lopez and Richardson catch up on political chatter, and I ask the governor what it'll take for Obama or McCain to win Hispanic voters.
Richardson, the nation's only Hispanic governor, says the Obama campaign will need more surrogates, known Latinos like himself and the Sandovals on the campaign trail, and Paul interrupts:
"Governor, don't you think he has to give us a reason to vote for him?"
"He has," Richardson says. "You have to listen." Obama, he tells Paul, is truly a special candidate.
"I'm just saying, governor, I think he needs to give us a reason."
"He will," Richardson says. "He's not familiar to us."
"Thank you," Paul says, with a that's-my-point expression on his face.
Richardson grows blunt. "He's a minority. He's one of us."
Which, in and of itself, is never a good argument.
Deciphering the Latino vote is an exercise in dissection. And let me say, the phrase "Latino vote," as with all shorthand, oversimplifies. The Latino vote is full of crosscurrents: education, economic status, political party, gender, religious affiliation, age. Each is a filter that kicks on and off, and they are often more relevant than ethnicity.
Still, there are issues in which a Latino lens slides into place. Education is one. It doesn't surprise me that Latinos consistently rank education as the No. 1 issue. It must be, when 30 percent to 50 percent of Hispanic students are dropping out of high school and Latinos are the largest and fastest growing population in the country. A plus B equals disaster.
Latinos make up 20 percent of Colorado's population and 12 percent of its eligible voters - not a huge number but enough to tilt the balance in either Obama or McCain's favor.
Last Thursday, the Pew Hispanic Center released the results of a nationwide survey showing 66 percent of Latino registered voters said they support Obama and 23 percent back McCain.
Richardson told me he believes the margin is much narrower in the battleground states of Colorado, New Mexico, Nevada and Florida, where President Bush just eked out a victory in 2004. Still, he predicts, the Rocky Mountain West will go blue.
The move toward Obama, he says, reflects both an embrace of Obama and a rejection of Republican policies, particularly the anti-immigrant rhetoric.
Richardson was energy secretary during the Clinton administration, and his endorsement of Obama during a pivotal point in the primaries prompted Democratic strategist James Carville to call him a Judas on national television. Richardson said then and continues to say he believes Obama is a once-in-a-generation candidate.
He says Latinos don't know Obama as well as they knew the Clintons, "but the more they get to know Obama, Latinos will feel warmer toward him. I know this guy. He's good. He'll be good for us."
Paul Sandoval, an unrepentant number cruncher, breaks it down this way: The younger Hispanics in this state are overwhelmingly Obama backers, the middle-aged are leaning that way, and the over-55 Hispanics are still looking for a reason to vote for him.
"Making Hillary vice president would seal the deal," he says.
There's no doubt the battle for Latino votes will be waged, from the ground up, in the more established Hispanic, middle-class neighborhoods. In the poorer, working-class neighborhoods, finding an eligible voter is harder because the Hispanic population is either too young or lacks citizenship.
No matter the neighborhood, voter registration rates among Hispanics tend to be low and turnout lower, and Rosario C de Baca is well aware of this as she heads into the barrio east of Federal and south of Alameda on Saturday.
C de Baca is a community organizer with the American Federation of Teachers, a mother of five, and a former Clinton supporter now backing Obama. The Obama campaign has given her a list of 148 registered voters, and she's going door-to-door: "Will you be voting for Obama?" And one woman tells her no, because she's afraid if he's elected he'll be assassinated, and another says, absolutely not, because she's a Republican and will vote Republican all the way.
Will you be voting for Obama? Yes, says Mary Louise Marmolejo, a former Clinton supporter.
I don't know, says Barbara Valdez. Her son-in-law, Duncan Crookston, was severely wounded in Iraq and died in January. For that reason, she says, McCain won't be getting her vote. "One hundred years in Iraq? No way. I don't know what I'm going to do. I guess I'm still a little bitter Hillary didn't get in."
It's 3:30 p.m. and scorching. When I leave Rosario, she's standing on the sidewalk, checking her list.
griegot@RockyMountainNews.com
By Tina Griego, Rocky Mountain News
New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson was in town Friday and Saturday, hot on the heels of Sen. John McCain, who stopped by to speak to the Hispanic veterans at the American GI Forum's national convention.
This two-for-one wooing - Hispanics and veterans! - is part of the long and clumsy courtship of the Latino vote.
Richardson, acting in Sen. Barack Obama's stead, spoke to the veterans, attended a meet-and-greet with prominent local Hispanics and launched an Obama campaign door-to-door voter canvass in two of Denver's most Hispanic state House districts.
On his way out of town, the governor stopped for tamales at Paul Sandoval's restaurant in north Denver. "Hello, I'm Gov. Bill Richardson from New Mexico, campaigning for Barack Obama," he says, moving from table to table.
The Sandovals - Paul, a former state senator, and Paula, a current one - were devoted Clinton supporters. Paula has since taken up the Obama banner.
"I'm not there, yet," Paul says. "I don't know what I'm going to do."
Over lunch, the Sandovals, City Councilman Paul Lopez and Richardson catch up on political chatter, and I ask the governor what it'll take for Obama or McCain to win Hispanic voters.
Richardson, the nation's only Hispanic governor, says the Obama campaign will need more surrogates, known Latinos like himself and the Sandovals on the campaign trail, and Paul interrupts:
"Governor, don't you think he has to give us a reason to vote for him?"
"He has," Richardson says. "You have to listen." Obama, he tells Paul, is truly a special candidate.
"I'm just saying, governor, I think he needs to give us a reason."
"He will," Richardson says. "He's not familiar to us."
"Thank you," Paul says, with a that's-my-point expression on his face.
Richardson grows blunt. "He's a minority. He's one of us."
Which, in and of itself, is never a good argument.
Deciphering the Latino vote is an exercise in dissection. And let me say, the phrase "Latino vote," as with all shorthand, oversimplifies. The Latino vote is full of crosscurrents: education, economic status, political party, gender, religious affiliation, age. Each is a filter that kicks on and off, and they are often more relevant than ethnicity.
Still, there are issues in which a Latino lens slides into place. Education is one. It doesn't surprise me that Latinos consistently rank education as the No. 1 issue. It must be, when 30 percent to 50 percent of Hispanic students are dropping out of high school and Latinos are the largest and fastest growing population in the country. A plus B equals disaster.
Latinos make up 20 percent of Colorado's population and 12 percent of its eligible voters - not a huge number but enough to tilt the balance in either Obama or McCain's favor.
Last Thursday, the Pew Hispanic Center released the results of a nationwide survey showing 66 percent of Latino registered voters said they support Obama and 23 percent back McCain.
Richardson told me he believes the margin is much narrower in the battleground states of Colorado, New Mexico, Nevada and Florida, where President Bush just eked out a victory in 2004. Still, he predicts, the Rocky Mountain West will go blue.
The move toward Obama, he says, reflects both an embrace of Obama and a rejection of Republican policies, particularly the anti-immigrant rhetoric.
Richardson was energy secretary during the Clinton administration, and his endorsement of Obama during a pivotal point in the primaries prompted Democratic strategist James Carville to call him a Judas on national television. Richardson said then and continues to say he believes Obama is a once-in-a-generation candidate.
He says Latinos don't know Obama as well as they knew the Clintons, "but the more they get to know Obama, Latinos will feel warmer toward him. I know this guy. He's good. He'll be good for us."
Paul Sandoval, an unrepentant number cruncher, breaks it down this way: The younger Hispanics in this state are overwhelmingly Obama backers, the middle-aged are leaning that way, and the over-55 Hispanics are still looking for a reason to vote for him.
"Making Hillary vice president would seal the deal," he says.
There's no doubt the battle for Latino votes will be waged, from the ground up, in the more established Hispanic, middle-class neighborhoods. In the poorer, working-class neighborhoods, finding an eligible voter is harder because the Hispanic population is either too young or lacks citizenship.
No matter the neighborhood, voter registration rates among Hispanics tend to be low and turnout lower, and Rosario C de Baca is well aware of this as she heads into the barrio east of Federal and south of Alameda on Saturday.
C de Baca is a community organizer with the American Federation of Teachers, a mother of five, and a former Clinton supporter now backing Obama. The Obama campaign has given her a list of 148 registered voters, and she's going door-to-door: "Will you be voting for Obama?" And one woman tells her no, because she's afraid if he's elected he'll be assassinated, and another says, absolutely not, because she's a Republican and will vote Republican all the way.
Will you be voting for Obama? Yes, says Mary Louise Marmolejo, a former Clinton supporter.
I don't know, says Barbara Valdez. Her son-in-law, Duncan Crookston, was severely wounded in Iraq and died in January. For that reason, she says, McCain won't be getting her vote. "One hundred years in Iraq? No way. I don't know what I'm going to do. I guess I'm still a little bitter Hillary didn't get in."
It's 3:30 p.m. and scorching. When I leave Rosario, she's standing on the sidewalk, checking her list.
griegot@RockyMountainNews.com
REDISTRICTING IN CALIFORNIA MAY CHANGE LATINO REPRESENTATION
Would Prop. 11 help minorities?
It takes redistricting away from the Legislature. Will minorities gain or lose?
By Tony Quinn, LA TIMES
Will minority representation in the Legislature decrease if Proposition 11, the redistricting reform initiative on the November ballot, passes? The measure would take away the Legislature's power to draw its own political map and give the job to an independent, bipartisan citizens commission made up of 14 members, whom the state auditor would randomly select from registered voters who apply for the positions.
Such groups as the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund and the William C. Velasquez Institute contend that such a change would imperil seats held by minorities or possibly pit African Americans against Latinos in some districts. Alan Clayton, a redistricting expert with the L.A. County Chicano Employees Assn., says the measure, if approved, "could take the clock back in terms of political power in the Legislature that Latinos and African Americans have secured." Clayton and other critics principally cite the directions the commission would use to draw the districts.
But history shows exactly the opposite. Minority representation has never significantly grown when legislators have drawn the district lines. Indeed, the huge increase in black and Latino legislators in the last two decades, and especially the rise in the number of Latino legislators, came about when the Legislature was not involved in reapportionment.
Minority representation in the Legislature dates to the 1950s and 1960s, when the growth of the black population in South-Central Los Angeles led to the election of several African Americans to the Assembly. By 1974, blacks represented four Assembly districts in southern and western Los Angeles County, a number that has not changed since. African Americans also held a state Senate seat and two South-Central congressional districts.
In 1973, the Democratic-controlled Legislature and Gov. Ronald Reagan could not agree on a political map, which is redrawn every 10 years. The issue then went to the state Supreme Court, which appointed three retired judges to draw district lines. It was the first time in California history that state lawmakers did not do the job.
The court-supervised reapportionment plan boosted minority representation. It protected the four African American Assembly districts by ensuring black majority populations in each, added a second black state Senate district by combining areas of African American growth and carved out a third black congressional district in the Baldwin Hills-Ladera Heights area. In their report to the Supreme Court, the ex-judges said they had taken special steps to create opportunities to increase black and Latino representation.
Black politicians have held on to these seats for decades, whether the Legislature or the courts drew the state's political map. And there is no evidence to suggest that this pattern would change if an independent citizens commission took over the redistricting job. According to the California Target Book, this part of Los Angeles includes a sufficient number of African American voters to assure the reelection of these black representatives.In addition, Proposition 11 specifically states that the federal Voting Rights Act -- which prohibits any retreat in minority representation in a county as heavily minority as Los Angeles -- must be followed.
The big issue in minority representation these days is not black representation but California's growing population of Latinos, who make up about 19% of the state's voters.For decades, Latinos complained that they were cut out of legislative seats by gerrymanders that diluted Latino voting strength to keep Anglo incumbents in office.
A look at the numbers of Latinos elected in Los Angeles (which has the largest concentration of Latino voters in the state) under redistricting plans drawn up by lawmakers shows that they had cause to complain. The 1973 plan drawn by the former judges established four Latino Assembly districts in eastern Los Angeles. But when the Legislature redrew the political lines in 1981, it diluted the Latino count in one of the four districts held by an Anglo incumbent to ensure there would no longer be a Latino challenger in the primary. Throughout the 1980s, when the Latino population in Los Angeles swelled from 2.1 million to 3.3 million, no additional Latino legislators were elected to Sacramento or Congress.
In 1991, the Legislature's redistricting plan was solely designed to protect incumbents, and Gov. Pete Wilson vetoed it. Then the issue went to the state Supreme Court, which again appointed three retired judges to redraw the map. In the report to the court justifying their political map, the former judges said they had not only protected existing minority districts but had combined minority neighborhoods to give black and Latino candidates an opportunity to win election even where they were not the majority of voters.
The results were dramatic. The map carved out three Latino state Senate districts in eastern parts of L.A. County and, within them, six Latino Assembly districts. The number of Latinos elected to the Assembly exploded from four in 1990 to 17 in 2000, the last year of the court's redistricting plan. Nesting Assembly seats within the Senate districts kept minority neighborhoods intact and assured the election of Latinos to seats formerly held by Anglos. The number of Latinos in the state Senate grew from three to seven, and in the congressional delegation from three to six. Latinos also began winning in districts where they were not the majority, something that had not happened before. The non-legislative 1991 plan did more to expand minority representation in the Legislature than any redistricting in history.
How have Latinos fared so far this decade under the map drawn by legislators in 2001, which was another protect-the-incumbents plan? In the Assembly, the number of Latino legislators is exactly where it was eight years ago. The number of Latino state senators has risen, from seven to 10, but that's not because of new districts drawn in the reapportionment. Rather, several Latino Assembly members elected under the 1991 plan have been able to move to the upper chamber.
One additional Latino has joined the state's congressional delegation, but there would have been two if redistricting hadn't favored an incumbent. The Legislature's 2001 congressional map made it tougher for a Latino to challenge Rep. Howard Berman (D-Valley Village) in the primary by dispersing Latino voters into other districts.
That is precisely the problem with allowing legislators to draw the lines. Minorities that already have districts are taken care of, but opportunities for additional gains (because of changes in the population) are stunted because of the need to protect incumbents.
What would happen to minority representation if Proposition 11 passed and citizens drew the lines? Judging by history, the number of minority-held seats would grow.
Tony Quinn is co-editor of the California Target Book, a nonpartisan analysis of California legislative and congressional elections.
It takes redistricting away from the Legislature. Will minorities gain or lose?
By Tony Quinn, LA TIMES
Will minority representation in the Legislature decrease if Proposition 11, the redistricting reform initiative on the November ballot, passes? The measure would take away the Legislature's power to draw its own political map and give the job to an independent, bipartisan citizens commission made up of 14 members, whom the state auditor would randomly select from registered voters who apply for the positions.
Such groups as the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund and the William C. Velasquez Institute contend that such a change would imperil seats held by minorities or possibly pit African Americans against Latinos in some districts. Alan Clayton, a redistricting expert with the L.A. County Chicano Employees Assn., says the measure, if approved, "could take the clock back in terms of political power in the Legislature that Latinos and African Americans have secured." Clayton and other critics principally cite the directions the commission would use to draw the districts.
But history shows exactly the opposite. Minority representation has never significantly grown when legislators have drawn the district lines. Indeed, the huge increase in black and Latino legislators in the last two decades, and especially the rise in the number of Latino legislators, came about when the Legislature was not involved in reapportionment.
Minority representation in the Legislature dates to the 1950s and 1960s, when the growth of the black population in South-Central Los Angeles led to the election of several African Americans to the Assembly. By 1974, blacks represented four Assembly districts in southern and western Los Angeles County, a number that has not changed since. African Americans also held a state Senate seat and two South-Central congressional districts.
In 1973, the Democratic-controlled Legislature and Gov. Ronald Reagan could not agree on a political map, which is redrawn every 10 years. The issue then went to the state Supreme Court, which appointed three retired judges to draw district lines. It was the first time in California history that state lawmakers did not do the job.
The court-supervised reapportionment plan boosted minority representation. It protected the four African American Assembly districts by ensuring black majority populations in each, added a second black state Senate district by combining areas of African American growth and carved out a third black congressional district in the Baldwin Hills-Ladera Heights area. In their report to the Supreme Court, the ex-judges said they had taken special steps to create opportunities to increase black and Latino representation.
Black politicians have held on to these seats for decades, whether the Legislature or the courts drew the state's political map. And there is no evidence to suggest that this pattern would change if an independent citizens commission took over the redistricting job. According to the California Target Book, this part of Los Angeles includes a sufficient number of African American voters to assure the reelection of these black representatives.In addition, Proposition 11 specifically states that the federal Voting Rights Act -- which prohibits any retreat in minority representation in a county as heavily minority as Los Angeles -- must be followed.
The big issue in minority representation these days is not black representation but California's growing population of Latinos, who make up about 19% of the state's voters.For decades, Latinos complained that they were cut out of legislative seats by gerrymanders that diluted Latino voting strength to keep Anglo incumbents in office.
A look at the numbers of Latinos elected in Los Angeles (which has the largest concentration of Latino voters in the state) under redistricting plans drawn up by lawmakers shows that they had cause to complain. The 1973 plan drawn by the former judges established four Latino Assembly districts in eastern Los Angeles. But when the Legislature redrew the political lines in 1981, it diluted the Latino count in one of the four districts held by an Anglo incumbent to ensure there would no longer be a Latino challenger in the primary. Throughout the 1980s, when the Latino population in Los Angeles swelled from 2.1 million to 3.3 million, no additional Latino legislators were elected to Sacramento or Congress.
In 1991, the Legislature's redistricting plan was solely designed to protect incumbents, and Gov. Pete Wilson vetoed it. Then the issue went to the state Supreme Court, which again appointed three retired judges to redraw the map. In the report to the court justifying their political map, the former judges said they had not only protected existing minority districts but had combined minority neighborhoods to give black and Latino candidates an opportunity to win election even where they were not the majority of voters.
The results were dramatic. The map carved out three Latino state Senate districts in eastern parts of L.A. County and, within them, six Latino Assembly districts. The number of Latinos elected to the Assembly exploded from four in 1990 to 17 in 2000, the last year of the court's redistricting plan. Nesting Assembly seats within the Senate districts kept minority neighborhoods intact and assured the election of Latinos to seats formerly held by Anglos. The number of Latinos in the state Senate grew from three to seven, and in the congressional delegation from three to six. Latinos also began winning in districts where they were not the majority, something that had not happened before. The non-legislative 1991 plan did more to expand minority representation in the Legislature than any redistricting in history.
How have Latinos fared so far this decade under the map drawn by legislators in 2001, which was another protect-the-incumbents plan? In the Assembly, the number of Latino legislators is exactly where it was eight years ago. The number of Latino state senators has risen, from seven to 10, but that's not because of new districts drawn in the reapportionment. Rather, several Latino Assembly members elected under the 1991 plan have been able to move to the upper chamber.
One additional Latino has joined the state's congressional delegation, but there would have been two if redistricting hadn't favored an incumbent. The Legislature's 2001 congressional map made it tougher for a Latino to challenge Rep. Howard Berman (D-Valley Village) in the primary by dispersing Latino voters into other districts.
That is precisely the problem with allowing legislators to draw the lines. Minorities that already have districts are taken care of, but opportunities for additional gains (because of changes in the population) are stunted because of the need to protect incumbents.
What would happen to minority representation if Proposition 11 passed and citizens drew the lines? Judging by history, the number of minority-held seats would grow.
Tony Quinn is co-editor of the California Target Book, a nonpartisan analysis of California legislative and congressional elections.
Sunday, July 27, 2008
MCCAIN CATERS TO LATINO VETERANS
Sen. McCain caters to Hispanic vote
GOP presidential candidate tells American GI Forum vets that Obama's stance on the Iraq War is wrong.
By CHARLES ASHBY, CHIEFTAIN DENVER BUREAU
DENVER - GOP presidential hopeful John McCain came out swinging against his Democratic rival Friday, saying he is wrong in opposing the direction the Iraq War was taken and weak on finishing that job.
Speaking at the 60th annual American GI Forum Convention, the presumptive Republican candidate for president said Illinois Sen. Barack Obama would rather see the United States lose the war, risking more bloodshed in the Middle East.
McCain said last year's "surge" has worked despite predictions from Obama and others that it was the wrong strategy.
"Violence in Iraq fell to such low levels for such a long time that Senator Obama, detecting the success he never believed possible, falsely claimed that he had always predicted it," McCain told about 500 people in the Grand Hyatt Hotel in Downtown Denver.
"Senator Obama said just this week that even knowing what he knows today, that he would have opposed the surge. In retrospect, given the opportunity to choose between failure and success, he chose failure. I cannot conceive of a commander-in-chief making that choice," McCain said. McCain drew applause from the crowd only once while addressing the war during the first part of his half-hour speech, but he was interrupted several times when he promised increased benefits for veterans.
McCain said veterans seeking medical aid shouldn't have to make appointments just to wait in line for care, saying they shouldn't have to travel great distances to get it.
"Those who have borne the burden of war for our sake must be treated fairly and expeditiously as they seek compensation for disability or illness," said McCain, who spent more than five years as a prisoner of war during the Vietnam War. "We owe them compassion, knowledge and hands-on care in their transition to civilian life. We owe them training, rehabilitation and education. We owe their families, parents and caregivers our concern, support and love."
Democrats, however, said McCain repeatedly have voted against increased benefits for veterans, most recently when he opposed increases in the GI Bill, which offers college money for those who served.
The group says McCain voted against veterans health-care needs 29 times, and rejected the GI Bill increase as being too generous.
Pueblo resident Silver Salazar, however, said McCain's record on supporting veterans is far superior to Obama's.
Salazar, who is a cousin to Colorado Sen. Ken Salazar and his brother, U.S. Rep. John Salazar, Silver Salazar, said he's joined the "Democrats for McCain" ranks because the Arizona senator has a proven record of supporting Hispanic issues.
"In 1980, I wrote a letter to The Pueblo Chieftain saying the Democratic Party takes Hispanics for granted, and the Republican Party ignores us," said Salazar, a Vietnam veteran who retired with the Army Reserves as a captain. "It's very true still today. But people ask me why I'm a Democrat for McCain and I try to tell them, well, I'm not leaving the Democratic Party, the party is leaving me.
"McCain has been one of the Republicans who has been able to work across the aisle very well," Salazar said. "Anybody who can work as a Republican with such a liberal Democrat as Ted Kennedy, they have something going for them. Ken Salazar is the same. I think maybe that's one of the reasons Republicans didn't want McCain in the first place, because he wasn't conservative enough."
Though recent polls show McCain trailing Obama in Hispanic support, other polls say he strong with veterans groups.
A Rasmussen poll released Friday shows that military veterans favor McCain 56 percent to 36 percent, while a Pew Hispanic Center poll released Thursday shows Obama ahead of McCain 66 percent to 23 percent in Latino support.
During his speech, McCain tried to reach out to both, praising Hispanic veterans for their service to the nation's armed forces.
"When you visit Iraq and Afghanistan, you meet some of the thousands of Hispanic Americans who serve there, and many of those who risk their lives to protect the rest of us do not yet possess the rights and privileges of full citizenship," McCain said. "Those men and woman are my brothers and sisters, my fellow Americans, an association that means more to me than any other. As a private citizen or as president, I will never, never do anything to dishonor our obligations to them and their families."Though recent polls show McCain trailing Obama in Hispanic support, other polls say he strong with veterans groups.
GOP presidential candidate tells American GI Forum vets that Obama's stance on the Iraq War is wrong.
By CHARLES ASHBY, CHIEFTAIN DENVER BUREAU
DENVER - GOP presidential hopeful John McCain came out swinging against his Democratic rival Friday, saying he is wrong in opposing the direction the Iraq War was taken and weak on finishing that job.
Speaking at the 60th annual American GI Forum Convention, the presumptive Republican candidate for president said Illinois Sen. Barack Obama would rather see the United States lose the war, risking more bloodshed in the Middle East.
McCain said last year's "surge" has worked despite predictions from Obama and others that it was the wrong strategy.
"Violence in Iraq fell to such low levels for such a long time that Senator Obama, detecting the success he never believed possible, falsely claimed that he had always predicted it," McCain told about 500 people in the Grand Hyatt Hotel in Downtown Denver.
"Senator Obama said just this week that even knowing what he knows today, that he would have opposed the surge. In retrospect, given the opportunity to choose between failure and success, he chose failure. I cannot conceive of a commander-in-chief making that choice," McCain said. McCain drew applause from the crowd only once while addressing the war during the first part of his half-hour speech, but he was interrupted several times when he promised increased benefits for veterans.
McCain said veterans seeking medical aid shouldn't have to make appointments just to wait in line for care, saying they shouldn't have to travel great distances to get it.
"Those who have borne the burden of war for our sake must be treated fairly and expeditiously as they seek compensation for disability or illness," said McCain, who spent more than five years as a prisoner of war during the Vietnam War. "We owe them compassion, knowledge and hands-on care in their transition to civilian life. We owe them training, rehabilitation and education. We owe their families, parents and caregivers our concern, support and love."
Democrats, however, said McCain repeatedly have voted against increased benefits for veterans, most recently when he opposed increases in the GI Bill, which offers college money for those who served.
The group says McCain voted against veterans health-care needs 29 times, and rejected the GI Bill increase as being too generous.
Pueblo resident Silver Salazar, however, said McCain's record on supporting veterans is far superior to Obama's.
Salazar, who is a cousin to Colorado Sen. Ken Salazar and his brother, U.S. Rep. John Salazar, Silver Salazar, said he's joined the "Democrats for McCain" ranks because the Arizona senator has a proven record of supporting Hispanic issues.
"In 1980, I wrote a letter to The Pueblo Chieftain saying the Democratic Party takes Hispanics for granted, and the Republican Party ignores us," said Salazar, a Vietnam veteran who retired with the Army Reserves as a captain. "It's very true still today. But people ask me why I'm a Democrat for McCain and I try to tell them, well, I'm not leaving the Democratic Party, the party is leaving me.
"McCain has been one of the Republicans who has been able to work across the aisle very well," Salazar said. "Anybody who can work as a Republican with such a liberal Democrat as Ted Kennedy, they have something going for them. Ken Salazar is the same. I think maybe that's one of the reasons Republicans didn't want McCain in the first place, because he wasn't conservative enough."
Though recent polls show McCain trailing Obama in Hispanic support, other polls say he strong with veterans groups.
A Rasmussen poll released Friday shows that military veterans favor McCain 56 percent to 36 percent, while a Pew Hispanic Center poll released Thursday shows Obama ahead of McCain 66 percent to 23 percent in Latino support.
During his speech, McCain tried to reach out to both, praising Hispanic veterans for their service to the nation's armed forces.
"When you visit Iraq and Afghanistan, you meet some of the thousands of Hispanic Americans who serve there, and many of those who risk their lives to protect the rest of us do not yet possess the rights and privileges of full citizenship," McCain said. "Those men and woman are my brothers and sisters, my fellow Americans, an association that means more to me than any other. As a private citizen or as president, I will never, never do anything to dishonor our obligations to them and their families."Though recent polls show McCain trailing Obama in Hispanic support, other polls say he strong with veterans groups.
CONGRESSIONAL HISPANIC CAUCUS OUTRAGED BY RAIDS
Congressmen meet to discuss immigration raid
By HENRY C. JACKSON | Associated Press Writer
POSTVILLE, Iowa - Members of the Postville community begged a visiting congressional delegation to do whatever they can to stop federal Immigration raids, saying that a recent enforcement effort here had scarred this modest city and torn families apart.
"Please do not let this happen again, do not let ICE come back," said Sister Mary McCauley with Saint Bridget's Catholic Church, referring to Immigration and Customs Enforcement Officials. "If Postville was an example, I think it was given."
Three members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus listened on Saturday to dozens of accounts of how the May raid at the Agriprocessors meatpacking plant in Postville has affected the community. The raid at Agriprocessors, the nation's largest kosher meatpacking plant, resulted in nearly 400 arrests, the largest enforcement effort of its type in U.S. history.
Reps. Luis Gutierrez, D-Ill., Albio Sires, D-N.J., and Joe Baca, D-Calif., heard three hours of often emotional testimony. Women whose husbands are being detained talked about their longing to be reunited, underage workers detailed deplorable working conditions and city and religious officials lamented the impact on the community.
The speakers on Saturday alternated between sharp criticism of ICE and the Department of Homeland Security for launching what they termed an inhumane raid and at their former employer, Agriprocessors, which they said took advantage of workers and allowed unsafe conditions that drew outside attention. Many said they were equally culpable for the current situation.
By the end, Gutierrez said he had heard enough. The fallout from the Agriprocessors raid accomplished nothing but showing the folly of large-scale Immigration raids, he said.
"This is wrong," he said. "We've taken men and women who want to work and made felons out of them."
A phone message left with Immigrations Customs Enforcement by The Associated Press was not immediately returned.
Among those who spoke on Saturday was Noel Castillo Ordonez. The shy-looking 17-year-old wore a black baseball cap with a bald eagle and an American flag. He explained to an audience of 100 or so why he came to Postville from his native Guatemala.
"I needed money for my family, because I could not help them," he said in Spanish.
Another teen, Gilda Yolanda Ordonez Lopez, openly wept as she described being forced to work shifts as long as 12 hours with no overtime pay.
"They asked me how old I was, and I told them the truth," said Lopez, 17.
Gutierrez interrupted.
"Your were living like a woman, but you were just a girl?" he asked.
"There were others younger than me," Lopez replied.
The three congressmen recoiled moments later when they heard the story of Adolpho Wilson. When he was an employee at the plant, Wilson said, he was cleaning a meat grinding machine that was unplugged when suddenly someone it turned on by mistake.
"I shouted, I screamed. I said help me, help me," Wilson said in Spanish. "But my hand it was crushed. When they heard me they took apart the machine but it had eaten my hand."
Saturday's speakers spoke frequently and critically about Agriprocessors. Postville Mayor Robert Penrod lamented the loss of a vibrant Latino community and said Agriprocessors "left a lot to be desired at this point."
Jerry Messer, a local union official with the United Food and Commercial Workers, went farther.
"The family that owns that place, they're the ones who should be prosecuted," he said. "They're the ones who should be deported, not the workers."
A message left with Agriprocessors by The Associated Press was not immediately returned.
Penrod told the congressmen to take the message back to Washington that Immigration raids do not work.
"This raid did nothing for this community," he said. "It downgraded us substantially. It caused people to suffer and it caused our reputation to suffer clear across the country."
Later he added, "We're back 15 years. Everything is new again. It's like we are starting over from scratch."
Sires, the New Jersey congressman, said he was convinced.
"I don't see this type of thing working some place else," he said. "We don't want it to ever happen again."
Saturday's meeting with members of Congress was the first of two events in Postville this weekend which will thrust Immigration issues to the forefront.
On Sunday, as many as 1,000 people are expected to visit the town for a march and rally in support of Immigration reform. Many participants are being bused in from Chicago and the Twin Cities and other cities nearby.
By HENRY C. JACKSON | Associated Press Writer
POSTVILLE, Iowa - Members of the Postville community begged a visiting congressional delegation to do whatever they can to stop federal Immigration raids, saying that a recent enforcement effort here had scarred this modest city and torn families apart.
"Please do not let this happen again, do not let ICE come back," said Sister Mary McCauley with Saint Bridget's Catholic Church, referring to Immigration and Customs Enforcement Officials. "If Postville was an example, I think it was given."
Three members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus listened on Saturday to dozens of accounts of how the May raid at the Agriprocessors meatpacking plant in Postville has affected the community. The raid at Agriprocessors, the nation's largest kosher meatpacking plant, resulted in nearly 400 arrests, the largest enforcement effort of its type in U.S. history.
Reps. Luis Gutierrez, D-Ill., Albio Sires, D-N.J., and Joe Baca, D-Calif., heard three hours of often emotional testimony. Women whose husbands are being detained talked about their longing to be reunited, underage workers detailed deplorable working conditions and city and religious officials lamented the impact on the community.
The speakers on Saturday alternated between sharp criticism of ICE and the Department of Homeland Security for launching what they termed an inhumane raid and at their former employer, Agriprocessors, which they said took advantage of workers and allowed unsafe conditions that drew outside attention. Many said they were equally culpable for the current situation.
By the end, Gutierrez said he had heard enough. The fallout from the Agriprocessors raid accomplished nothing but showing the folly of large-scale Immigration raids, he said.
"This is wrong," he said. "We've taken men and women who want to work and made felons out of them."
A phone message left with Immigrations Customs Enforcement by The Associated Press was not immediately returned.
Among those who spoke on Saturday was Noel Castillo Ordonez. The shy-looking 17-year-old wore a black baseball cap with a bald eagle and an American flag. He explained to an audience of 100 or so why he came to Postville from his native Guatemala.
"I needed money for my family, because I could not help them," he said in Spanish.
Another teen, Gilda Yolanda Ordonez Lopez, openly wept as she described being forced to work shifts as long as 12 hours with no overtime pay.
"They asked me how old I was, and I told them the truth," said Lopez, 17.
Gutierrez interrupted.
"Your were living like a woman, but you were just a girl?" he asked.
"There were others younger than me," Lopez replied.
The three congressmen recoiled moments later when they heard the story of Adolpho Wilson. When he was an employee at the plant, Wilson said, he was cleaning a meat grinding machine that was unplugged when suddenly someone it turned on by mistake.
"I shouted, I screamed. I said help me, help me," Wilson said in Spanish. "But my hand it was crushed. When they heard me they took apart the machine but it had eaten my hand."
Saturday's speakers spoke frequently and critically about Agriprocessors. Postville Mayor Robert Penrod lamented the loss of a vibrant Latino community and said Agriprocessors "left a lot to be desired at this point."
Jerry Messer, a local union official with the United Food and Commercial Workers, went farther.
"The family that owns that place, they're the ones who should be prosecuted," he said. "They're the ones who should be deported, not the workers."
A message left with Agriprocessors by The Associated Press was not immediately returned.
Penrod told the congressmen to take the message back to Washington that Immigration raids do not work.
"This raid did nothing for this community," he said. "It downgraded us substantially. It caused people to suffer and it caused our reputation to suffer clear across the country."
Later he added, "We're back 15 years. Everything is new again. It's like we are starting over from scratch."
Sires, the New Jersey congressman, said he was convinced.
"I don't see this type of thing working some place else," he said. "We don't want it to ever happen again."
Saturday's meeting with members of Congress was the first of two events in Postville this weekend which will thrust Immigration issues to the forefront.
On Sunday, as many as 1,000 people are expected to visit the town for a march and rally in support of Immigration reform. Many participants are being bused in from Chicago and the Twin Cities and other cities nearby.
IMMIGRATION IMPORTANT, BUT ECONOMY IS TOP ISSUE AMONG LATINO VOTERS
Economy becomes top issue for Hispanic voters
Immigration takes back seat as grim financial conditions inflict pain.
By Nin-Hai Tseng, WASHINGTON BUREAU, July 27, 2008
WASHINGTON — When Sens. John McCain and Barack Obama, the presumptive presidential nominees, addressed the nation's largest Hispanic advocacy group this month, they began with an issue that is more pressing to many Latinos than immigration reform: the economy.
The topic has become increasingly urgent at a time when many Americans are struggling to keep up with rising energy and grocery prices. And polls indicate that economic-related issues such as jobs and homeownership rank high with Latino voters.
"This is a time when the federal government needs to invest more, not less, if we're talking about food stamps, jobs or affordable housing," said Eric Rodriguez, a deputy vice president at the National Council of La Raza.
The group invited McCain and Obama to speak at its 2008 annual conference in San Diego.
Immigration reform, which set off debate during the last presidential race, remains an important issue for Latinos, experts say.
But polls show the economy is becoming a more pressing concern.
The troubled housing market has created a domino effect, causing a number of Latinos to lose their jobs and homes.
"On average, Latinos tend to be lower income, and so, not surprisingly, when the economy goes belly up, it's the people at the lowest end who are most affected," said Gary Segura, a Stanford University political science professor.
Segura conducted a nationwide survey of 800 Latino voters in June with Matt Barreto, assistant political science professor at the University of Washington in Seattle.
Another nationwide survey, released Thursday by the Pew Hispanic Center, indicated that 66 percent of the Latino registered voters surveyed support Obama, while 23 percent favor McCain.
The survey also showed that the most important issues for Latino registered voters were education, the cost of living, jobs and health.
Similarly, "jobs/the economy" was the top issue for Hispanic registered voters in Segura and Barreto's June Latino Decisions survey.
Immigration takes back seat as grim financial conditions inflict pain.
By Nin-Hai Tseng, WASHINGTON BUREAU, July 27, 2008
WASHINGTON — When Sens. John McCain and Barack Obama, the presumptive presidential nominees, addressed the nation's largest Hispanic advocacy group this month, they began with an issue that is more pressing to many Latinos than immigration reform: the economy.
The topic has become increasingly urgent at a time when many Americans are struggling to keep up with rising energy and grocery prices. And polls indicate that economic-related issues such as jobs and homeownership rank high with Latino voters.
"This is a time when the federal government needs to invest more, not less, if we're talking about food stamps, jobs or affordable housing," said Eric Rodriguez, a deputy vice president at the National Council of La Raza.
The group invited McCain and Obama to speak at its 2008 annual conference in San Diego.
Immigration reform, which set off debate during the last presidential race, remains an important issue for Latinos, experts say.
But polls show the economy is becoming a more pressing concern.
The troubled housing market has created a domino effect, causing a number of Latinos to lose their jobs and homes.
"On average, Latinos tend to be lower income, and so, not surprisingly, when the economy goes belly up, it's the people at the lowest end who are most affected," said Gary Segura, a Stanford University political science professor.
Segura conducted a nationwide survey of 800 Latino voters in June with Matt Barreto, assistant political science professor at the University of Washington in Seattle.
Another nationwide survey, released Thursday by the Pew Hispanic Center, indicated that 66 percent of the Latino registered voters surveyed support Obama, while 23 percent favor McCain.
The survey also showed that the most important issues for Latino registered voters were education, the cost of living, jobs and health.
Similarly, "jobs/the economy" was the top issue for Hispanic registered voters in Segura and Barreto's June Latino Decisions survey.
KIDS LEARN ABOUT HISPANIC ROOTS
Kids straddling 2 cultures explore Hispanic roots
By Sophia Maines, July 27, 2008
For the last four years, Joaquin Gerardo Dorado Mariscal has absorbed a lot about American culture and the English language.
This summer, the 10-year-old focused on his Latin American roots and his native tongue.
“I’ve made new friends,” he said. “I learned more things about other (Latin American) countries.”
Joaquin, who was born in Bolivia, was among the 50 young people who completed a summer cultural art program organized by the Centro Hispano Resource Center.
The students and their parents gathered at St. John Catholic School, 1208 Ky., Saturday for a recital marking the end of the program.
One by one, the children, who range in age from 5 to 13, piled on the school’s stage. They sang songs in Spanish, danced and displayed their artwork.
Lydia Leon, director of Centro Hispano, said the program was a response to parents’ concerns that their children were not retaining the Spanish language and their cultural heritage.
“We decided to start a program that would give the children a chance to have an environment that encourages their bilingual reality and their bicultural reality,” Leon said.
The program, which completed its second run, was open to both Spanish speakers and those whose first language is English.
The children spoke Spanish throughout the program. They learned traditional dances and songs. Some created a large mural recognizing their cultural roots.
“They are really getting to explore where they come from or where their parents or grandparents come from,” Leon said.
Joaquin said he personally didn’t worry about losing his Spanish language skills.
While he speaks English at school, his family speaks Spanish at home. And he’s ready to add more languages, such as Italian and French, to his repertoire.
“I’ve been doing a pretty good job keeping my language,” he said. “My mom, she wants me to learn more languages so I can help my brain work better.”
By Sophia Maines, July 27, 2008
For the last four years, Joaquin Gerardo Dorado Mariscal has absorbed a lot about American culture and the English language.
This summer, the 10-year-old focused on his Latin American roots and his native tongue.
“I’ve made new friends,” he said. “I learned more things about other (Latin American) countries.”
Joaquin, who was born in Bolivia, was among the 50 young people who completed a summer cultural art program organized by the Centro Hispano Resource Center.
The students and their parents gathered at St. John Catholic School, 1208 Ky., Saturday for a recital marking the end of the program.
One by one, the children, who range in age from 5 to 13, piled on the school’s stage. They sang songs in Spanish, danced and displayed their artwork.
Lydia Leon, director of Centro Hispano, said the program was a response to parents’ concerns that their children were not retaining the Spanish language and their cultural heritage.
“We decided to start a program that would give the children a chance to have an environment that encourages their bilingual reality and their bicultural reality,” Leon said.
The program, which completed its second run, was open to both Spanish speakers and those whose first language is English.
The children spoke Spanish throughout the program. They learned traditional dances and songs. Some created a large mural recognizing their cultural roots.
“They are really getting to explore where they come from or where their parents or grandparents come from,” Leon said.
Joaquin said he personally didn’t worry about losing his Spanish language skills.
While he speaks English at school, his family speaks Spanish at home. And he’s ready to add more languages, such as Italian and French, to his repertoire.
“I’ve been doing a pretty good job keeping my language,” he said. “My mom, she wants me to learn more languages so I can help my brain work better.”
IMMIGRANTS FLOCK TO CHURCH TO LEARN RIGHTS
Immigrants rally to learn of health care, worker rights
BY DAVE MARCUS | dave.marcus@newsday.com, July 27, 2008
By the hundreds, Hispanic immigrants have flocked to a Hampton Bays church to seek information on health care and workers' rights.
They have been visiting a mobile unit of the New York State Department of Labor that sends Spanish-speaking staff members to explain the minimum wage and other laws. The five-day project, which ends today, also includes a roving office of the Mexican Consulate in New York, which has issued Mexican ID cards and passports.
When the blue "Labor on Wheels" van arrived in Riverhead Wednesday, organizers expected a small but steady flow of immigrants. Instead, more than 500 people showed up in Thursday's drenching rains, said Mayra Peters-Quintero, director of immigrant workers' rights at the labor department.
Nearly 100 more arrived Friday. One of those was Marcela Ramirez, 25, a mother of two who said she has been in the country since 1995 without documents. She had relatives in Puebla, Mexico, send her birth certificate and then, for the first time, she had a passport.
"It was scary not having any identification for so long," she said.
The mobile unit has come to Long Island four times since starting under former Gov. Eliot Spitzer a year and a half ago. This time, it arrived after the Suffolk Legislature tried to crack down on contractors who hire undocumented workers.
In some parts of the East End, hostility toward undocumented workers has reached the point where those without papers are afraid of the police and other local officials, said Sister Breige Lavery, of the Hispanic Apostolate of the South Fork, which helped host the fair.
Suffolk County Executive Steve Levy said he had no objection to the event as long as undocumented residents weren't being signed up for services paid by taxpayers.
The fair continues today from 9 a.m. to 2:30 p.m. at the Centro Carazon de Maria, 31 E. Montauk Hwy., Hampton Bays.
BY DAVE MARCUS | dave.marcus@newsday.com, July 27, 2008
By the hundreds, Hispanic immigrants have flocked to a Hampton Bays church to seek information on health care and workers' rights.
They have been visiting a mobile unit of the New York State Department of Labor that sends Spanish-speaking staff members to explain the minimum wage and other laws. The five-day project, which ends today, also includes a roving office of the Mexican Consulate in New York, which has issued Mexican ID cards and passports.
When the blue "Labor on Wheels" van arrived in Riverhead Wednesday, organizers expected a small but steady flow of immigrants. Instead, more than 500 people showed up in Thursday's drenching rains, said Mayra Peters-Quintero, director of immigrant workers' rights at the labor department.
Nearly 100 more arrived Friday. One of those was Marcela Ramirez, 25, a mother of two who said she has been in the country since 1995 without documents. She had relatives in Puebla, Mexico, send her birth certificate and then, for the first time, she had a passport.
"It was scary not having any identification for so long," she said.
The mobile unit has come to Long Island four times since starting under former Gov. Eliot Spitzer a year and a half ago. This time, it arrived after the Suffolk Legislature tried to crack down on contractors who hire undocumented workers.
In some parts of the East End, hostility toward undocumented workers has reached the point where those without papers are afraid of the police and other local officials, said Sister Breige Lavery, of the Hispanic Apostolate of the South Fork, which helped host the fair.
Suffolk County Executive Steve Levy said he had no objection to the event as long as undocumented residents weren't being signed up for services paid by taxpayers.
The fair continues today from 9 a.m. to 2:30 p.m. at the Centro Carazon de Maria, 31 E. Montauk Hwy., Hampton Bays.
Saturday, July 26, 2008
COUNTY SUIT BY LATINAS CLAIM DISCRIMINATION
Eight Hispanic women sue county over allegations of discrimination
The women, some of whom were fired, want their jobs back at the Probation Department
By Leslie Parrilla
Eight Hispanic women said they faced harassment, retaliation and a hostile work environment while working at the county Probation Department, according to a lawsuit filed this month.
The women—Antonia Herrera, Irma Arguilla, Lucinda Clark, Monica Flores, Linda Goo, Grace Lopez, Angela Pereida and Irma Reyes—say probation employees discriminated against them based on their race, gender and physical disabilities, according to the suit filed July 14 in San Luis Obispo Superior Court.
The former employees, some of whom were fired or left the department, are seeking their jobs back. They are asking for a discrimination-free work environment, an unlimited amount in compensation for loss of wages, promotional opportunities, fringe benefits and coverage of attorney’s fees, ac-
cording to the lawsuit.
Chief Probation Officer Kim Barrett, who is named in the lawsuit, denied Friday that a hostile working environment existed at the department and said she is not aware of discriminatory or retaliatory treatment of Hispanic employees.
“I am very confident that we run a workplace free of harassment or discrimination,” Barrett said. “We investigate any allegation of harassment or racial discrimination.”
An investigation into allegations of a hostile workplace at the department was conducted by a San Francisco attorney last fall with the results released in May, she said.
“All of the allegations were found to not be true, and myself and the department were exonerated,” Barrett said. “There was no finding of racial discrimination.”
The eight women who filed the lawsuit described a hostile work environment fueled by Barrett and fellow employees Wendy White, Michael O’Connell and Joy Bowman, who are all white.
The women claim they were physically threatened, given excessive workloads, denied training, denied promotions over less qualified white employees, excluded from meetings, scrutinized, criticized and involuntarily transferred and demoted.
“What seems to be unique about this case is the absolute department-wide pervasiveness of the discrimination going on,” said Santa Barbara attorney Eric Woosley, who is representing the women.
Herrera, who works at the department as the human resources division manager, said Barrett denied worker’s compensation claims filed by Hispanic employees but approved those for white workers.
She also said in the lawsuit that Barrett used derogatory descriptions of Hispanic employees— allegations Barrett denied Friday.
Arguilla said a supervisor encouraged employees to make claims about her work and sought technological support outside the county, instead of consulting her, at the county’s expense. She also said she was forced to work in a room that reached 85 degrees.
Clark, who had worked as a legal clerk, resigned in 2007 after saying she was given excessive workloads and her disability was not accommodated. She said she was removed from projects after she complained about the work performance of white co-workers and was not allowed to return to work, the lawsuit said.
Account clerk Flores alleged she was physically threatened by O’Connell who would glare at her for five to 10 minutes and leave only when she asked whether he needed help. Flores was fired in September 2007.
Pereida said she was denied mandatory breaks. She asked for a transfer from the department in September 2007.
Claims made in a lawsuit represent only one side of the issue.
The women, some of whom were fired, want their jobs back at the Probation Department
By Leslie Parrilla
Eight Hispanic women said they faced harassment, retaliation and a hostile work environment while working at the county Probation Department, according to a lawsuit filed this month.
The women—Antonia Herrera, Irma Arguilla, Lucinda Clark, Monica Flores, Linda Goo, Grace Lopez, Angela Pereida and Irma Reyes—say probation employees discriminated against them based on their race, gender and physical disabilities, according to the suit filed July 14 in San Luis Obispo Superior Court.
The former employees, some of whom were fired or left the department, are seeking their jobs back. They are asking for a discrimination-free work environment, an unlimited amount in compensation for loss of wages, promotional opportunities, fringe benefits and coverage of attorney’s fees, ac-
cording to the lawsuit.
Chief Probation Officer Kim Barrett, who is named in the lawsuit, denied Friday that a hostile working environment existed at the department and said she is not aware of discriminatory or retaliatory treatment of Hispanic employees.
“I am very confident that we run a workplace free of harassment or discrimination,” Barrett said. “We investigate any allegation of harassment or racial discrimination.”
An investigation into allegations of a hostile workplace at the department was conducted by a San Francisco attorney last fall with the results released in May, she said.
“All of the allegations were found to not be true, and myself and the department were exonerated,” Barrett said. “There was no finding of racial discrimination.”
The eight women who filed the lawsuit described a hostile work environment fueled by Barrett and fellow employees Wendy White, Michael O’Connell and Joy Bowman, who are all white.
The women claim they were physically threatened, given excessive workloads, denied training, denied promotions over less qualified white employees, excluded from meetings, scrutinized, criticized and involuntarily transferred and demoted.
“What seems to be unique about this case is the absolute department-wide pervasiveness of the discrimination going on,” said Santa Barbara attorney Eric Woosley, who is representing the women.
Herrera, who works at the department as the human resources division manager, said Barrett denied worker’s compensation claims filed by Hispanic employees but approved those for white workers.
She also said in the lawsuit that Barrett used derogatory descriptions of Hispanic employees— allegations Barrett denied Friday.
Arguilla said a supervisor encouraged employees to make claims about her work and sought technological support outside the county, instead of consulting her, at the county’s expense. She also said she was forced to work in a room that reached 85 degrees.
Clark, who had worked as a legal clerk, resigned in 2007 after saying she was given excessive workloads and her disability was not accommodated. She said she was removed from projects after she complained about the work performance of white co-workers and was not allowed to return to work, the lawsuit said.
Account clerk Flores alleged she was physically threatened by O’Connell who would glare at her for five to 10 minutes and leave only when she asked whether he needed help. Flores was fired in September 2007.
Pereida said she was denied mandatory breaks. She asked for a transfer from the department in September 2007.
Claims made in a lawsuit represent only one side of the issue.
HISPANIC CAUCUS WILL VISIT RAIDED MEATPACKING PLANT
Hispanic caucus to be in Postville Saturday
By James Q. Lynch, The Gazette, james.lynch@gazettecommunications.com
Members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus will visit Postville on Saturday to talk to residents about the impact of the May 12 Immigration and Customs Enforcement raid of Agriprocessors meatpacking plant.
The caucus will be meeting with community members at from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. at Bridget's Church, 135 W. Williams St.
Caucus members plan to talk to former and current plant workers, their families and other community members about the raid in the northeast Iowa community.
Fourth District U.S. Rep. Tom Latham, whose district includes the plant, won't be a part of the tour, but has met with Hispanic caucus member Rep. Luis Gutierrez to give him a "primer" on the community — the history, the diversity, how it's changed, according to staff member James Carstensen.
"He definitely wants to follow up with them," Carstensen added. "Anytime a congressman from outside the state takes an interest in Iowa, it's beneficial."
For Gutierrez, a Chicago Democrat, the raid signaled an unwelcome shift in immigration policy.
"An immigration system that is predicated on fear tactics and piecemeal, deportation-only policies profoundly worsens our immigration crisis by creating broken homes and tearing the fabric of our society," Gutierrez said.
He called the raid "pandering" to "anti-immigrant extremists and conservative pundits." However, the policy "truly failed nearly 400 hardworking families, who are now left with an impossible daily struggle to feed their children, many of whom are U.S. citizens," Gutierrez said.
He's also concerned about the "proportional imbalance" of the raid, according to a spokeswoman, because Agriprocessors, which has been accused of wage and hour violations, child labor and physical and sexual abuse, so far, has faced no charges.
The visit is about listening, not giving speeches, a spokeswoman for Gutierrez said.
While there, caucus members plan to meet with a 13-year-old U.S. citizen whose parent was detained in the raid, and two women who have been released with electronic homing devices. They plan to talk to members of the local relief team, including the mayor, school principal, and religious leaders, to examine the impact of the raid on the broader community.
They also want to review how much of the legal process packing plant workers understood and the ongoing labor investigation at Agriprocessors.
On Sunday, activists from across the country will gather in Postville for an interfaith service, march and rally calling for comprehensive immigration reform, family unification and just labor practices from 1 to 4 p.m.
By James Q. Lynch, The Gazette, james.lynch@gazettecommunications.com
Members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus will visit Postville on Saturday to talk to residents about the impact of the May 12 Immigration and Customs Enforcement raid of Agriprocessors meatpacking plant.
The caucus will be meeting with community members at from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. at Bridget's Church, 135 W. Williams St.
Caucus members plan to talk to former and current plant workers, their families and other community members about the raid in the northeast Iowa community.
Fourth District U.S. Rep. Tom Latham, whose district includes the plant, won't be a part of the tour, but has met with Hispanic caucus member Rep. Luis Gutierrez to give him a "primer" on the community — the history, the diversity, how it's changed, according to staff member James Carstensen.
"He definitely wants to follow up with them," Carstensen added. "Anytime a congressman from outside the state takes an interest in Iowa, it's beneficial."
For Gutierrez, a Chicago Democrat, the raid signaled an unwelcome shift in immigration policy.
"An immigration system that is predicated on fear tactics and piecemeal, deportation-only policies profoundly worsens our immigration crisis by creating broken homes and tearing the fabric of our society," Gutierrez said.
He called the raid "pandering" to "anti-immigrant extremists and conservative pundits." However, the policy "truly failed nearly 400 hardworking families, who are now left with an impossible daily struggle to feed their children, many of whom are U.S. citizens," Gutierrez said.
He's also concerned about the "proportional imbalance" of the raid, according to a spokeswoman, because Agriprocessors, which has been accused of wage and hour violations, child labor and physical and sexual abuse, so far, has faced no charges.
The visit is about listening, not giving speeches, a spokeswoman for Gutierrez said.
While there, caucus members plan to meet with a 13-year-old U.S. citizen whose parent was detained in the raid, and two women who have been released with electronic homing devices. They plan to talk to members of the local relief team, including the mayor, school principal, and religious leaders, to examine the impact of the raid on the broader community.
They also want to review how much of the legal process packing plant workers understood and the ongoing labor investigation at Agriprocessors.
On Sunday, activists from across the country will gather in Postville for an interfaith service, march and rally calling for comprehensive immigration reform, family unification and just labor practices from 1 to 4 p.m.
MCCAIN PRAISES HISPANIC VETERANS
McCain praises Hispanic military veterans
S.F. EXAMINER
DENVER (Map, News) - Republican presidential candidate John McCain praised Hispanic military veterans for their sacrifices on Friday and said they often don't get the credit they deserve.
In a speech to veterans in Denver at the American GI Forum convention, McCain told Hispanic veterans they risked their lives like other US soldiers, even though many Hispanic soldiers fighting overseas don't have the rights and privileges that other American soldiers share.
"I prefer to live in a growing America, as proud of its variety as it is of the ideals that unite us. I prefer to live in a hopeful country," McCain said to a standing ovation.
McCain said he faced strong criticism when he said the United States had an obligation to continue fighting in Iraq. He said Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama was willing to accept defeat.
"We both knew the politically safe choice was to support some form of retreat. I chose to support the new counterinsurgency strategy backed by additional troops.
"Many observers said my position would end my hopes of becoming president. I said I would rather lose a campaign than to see America lose a war," McCain said.
McCain said he also bucked members of his own party.
"I knew we were failing, and I told that to an administration that did not want to hear it. I pushed for the strategy that is now succeeding before most people even admitted there was a problem," he said.
S.F. EXAMINER
DENVER (Map, News) - Republican presidential candidate John McCain praised Hispanic military veterans for their sacrifices on Friday and said they often don't get the credit they deserve.
In a speech to veterans in Denver at the American GI Forum convention, McCain told Hispanic veterans they risked their lives like other US soldiers, even though many Hispanic soldiers fighting overseas don't have the rights and privileges that other American soldiers share.
"I prefer to live in a growing America, as proud of its variety as it is of the ideals that unite us. I prefer to live in a hopeful country," McCain said to a standing ovation.
McCain said he faced strong criticism when he said the United States had an obligation to continue fighting in Iraq. He said Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama was willing to accept defeat.
"We both knew the politically safe choice was to support some form of retreat. I chose to support the new counterinsurgency strategy backed by additional troops.
"Many observers said my position would end my hopes of becoming president. I said I would rather lose a campaign than to see America lose a war," McCain said.
McCain said he also bucked members of his own party.
"I knew we were failing, and I told that to an administration that did not want to hear it. I pushed for the strategy that is now succeeding before most people even admitted there was a problem," he said.
ARIZONA COUNTY TO ADD 94K LATINO VOTERS
Mi Familia Vota campaigning for Hispanic voters
BY CESAR NEYOY, BAJO EL SOL
SAN LUIS, Ariz. – Mi Familia Vota, or My Family Votes, wants to make sure Hispanics make their presence felt at the polls in this year's election.
The voter registration program has a goal of adding about 94,000 voters of Latino roots to the rolls in Yuma County and around the state in time for the November general election.
Juan Manuel Guerrero, recently appointed coordinator of Mi Familia Vota for Yuma County, said the voter registration campaign aimed at Hispanics will be unprecedented this year, owing to the fact that both Democrat Barack Obama and Republican John McCain have said the Hispanic vote will be decisive in their presidential aspirations.
Guerrero, a member of Alianza de Liderazgo Comunitario, or Alliance of Community Leadership, said now it's up to Hispanics themselves to have a role in the election by registering to vote and then actually voting.
Mi Familia Vota will base its Yuma County operations in Somerton starting in August, he said
"Somerton is ideal because it's half way between San Luis and Yuma, and that's where we will focus."
Guerrero and Cesar Duarte, statewide director for Mi Familia Vota, said the campaign is nonpartisan and that its objective is to get the highest number of voter registrations and the highest Hispanic turnout at the polls.
Yuma-area community groups such as the Alliance of Community Leadership have already been conducting citizenship clinics and voter registration campaigns of their own among Hispanics, Guerrero said, and Mi Familia Vota will trying to dovetail with those efforts.
"If we call ourselves leaders, now it the time to prove it," he said. "This is a unique opportunity to assert this recognition being given to the Hispanic vote."
Duarte said the voter registration will begin in earnest Aug. 18 and will continue until the Oct. 6 deadline for new voters to register for the general election.
Mi Familia Vota, a nationwide program to involve Hispanics in the political process, started in Arizona in 2002.
"The fundamental job of the coordinators and organizers will be to motivate the community to participate as volunteers," Duarte said. "Several elections, including the presidential one, were decided by the absentee ballots and the Hispanic vote. There has come the time to claim the political power we have in the community."
BY CESAR NEYOY, BAJO EL SOL
SAN LUIS, Ariz. – Mi Familia Vota, or My Family Votes, wants to make sure Hispanics make their presence felt at the polls in this year's election.
The voter registration program has a goal of adding about 94,000 voters of Latino roots to the rolls in Yuma County and around the state in time for the November general election.
Juan Manuel Guerrero, recently appointed coordinator of Mi Familia Vota for Yuma County, said the voter registration campaign aimed at Hispanics will be unprecedented this year, owing to the fact that both Democrat Barack Obama and Republican John McCain have said the Hispanic vote will be decisive in their presidential aspirations.
Guerrero, a member of Alianza de Liderazgo Comunitario, or Alliance of Community Leadership, said now it's up to Hispanics themselves to have a role in the election by registering to vote and then actually voting.
Mi Familia Vota will base its Yuma County operations in Somerton starting in August, he said
"Somerton is ideal because it's half way between San Luis and Yuma, and that's where we will focus."
Guerrero and Cesar Duarte, statewide director for Mi Familia Vota, said the campaign is nonpartisan and that its objective is to get the highest number of voter registrations and the highest Hispanic turnout at the polls.
Yuma-area community groups such as the Alliance of Community Leadership have already been conducting citizenship clinics and voter registration campaigns of their own among Hispanics, Guerrero said, and Mi Familia Vota will trying to dovetail with those efforts.
"If we call ourselves leaders, now it the time to prove it," he said. "This is a unique opportunity to assert this recognition being given to the Hispanic vote."
Duarte said the voter registration will begin in earnest Aug. 18 and will continue until the Oct. 6 deadline for new voters to register for the general election.
Mi Familia Vota, a nationwide program to involve Hispanics in the political process, started in Arizona in 2002.
"The fundamental job of the coordinators and organizers will be to motivate the community to participate as volunteers," Duarte said. "Several elections, including the presidential one, were decided by the absentee ballots and the Hispanic vote. There has come the time to claim the political power we have in the community."
IDAHO COMMISSION ON HISPANIC AFFAIRS TO RELEASE EDUCATION REPORT
ID Hispanic report to focus on student achievement
The Associated Press
A report the Idaho Commission on Hispanic Affairs plans to release in February will aim to close the gap between Hispanic students and their non-Hispanic classmates.
A commission report this year showed Latino students in third through eighth grades, and 10th graders, scored below non-Latinos in reading, math and language on 2006-2007 statewide tests.
The commission hosted a statewide summit this week in Boise with about 300 educators to outline ways to improve academic achievement among Hispanic students in Idaho.
Juan Saldaña, a records specialist with the Hispanic commission, says a 2009 report will include initiatives outlined during the summit.
The Associated Press
A report the Idaho Commission on Hispanic Affairs plans to release in February will aim to close the gap between Hispanic students and their non-Hispanic classmates.
A commission report this year showed Latino students in third through eighth grades, and 10th graders, scored below non-Latinos in reading, math and language on 2006-2007 statewide tests.
The commission hosted a statewide summit this week in Boise with about 300 educators to outline ways to improve academic achievement among Hispanic students in Idaho.
Juan Saldaña, a records specialist with the Hispanic commission, says a 2009 report will include initiatives outlined during the summit.
LATINOS PAYING MORE FOR ENERGY
New Study Confirms Rising Energy Costs Disproportionately Impacting Minority Households
CHICAGO, July 25, 2008 /PRNewswire via COMTEX/ -- Since 2001, energy costs for the average U.S. household have more than doubled, and sharply escalating gasoline prices are straining the budgets of lower- and middle-class minority families. Those are the findings of a new study released today by the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE) during a press conference in Chicago.
The study explains the cost for consumer energy sources has doubled since 2001 for families making less than $50,000. During this time, their energy bills have increased nearly $3,000, from $2,428 in 2001 to $5,332 in 2008. At the same time, these families' average income rose by just $261.
In 2008, the average American family with an after-tax income of $52,586 will spend more than $6,200 on energy, or 12 percent of the total family budget.
The 60 million households earning less than $50,000, representing 51 percent of all U.S. households, will devote 24 percent of their after-tax income to energy. For the 27 million families with incomes between $10,000 and $30,000, energy expenditures will consume 26 percent of average after-tax incomes.
In 2008, African-American and Hispanic households with annual pre-tax incomes below $50,000 will spend roughly one-quarter of their after-tax income on energy, the study shows.
After paying federal and state taxes, the average African-American family had an estimated income of $35,949 compared to $38,252 for all Hispanic families and $54,125 for white households.
The household energy costs survey measures prices for both transportation and residential energy commodities used by the typical American family. While energy costs increased some across the board, most of the increased cost burden on minority families can be traced to higher gasoline prices and increased costs for natural gas and other home heating fuels. Among consumer energy types, only electricity has maintained a stable price trend over the past decade, mainly because low-cost coal generates more than 50 percent of electricity in the U.S.
"Rising energy costs are disproportionately impacting minority families," says Joe Lucas, vice president of communications, ACCCE. "We know that lower-income families are more vulnerable to rising energy costs than higher-income families because energy represents a larger portion of their family budgets. This represents a significant impact in minority communities because nearly two-thirds of minority families earn less than $50,000 annually, compared to 47 percent of white households."
"Energy costs are consuming an amount usually spent on food, housing or health care," says Lucas. "Also, U.S. Census data indicate that energy price increases have outpaced increased earnings."
Many low-income consumers qualify for energy assistance, but these government programs increasingly are hard pressed to keep pace with the rapid escalation of energy prices, Lucas noted.
The budgetary strain of rising energy costs could also be a contributing factor to energy consumption pattern differences for minority families. Survey data from the U.S. Energy Information Administration indicate that Hispanic households consume 30 percent less residential energy, on average, than the typical U.S. household. This disparity likely reflects geographic differences in the use of residential heating and cooling, including the large number of Hispanic households in California and the Southwest. African-American families, on the other hand, tend to use slightly more residential energy than the average household, but consume 15 percent less gasoline.
"The rapid escalation of consumer energy prices, together with sluggish income growth among low- and middle-income households and declining home equity values, underscore the need to find ways to reduce energy cost impacts on all American families," says Lucas. "Expanding the use of our domestic coal resources -- a primary source of low-cost electric energy -- is an immediate, common sense policy option that makes sense particularly given that technology is making coal an increasing clean source of energy for American families."
The study relies on historical energy consumption survey data and current energy price forecasts from the U.S. Department of Energy's Energy Information Administration (EIA). Energy costs are summarized by household income category for all U.S. households, and for African-American, Hispanic and white families using data from the U.S. Bureau of the Census.
A complete copy of the study can be found on http://www.americaspower.org.
About ACCCE -- The American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE) is a non-profit, non-partisan group involved in producing electricity from coal. Because coal is America's most abundant energy resource, ACCCE supports energy policies that balance meeting our country's growing need for affordable and reliable electricity with environmental protection and advocates for the development and use of clean coal technologies. For more information, visit http://www.cleancoalusa.org or http://www.americaspower.org
CHICAGO, July 25, 2008 /PRNewswire via COMTEX/ -- Since 2001, energy costs for the average U.S. household have more than doubled, and sharply escalating gasoline prices are straining the budgets of lower- and middle-class minority families. Those are the findings of a new study released today by the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE) during a press conference in Chicago.
The study explains the cost for consumer energy sources has doubled since 2001 for families making less than $50,000. During this time, their energy bills have increased nearly $3,000, from $2,428 in 2001 to $5,332 in 2008. At the same time, these families' average income rose by just $261.
In 2008, the average American family with an after-tax income of $52,586 will spend more than $6,200 on energy, or 12 percent of the total family budget.
The 60 million households earning less than $50,000, representing 51 percent of all U.S. households, will devote 24 percent of their after-tax income to energy. For the 27 million families with incomes between $10,000 and $30,000, energy expenditures will consume 26 percent of average after-tax incomes.
In 2008, African-American and Hispanic households with annual pre-tax incomes below $50,000 will spend roughly one-quarter of their after-tax income on energy, the study shows.
After paying federal and state taxes, the average African-American family had an estimated income of $35,949 compared to $38,252 for all Hispanic families and $54,125 for white households.
The household energy costs survey measures prices for both transportation and residential energy commodities used by the typical American family. While energy costs increased some across the board, most of the increased cost burden on minority families can be traced to higher gasoline prices and increased costs for natural gas and other home heating fuels. Among consumer energy types, only electricity has maintained a stable price trend over the past decade, mainly because low-cost coal generates more than 50 percent of electricity in the U.S.
"Rising energy costs are disproportionately impacting minority families," says Joe Lucas, vice president of communications, ACCCE. "We know that lower-income families are more vulnerable to rising energy costs than higher-income families because energy represents a larger portion of their family budgets. This represents a significant impact in minority communities because nearly two-thirds of minority families earn less than $50,000 annually, compared to 47 percent of white households."
"Energy costs are consuming an amount usually spent on food, housing or health care," says Lucas. "Also, U.S. Census data indicate that energy price increases have outpaced increased earnings."
Many low-income consumers qualify for energy assistance, but these government programs increasingly are hard pressed to keep pace with the rapid escalation of energy prices, Lucas noted.
The budgetary strain of rising energy costs could also be a contributing factor to energy consumption pattern differences for minority families. Survey data from the U.S. Energy Information Administration indicate that Hispanic households consume 30 percent less residential energy, on average, than the typical U.S. household. This disparity likely reflects geographic differences in the use of residential heating and cooling, including the large number of Hispanic households in California and the Southwest. African-American families, on the other hand, tend to use slightly more residential energy than the average household, but consume 15 percent less gasoline.
"The rapid escalation of consumer energy prices, together with sluggish income growth among low- and middle-income households and declining home equity values, underscore the need to find ways to reduce energy cost impacts on all American families," says Lucas. "Expanding the use of our domestic coal resources -- a primary source of low-cost electric energy -- is an immediate, common sense policy option that makes sense particularly given that technology is making coal an increasing clean source of energy for American families."
The study relies on historical energy consumption survey data and current energy price forecasts from the U.S. Department of Energy's Energy Information Administration (EIA). Energy costs are summarized by household income category for all U.S. households, and for African-American, Hispanic and white families using data from the U.S. Bureau of the Census.
A complete copy of the study can be found on http://www.americaspower.org.
About ACCCE -- The American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE) is a non-profit, non-partisan group involved in producing electricity from coal. Because coal is America's most abundant energy resource, ACCCE supports energy policies that balance meeting our country's growing need for affordable and reliable electricity with environmental protection and advocates for the development and use of clean coal technologies. For more information, visit http://www.cleancoalusa.org or http://www.americaspower.org
Friday, July 25, 2008
RACIAL PROFILING IN ILLINOIS
Study sees racial bias in traffic-stop searches
By Monique Garcia and Ray Long | Chicago Tribune reporters
Civil rights groups called Thursday for ending the state police practice of searching vehicles during routine traffic stops, citing new statistics that show black and Hispanic motorists are searched more often even though drugs or other illegal items turn up more frequently among white drivers.
In a letter to Gov. Rod Blagojevich, the groups said the state-funded research shows that minorities are unfairly singled out by police departments around the state. They called on him to order the Illinois State Police to end "consent searches," in which drivers agree to open their cars for inspection.
"Now we have the proof in the pudding and that is that not only are [these searches] occurring with greater frequency among minority drivers, but that they are occurring with dramatically less effectiveness," said Harvey Grossman, legal director for the ACLU of Illinois.
Although similar reports have for the last several years revealed that minorities are stopped and searched at higher rates than whites, last year was the first time police agencies were required to disclose their "hit rate," or how often the searches turn up drugs, weapons, stolen goods or other "contraband."
The Democratic governor said in a statement that he opposed "any unjustified differential treatment of any group," but did not address the request to stop the searches. "I look forward to working with the coalition to further our shared goals," Blagojevich said.
The state police called the proposed ban a "drastic step" and said it was premature given that the latest numbers are part of a yearslong study into potential discrimination that won't end until 2010.
"Biased-based policing is unacceptable and will not be practiced or tolerated by the ISP," Director Larry Trent said in a statement.
The study, required under racial-profiling legislation sponsored by then state Sen. Barack Obama of Chicago, is being conducted by the Northwestern University Center for Public Safety based on numbers reported to the state by police agencies around Illinois.
The 2007 statewide data show that compared with whites, police agencies searched blacks three times more often and Hispanics more than twice as often. But police discovered illicit goods roughly twice as often when whites agreed to searches.
The civil rights groups singled out the numbers for the state police, which showed troopers searched minorities three times as often as whites. But troopers found contraband in the vehicles of white motorists almost twice as often as they did in the vehicles of blacks and eight times more often than the vehicles of Hispanics.
"Officers are more trusting of whites than they are of blacks, and they are particularly suspicious of Hispanics," Grossman said of state police. "It's clear from the data that officers require less certainty when they ask Latinos to be searched than they do whites, there are more stringent standards for whites."
The report also contradicted a 2005 state-sponsored study that found minority drivers are more likely to agree to voluntary searches than whites—one possible explanation for why they are more often searched.
Agencies were also required for the first time in 2007 to track how often motorists refuse consent searches. The refusal rates were almost equal among whites and minorities, with whites agreeing to searches 91 percent of the time; and blacks and Hispanics agreeing to 90 percent of requests.
The actual number of consent searches conducted was small—less than 1 percent, or slightly more than 23,000, of the more than 2.4 million traffic stops conducted in the state last year. Just more than 18 percent of the searches found contraband.
Other groups joining in the letter to Blagojevich with the American Civil Liberties Union of Illinois included Rainbow/PUSH, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund, the Chicago chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations, the Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights, the Chicago Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law and the Illinois conference of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
State lawmakers, including several with law enforcement backgrounds, were quick to defend consent searches.
Rep. Edward Acevedo (D-Chicago), on leave from the Chicago Police Department, said the consent searches "should still be allowed."
"Sometimes you have to perform a search when there is immediate danger," Acevedo said.
Sen. John Millner (R- Carol Stream), a former Elmhurst police chief and officer for 31 years, said it's important for officers to have discretion and gave the example of an officer noticing a person was unusually nervous during a stop. He maintained state police are "absolutely not" making stops or conducting searches based on race.
"Color or ethnicity means nothing," Millner said.
Sen. Dale Righter (R-Charleston), a former prosecutor who has handled cases in which defendants were involved in consent searches, said he would oppose stopping the procedure until law enforcement had a chance to independently review the data.
"Just to take the ACLU's conclusions and order a stop of investigations based on that, I think would be a mistake," Righter said.
In 2006, a 15-member Racial Profiling Prevention and Data Oversight Board was created and scheduled to begin meeting this year, but only three members—representing the attorney general's office and the leaders of the House and Senate—have been appointed.
Sen. Kwame Raoul (D-Chicago), one of the appointees, said he hopes the board will be filled and begin meeting soon, and added that he wanted to study the year-to-year breakdown of the numbers before he embraced the call by civil rights groups to end consent searches.
Raoul said he would not want to stifle a cop's ability to sense when "something's going on."
But, Raoul said, "you don't want these hunches to develop because of the color of people's skin. So there's a balancing act that must be done."
By Monique Garcia and Ray Long | Chicago Tribune reporters
Civil rights groups called Thursday for ending the state police practice of searching vehicles during routine traffic stops, citing new statistics that show black and Hispanic motorists are searched more often even though drugs or other illegal items turn up more frequently among white drivers.
In a letter to Gov. Rod Blagojevich, the groups said the state-funded research shows that minorities are unfairly singled out by police departments around the state. They called on him to order the Illinois State Police to end "consent searches," in which drivers agree to open their cars for inspection.
"Now we have the proof in the pudding and that is that not only are [these searches] occurring with greater frequency among minority drivers, but that they are occurring with dramatically less effectiveness," said Harvey Grossman, legal director for the ACLU of Illinois.
Although similar reports have for the last several years revealed that minorities are stopped and searched at higher rates than whites, last year was the first time police agencies were required to disclose their "hit rate," or how often the searches turn up drugs, weapons, stolen goods or other "contraband."
The Democratic governor said in a statement that he opposed "any unjustified differential treatment of any group," but did not address the request to stop the searches. "I look forward to working with the coalition to further our shared goals," Blagojevich said.
The state police called the proposed ban a "drastic step" and said it was premature given that the latest numbers are part of a yearslong study into potential discrimination that won't end until 2010.
"Biased-based policing is unacceptable and will not be practiced or tolerated by the ISP," Director Larry Trent said in a statement.
The study, required under racial-profiling legislation sponsored by then state Sen. Barack Obama of Chicago, is being conducted by the Northwestern University Center for Public Safety based on numbers reported to the state by police agencies around Illinois.
The 2007 statewide data show that compared with whites, police agencies searched blacks three times more often and Hispanics more than twice as often. But police discovered illicit goods roughly twice as often when whites agreed to searches.
The civil rights groups singled out the numbers for the state police, which showed troopers searched minorities three times as often as whites. But troopers found contraband in the vehicles of white motorists almost twice as often as they did in the vehicles of blacks and eight times more often than the vehicles of Hispanics.
"Officers are more trusting of whites than they are of blacks, and they are particularly suspicious of Hispanics," Grossman said of state police. "It's clear from the data that officers require less certainty when they ask Latinos to be searched than they do whites, there are more stringent standards for whites."
The report also contradicted a 2005 state-sponsored study that found minority drivers are more likely to agree to voluntary searches than whites—one possible explanation for why they are more often searched.
Agencies were also required for the first time in 2007 to track how often motorists refuse consent searches. The refusal rates were almost equal among whites and minorities, with whites agreeing to searches 91 percent of the time; and blacks and Hispanics agreeing to 90 percent of requests.
The actual number of consent searches conducted was small—less than 1 percent, or slightly more than 23,000, of the more than 2.4 million traffic stops conducted in the state last year. Just more than 18 percent of the searches found contraband.
Other groups joining in the letter to Blagojevich with the American Civil Liberties Union of Illinois included Rainbow/PUSH, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund, the Chicago chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations, the Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights, the Chicago Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law and the Illinois conference of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
State lawmakers, including several with law enforcement backgrounds, were quick to defend consent searches.
Rep. Edward Acevedo (D-Chicago), on leave from the Chicago Police Department, said the consent searches "should still be allowed."
"Sometimes you have to perform a search when there is immediate danger," Acevedo said.
Sen. John Millner (R- Carol Stream), a former Elmhurst police chief and officer for 31 years, said it's important for officers to have discretion and gave the example of an officer noticing a person was unusually nervous during a stop. He maintained state police are "absolutely not" making stops or conducting searches based on race.
"Color or ethnicity means nothing," Millner said.
Sen. Dale Righter (R-Charleston), a former prosecutor who has handled cases in which defendants were involved in consent searches, said he would oppose stopping the procedure until law enforcement had a chance to independently review the data.
"Just to take the ACLU's conclusions and order a stop of investigations based on that, I think would be a mistake," Righter said.
In 2006, a 15-member Racial Profiling Prevention and Data Oversight Board was created and scheduled to begin meeting this year, but only three members—representing the attorney general's office and the leaders of the House and Senate—have been appointed.
Sen. Kwame Raoul (D-Chicago), one of the appointees, said he hopes the board will be filled and begin meeting soon, and added that he wanted to study the year-to-year breakdown of the numbers before he embraced the call by civil rights groups to end consent searches.
Raoul said he would not want to stifle a cop's ability to sense when "something's going on."
But, Raoul said, "you don't want these hunches to develop because of the color of people's skin. So there's a balancing act that must be done."
LANGUAGE RIGHTS BILL INTRODUCED BY CLINTON AND HONDA
ACLU Applauds Sen. Clinton and Rep. Honda for
Language Rights Bill
Legislation will protect citizens and residents as they learn English
Linda Paris, (202) 675-2312, media@dcaclu.org
WASHINGTON – The American Civil Liberties Union applauds Senator Hillary Clinton (D-NY) and Representative Michael Honda (D-CA) for introducing a bill that protects the rights of English language learners. “Strengthening Communities Through English and Integration Act of 2008” will increase investment in English literacy programs, business support for adult education and training programs as well as other local strategies for integrating immigrant communities.
The following can be attributed to Joanne Lin, ACLU Legislative Counsel:
“The ACLU applauds Senator Clinton and Representative Honda for introducing a language rights bill. The ‘Strengthening Communities Through English and Integration Act of 2008’ will accelerate the integration of immigrant communities.
“Over 50 million people speak a language other than English at home. An estimated 11 million to 21 million U.S. citizens and permanent residents with limited English proficiency live in the United States. Nearly 20 percent of our population cannot understand English to a degree that allows them to interact with government, schools, businesses, medical providers and emergency personnel.”
Language Rights Bill
Legislation will protect citizens and residents as they learn English
Linda Paris, (202) 675-2312, media@dcaclu.org
WASHINGTON – The American Civil Liberties Union applauds Senator Hillary Clinton (D-NY) and Representative Michael Honda (D-CA) for introducing a bill that protects the rights of English language learners. “Strengthening Communities Through English and Integration Act of 2008” will increase investment in English literacy programs, business support for adult education and training programs as well as other local strategies for integrating immigrant communities.
The following can be attributed to Joanne Lin, ACLU Legislative Counsel:
“The ACLU applauds Senator Clinton and Representative Honda for introducing a language rights bill. The ‘Strengthening Communities Through English and Integration Act of 2008’ will accelerate the integration of immigrant communities.
“Over 50 million people speak a language other than English at home. An estimated 11 million to 21 million U.S. citizens and permanent residents with limited English proficiency live in the United States. Nearly 20 percent of our population cannot understand English to a degree that allows them to interact with government, schools, businesses, medical providers and emergency personnel.”
OBAMA BESTS MCCAIN 3 TO 1 IN PEW POLL
2008 National Survey of Latinos: Hispanic Voter Attitudes
by Mark Hugo Lopez, Associate Director, and Susan Minushkin, Deputy Director, Pew Hispanic Center
Hispanic registered voters support Democrat Barack Obama for president over Republican John McCain by 66% to 23%, according to a nationwide survey of 2,015 Latinos conducted by the Pew Hispanic Center, a project of the Pew Research Center, from June 9 through July 13, 2008.
The presumptive Democratic nominee's strong showing in this survey represents a sharp reversal in his fortunes from the primaries, when Obama lost the Latino vote to Hillary Rodham Clinton by a nearly two-to-one ratio, giving rise to speculation in some quarters that Hispanics were disinclined to vote for a black candidate.
But in this new survey, three times as many respondents said being black would help Obama (32%) with Latino voters than said it would hurt him (11%); the majority (53%) said his race would make no difference to Latino voters.
Obama is rated favorably by 76% of Latino registered voters, making him much more popular among that voting group than McCain (44% favorable) and President Bush (27% favorable). Hillary Clinton's ratings among Latino registered voters are 73% favorable and 24% unfavorable; Obama's are 76% favorable and 17% unfavorable.
Also, more than three-quarters of Latinos who reported that they voted for Clinton in the primaries now say they are inclined to vote for Obama in the fall election, while just 8% say they are inclined to vote for McCain. That means that Obama is doing better among Hispanics who supported Clinton than he is among non-Hispanic white Clinton supporters, 70% of whom now say they have transferred their allegiance to Obama while 18% say they plan to vote for McCain, according to a recent survey by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press.
Latino registered voters rank education, the cost of living, jobs and health care as the most important issues in the fall campaign, with crime lagging a bit behind those four and the war in Iraq and immigration still farther behind. On each of these seven issues, Obama is strongly favored over McCain--by lopsided ratios ranging from about three-to-one on education, jobs, health care, the cost of living and immigration, to about two-to-one on Iraq and crime.
In addition to their strong support for Obama, Latino voters have moved sharply into the Democratic camp in the past two years, reversing a pro-GOP tide that had been evident among Latinos earlier in the decade. Some 65% of Latino registered voters now say they identify with or lean toward the Democratic Party, compared with just 26% who identify with or lean toward the GOP. This 39 percentage point Democratic Party identification edge is larger than it has been at any time this decade; as recently as 2006, the partisan gap was just 21 percentage points.
by Mark Hugo Lopez, Associate Director, and Susan Minushkin, Deputy Director, Pew Hispanic Center
Hispanic registered voters support Democrat Barack Obama for president over Republican John McCain by 66% to 23%, according to a nationwide survey of 2,015 Latinos conducted by the Pew Hispanic Center, a project of the Pew Research Center, from June 9 through July 13, 2008.
The presumptive Democratic nominee's strong showing in this survey represents a sharp reversal in his fortunes from the primaries, when Obama lost the Latino vote to Hillary Rodham Clinton by a nearly two-to-one ratio, giving rise to speculation in some quarters that Hispanics were disinclined to vote for a black candidate.
But in this new survey, three times as many respondents said being black would help Obama (32%) with Latino voters than said it would hurt him (11%); the majority (53%) said his race would make no difference to Latino voters.
Obama is rated favorably by 76% of Latino registered voters, making him much more popular among that voting group than McCain (44% favorable) and President Bush (27% favorable). Hillary Clinton's ratings among Latino registered voters are 73% favorable and 24% unfavorable; Obama's are 76% favorable and 17% unfavorable.
Also, more than three-quarters of Latinos who reported that they voted for Clinton in the primaries now say they are inclined to vote for Obama in the fall election, while just 8% say they are inclined to vote for McCain. That means that Obama is doing better among Hispanics who supported Clinton than he is among non-Hispanic white Clinton supporters, 70% of whom now say they have transferred their allegiance to Obama while 18% say they plan to vote for McCain, according to a recent survey by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press.
Latino registered voters rank education, the cost of living, jobs and health care as the most important issues in the fall campaign, with crime lagging a bit behind those four and the war in Iraq and immigration still farther behind. On each of these seven issues, Obama is strongly favored over McCain--by lopsided ratios ranging from about three-to-one on education, jobs, health care, the cost of living and immigration, to about two-to-one on Iraq and crime.
In addition to their strong support for Obama, Latino voters have moved sharply into the Democratic camp in the past two years, reversing a pro-GOP tide that had been evident among Latinos earlier in the decade. Some 65% of Latino registered voters now say they identify with or lean toward the Democratic Party, compared with just 26% who identify with or lean toward the GOP. This 39 percentage point Democratic Party identification edge is larger than it has been at any time this decade; as recently as 2006, the partisan gap was just 21 percentage points.
HISPANICS THE MAJORITY IN KERN COUNTY CALIFORNIA
Hispanics now the largest ethnic group in Kern County
By Jose Gaspar, BAKERSFIELDNOW.COM
At the Apple Market in Shafter, nearly all of its employees are bilingual. The market also has shelves lined with products well known to Hispanic consumers from Choco-Milk to medicinal creams such as Pomada de la Campana.
"The Hispanic consumer represents probably 70 to 75% of our business, so we listen to them," said Apple Market manager Gina Mesias.
The latest survey by the U.S. Census Bureau reveals a total population of 780,117. Of that number, Hispanics comprise 45.17%. Whites make up 42.68%, Blacks 5.26%, Asian 3.81% and Native Americans .5%
"From a business standpoint, it's actually very good for business, we have a lot more Hispanic business coming on the scene," said Lou Gomez, executive director of Kern County Hispanic Chamber of Commerce.
As a consumer group, Hispanics wield huge purchasing power spending about $3 billion dollars annually in Kern County and buying more than 30% of all new vehicles sold in Kern County said Gomez.
While many Hispanic owned businesses have long had bilingual signs on their windows to lure consumers, non-Hispanic owned businesses are also tapping into the market. Major retailers such as Sears, Wal Mart, J.C. Penney and others are regular advertisers on Spanish-language media. And their message appears to be getting through.
"I feel much more comfortable doing business with someone who understands me, my language," said Vicente Ortega of Bakersfield. Ortega is not fluent in English and says doing business can be cumbersome especially when dealing with contracts and other documents.
The increase in Kern County's Hispanic population is being driven mainly because of a higher fertility rate rather than immigration said Peter Smith with Kern Council of Governments.
By Jose Gaspar, BAKERSFIELDNOW.COM
At the Apple Market in Shafter, nearly all of its employees are bilingual. The market also has shelves lined with products well known to Hispanic consumers from Choco-Milk to medicinal creams such as Pomada de la Campana.
"The Hispanic consumer represents probably 70 to 75% of our business, so we listen to them," said Apple Market manager Gina Mesias.
The latest survey by the U.S. Census Bureau reveals a total population of 780,117. Of that number, Hispanics comprise 45.17%. Whites make up 42.68%, Blacks 5.26%, Asian 3.81% and Native Americans .5%
"From a business standpoint, it's actually very good for business, we have a lot more Hispanic business coming on the scene," said Lou Gomez, executive director of Kern County Hispanic Chamber of Commerce.
As a consumer group, Hispanics wield huge purchasing power spending about $3 billion dollars annually in Kern County and buying more than 30% of all new vehicles sold in Kern County said Gomez.
While many Hispanic owned businesses have long had bilingual signs on their windows to lure consumers, non-Hispanic owned businesses are also tapping into the market. Major retailers such as Sears, Wal Mart, J.C. Penney and others are regular advertisers on Spanish-language media. And their message appears to be getting through.
"I feel much more comfortable doing business with someone who understands me, my language," said Vicente Ortega of Bakersfield. Ortega is not fluent in English and says doing business can be cumbersome especially when dealing with contracts and other documents.
The increase in Kern County's Hispanic population is being driven mainly because of a higher fertility rate rather than immigration said Peter Smith with Kern Council of Governments.
CONGRESS QUESTIONS ILLEGAL IMMIGRANT TRIALS
Expedited Trials of Illegal Immigrants Are Questioned
By Spencer S. Hsu, Washington Post Staff Writer, July 25, 2008
Criminal defense and immigration lawyers yesterday challenged the government's use of expedited trials to convict 306 illegal immigrant workers at a meat processing plant in Iowa in May, arguing that fast-tracked group trials violated defendants' rights.
Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.), chairman of the House Judiciary Committee's immigration panel, said after a day-long hearing that she found the Justice Department's actions against workers at the Agriprocessors Inc. plant in Postville, Iowa, "to be unusual and provocative, and I do have questions about whether they meet the requirements of due process that is guaranteed in our Constitution."
A Justice Department official, Deborah J. Rhodes, said all defendants were provided with criminal defense lawyers and interpreters, as well as access to immigration lawyers and consular officials. Federal judges also asked them and their lawyers if they understood and voluntarily agreed to the terms, she said.
"While the scope of the case presented unusual challenges, defendants' constitutional rights were carefully protected and exercised," Rhodes said.
The hearings focused attention on the aftermath of the Agriprocessors raid, the largest immigration sweep at a single worksite, and on the Bush administration's expanding use of criminal charges against illegal immigrants. Previously, illegal workers were generally held on administrative grounds and deported.
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Erik Camayd-Freixas, one of 12 court interpreters who participated in the two-week Iowa proceedings, called them a dangerous pilot effort that subjected defendants to unfounded charges, denied them access to bail because of their immigration status, gave lawyers too little time to advise their clients and deprived judges of a meaningful role in plea deals or sentencing.
The government convicted and sentenced most defendants in four days at temporary court and detention facilities set up at nearby cattle show fairgrounds.
Defendants, most from Guatemala, were processed in groups of 10. Most were charged with aggravated identity theft with the promise of at least a six-month stay in jail until trial, a mandatory two-year prison sentence if found guilty and deportation whether they were found guilty or not. Or they could plead guilty to a lesser charge of document fraud, serve five months in prison and be deported.
Most agreed to the latter, even though six U.S. circuit courts of appeal have split evenly over the question of whether aggravated identity theft requires that the government prove a defendant knows the person whose identity or Social Security number he has taken.
"If our honorable judges had known how this dubious experiment would have turned out, they never would have allowed it," Camayd-Freixas said.
Homeland Security and Justice Department officials credit the new aggressive tactics with deterring border crossings. Republicans on the Judiciary Committee accused Democrats of caring more about illegal immigrants than the American workers whose jobs they take. "The more the administration tries to do its job . . . the more they are criticized for enforcing the law," said Rep. Lamar Smith (R-Tex.).
By Spencer S. Hsu, Washington Post Staff Writer, July 25, 2008
Criminal defense and immigration lawyers yesterday challenged the government's use of expedited trials to convict 306 illegal immigrant workers at a meat processing plant in Iowa in May, arguing that fast-tracked group trials violated defendants' rights.
Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.), chairman of the House Judiciary Committee's immigration panel, said after a day-long hearing that she found the Justice Department's actions against workers at the Agriprocessors Inc. plant in Postville, Iowa, "to be unusual and provocative, and I do have questions about whether they meet the requirements of due process that is guaranteed in our Constitution."
A Justice Department official, Deborah J. Rhodes, said all defendants were provided with criminal defense lawyers and interpreters, as well as access to immigration lawyers and consular officials. Federal judges also asked them and their lawyers if they understood and voluntarily agreed to the terms, she said.
"While the scope of the case presented unusual challenges, defendants' constitutional rights were carefully protected and exercised," Rhodes said.
The hearings focused attention on the aftermath of the Agriprocessors raid, the largest immigration sweep at a single worksite, and on the Bush administration's expanding use of criminal charges against illegal immigrants. Previously, illegal workers were generally held on administrative grounds and deported.
ad_icon
Erik Camayd-Freixas, one of 12 court interpreters who participated in the two-week Iowa proceedings, called them a dangerous pilot effort that subjected defendants to unfounded charges, denied them access to bail because of their immigration status, gave lawyers too little time to advise their clients and deprived judges of a meaningful role in plea deals or sentencing.
The government convicted and sentenced most defendants in four days at temporary court and detention facilities set up at nearby cattle show fairgrounds.
Defendants, most from Guatemala, were processed in groups of 10. Most were charged with aggravated identity theft with the promise of at least a six-month stay in jail until trial, a mandatory two-year prison sentence if found guilty and deportation whether they were found guilty or not. Or they could plead guilty to a lesser charge of document fraud, serve five months in prison and be deported.
Most agreed to the latter, even though six U.S. circuit courts of appeal have split evenly over the question of whether aggravated identity theft requires that the government prove a defendant knows the person whose identity or Social Security number he has taken.
"If our honorable judges had known how this dubious experiment would have turned out, they never would have allowed it," Camayd-Freixas said.
Homeland Security and Justice Department officials credit the new aggressive tactics with deterring border crossings. Republicans on the Judiciary Committee accused Democrats of caring more about illegal immigrants than the American workers whose jobs they take. "The more the administration tries to do its job . . . the more they are criticized for enforcing the law," said Rep. Lamar Smith (R-Tex.).
Thursday, July 24, 2008
L.A. MAYOR FIGHTS TO DELIVER LATINO VOTE
Villaraigosa seeks to build Latino support for Obama
The effort stands to benefit both the presidential candidate and the mayor, a former Hillary Clinton supporter who has had an uneasy relationship with some in the black community.
By Phil Willon, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
When a Spanish-language radio ad slammed presidential hopeful Sen. Barack Obama for just discovering the "importance of the Latino vote," his campaign called on Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa to knock the attack down.
Villaraigosa issued a public statement praising Obama as a "champion of the Latino community" who was "fighting for our families" and then delivered the same glowing message when he addressed two of the nation's most prestigious Latino civil rights organizations.
The mayor's ascension as an Obama pitchman, while intriguing because of Villaraigosa's support of rival Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton during the Democratic primary, is a move that promises to work to the political advantage of both men.
Whether reality or mere perception, the specter of a smoldering animosity between blacks and Latinos is an issue that both Obama and Villaraigosa treat with great care as they preside over the multiracial coalitions essential to their political success.
Villaraigosa, one of the nation's most prominent Latino politicians, can help Obama by unleashing his bilingual charms to help win over a Latino electorate that voted overwhelmingly for Clinton in the primaries.
With his historic candidacy and tight embrace from African American voters, Obama helps Villaraigosa cast himself as a coalition builder in the mold of five-term Los Angeles Mayor Tom Bradley, who was the city's first black mayor and was best known for his ability to unify the fractious city.
Villaraigosa's increased support among black voters was a critical factor in his defeat of former Mayor James K. Hahn in 2005, but that support has vacillated. Villaraigosa has been praised for the diversity of his administration, for a drop in violent crime and for working with community leaders to stimulate the economy of South L.A.
But he was criticized by black leaders for the way he handled a racially charged lawsuit filed by a black firefighter who was fed dog food by colleagues. And black leaders were leery of his attempted takeover of Los Angeles' public schools.
Those actions by the mayor rekindled doubts that some black voters had about Villaraigosa, who campaigned to unite the city as well as create jobs, improve schools and provide better city services to neglected black neighborhoods, said Jackie Dupont-Walker, a leader at Ward AME Church in South L.A.
"There was always some question on how he was going to deliver on the promises. Will you show you are who you say you are?" Walker said.
Assembly Speaker Karen Bass said that Villaraigosa had devoted his life to fighting for civil rights and that his record as mayor reflected that. The Los Angeles Democrat noted, for instance, that the mayor went after construction companies for failing to hire black workers and, in partnership with church and union leaders, helped establish an apprenticeship program that has trained hundreds of African Americans for the high-wage building trades.
'A set of values'
"He came into office with a set of values, and I believe he has been consistent with that set of values when he's been in office," said Bass, a friend of Villaraigosa for 30 years and the first African American woman to become speaker of the Assembly.
Villaraigosa, who thus far faces no serious challenger in his 2009 reelection bid, is defensive when his support among African Americans is questioned. He says polls conducted by his campaign show that black voters are among his "strongest" supporters.
That popularity comes, he said, because he is devoted to "providing opportunities, regardless of race"; he has tripled the number of positions offered by the city's summer jobs program, with a third going to African Americans; and the number of locations that provide L.A.'s Best after-school programs for at-risk youth has increased threefold.
African Americans account for 37% of the general managers he has hired and 22% of his appointments to the commissions that oversee the Fire Department, the airport agency and other departments.
"I'm very proud of the fact that last year in Watts, we went two months without a homicide for the first time in 50 years and, importantly, broke ground on market-rate housing for the first time in 50 years," Villaraigosa said. "So there's a real focus here on making sure, as I said in the campaign, a great city is a city where we're growing and prospering together, not leaving communities behind."
When Villaraigosa lost his first run for mayor in 2001, Hahn won 80% of the black vote -- aided by the vast African American political base that his father, Kenneth, established as a county supervisor decades ago.
James Hahn lost that advantage, in part, because of his role in ousting then-Police Chief Bernard C. Parks, an African American who is now on the City Council. A large group of prominent black leaders who backed Hahn in 2001 threw their support behind Villaraigosa in 2005. Times exit polls showed that Villaraigosa won 48% of the city's black vote, but the mayor contends that the figure was closer to 59%.
"I would not be willing to say to you that it was such a big 'We love you, Antonio' as much as it said, 'We're [upset] and we're going to fix you, Jimmy Hahn, because of Bernie Parks,' " said Genethia Hudley-Hayes, a city fire commissioner who endorsed Villaraigosa in both 2001 and 2005.
Hudley-Hayes said Villaraigosa had done "some good things and some bad things." She credits him for a drop in violent crime, the addition of LAPD officers and a successful crackdown on soot-spewing big-rigs at the Port of Los Angeles.
But she said many were still disturbed that Villaraigosa vetoed the city's $2.7-million settlement with Tennie Pierce, who sued for discrimination after being fed dog food by fellow firefighters at the Westchester station.
Villaraigosa issued the veto after a public outcry about the size of the settlement arose, fueled by news outlets publishing photos of Pierce also engaged in firehouse pranks. The case was eventually settled for $1.5 million.
'Still some acrimony'
"There is still some acrimony and suspicion about why he did that," Hudley-Hayes said. "Was it racial, wasn't it racial? . . . And there was a portion of the community that was always suspicious of him, but that has to do with African American and Latino politics in this town."
Amid the public outcry, Villaraigosa forced Fire Chief William Bamattre out and replaced him with the city's first African American chief, Douglas L. Barry.
Villaraigosa defended the veto as the "right thing to do," saying the case did not merit a $2.7-million settlement.
At the time, however, his decision added to concerns among some African Americans about his unsuccessful effort to take over the Los Angeles Unified School District, further stirring up anxieties about the increasing influence of Latinos over their daily lives.
That was magnified again last year when Villaraigosa backed a slate of school board candidates to increase his voice in the school system. African American board member Marguerite Poindexter LaMotte was up for reelection and, although the mayor denies it, many in the black community believed he worked behind the scenes to support her challenger, who failed to oust her.
"That was the perception," said political consultant Kerman Maddox, a Villaraigosa supporter, "and there were some people in the African American community who were offended."
Villaraigosa has overcome much of that animosity, he said, by building long-standing relationships with community leaders, walking the neighborhoods and visiting "every black church in L.A."
Maddox remembers when the massive May Day immigrant-rights rally in 2006 led to a lot of dinner-table conversations about whether continuing Latino immigration would start pushing blacks out of their jobs and neighborhoods. Villaraigosa sat down with African American leaders to listen to those concerns, he said.
"I give him an A-plus on that because . . . if you have a city that's full of racial tension and about to blow, it doesn't matter what kind of transportation system you have or what type of school system you have. It's not going to matter," Maddox said.
The effort stands to benefit both the presidential candidate and the mayor, a former Hillary Clinton supporter who has had an uneasy relationship with some in the black community.
By Phil Willon, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
When a Spanish-language radio ad slammed presidential hopeful Sen. Barack Obama for just discovering the "importance of the Latino vote," his campaign called on Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa to knock the attack down.
Villaraigosa issued a public statement praising Obama as a "champion of the Latino community" who was "fighting for our families" and then delivered the same glowing message when he addressed two of the nation's most prestigious Latino civil rights organizations.
The mayor's ascension as an Obama pitchman, while intriguing because of Villaraigosa's support of rival Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton during the Democratic primary, is a move that promises to work to the political advantage of both men.
Whether reality or mere perception, the specter of a smoldering animosity between blacks and Latinos is an issue that both Obama and Villaraigosa treat with great care as they preside over the multiracial coalitions essential to their political success.
Villaraigosa, one of the nation's most prominent Latino politicians, can help Obama by unleashing his bilingual charms to help win over a Latino electorate that voted overwhelmingly for Clinton in the primaries.
With his historic candidacy and tight embrace from African American voters, Obama helps Villaraigosa cast himself as a coalition builder in the mold of five-term Los Angeles Mayor Tom Bradley, who was the city's first black mayor and was best known for his ability to unify the fractious city.
Villaraigosa's increased support among black voters was a critical factor in his defeat of former Mayor James K. Hahn in 2005, but that support has vacillated. Villaraigosa has been praised for the diversity of his administration, for a drop in violent crime and for working with community leaders to stimulate the economy of South L.A.
But he was criticized by black leaders for the way he handled a racially charged lawsuit filed by a black firefighter who was fed dog food by colleagues. And black leaders were leery of his attempted takeover of Los Angeles' public schools.
Those actions by the mayor rekindled doubts that some black voters had about Villaraigosa, who campaigned to unite the city as well as create jobs, improve schools and provide better city services to neglected black neighborhoods, said Jackie Dupont-Walker, a leader at Ward AME Church in South L.A.
"There was always some question on how he was going to deliver on the promises. Will you show you are who you say you are?" Walker said.
Assembly Speaker Karen Bass said that Villaraigosa had devoted his life to fighting for civil rights and that his record as mayor reflected that. The Los Angeles Democrat noted, for instance, that the mayor went after construction companies for failing to hire black workers and, in partnership with church and union leaders, helped establish an apprenticeship program that has trained hundreds of African Americans for the high-wage building trades.
'A set of values'
"He came into office with a set of values, and I believe he has been consistent with that set of values when he's been in office," said Bass, a friend of Villaraigosa for 30 years and the first African American woman to become speaker of the Assembly.
Villaraigosa, who thus far faces no serious challenger in his 2009 reelection bid, is defensive when his support among African Americans is questioned. He says polls conducted by his campaign show that black voters are among his "strongest" supporters.
That popularity comes, he said, because he is devoted to "providing opportunities, regardless of race"; he has tripled the number of positions offered by the city's summer jobs program, with a third going to African Americans; and the number of locations that provide L.A.'s Best after-school programs for at-risk youth has increased threefold.
African Americans account for 37% of the general managers he has hired and 22% of his appointments to the commissions that oversee the Fire Department, the airport agency and other departments.
"I'm very proud of the fact that last year in Watts, we went two months without a homicide for the first time in 50 years and, importantly, broke ground on market-rate housing for the first time in 50 years," Villaraigosa said. "So there's a real focus here on making sure, as I said in the campaign, a great city is a city where we're growing and prospering together, not leaving communities behind."
When Villaraigosa lost his first run for mayor in 2001, Hahn won 80% of the black vote -- aided by the vast African American political base that his father, Kenneth, established as a county supervisor decades ago.
James Hahn lost that advantage, in part, because of his role in ousting then-Police Chief Bernard C. Parks, an African American who is now on the City Council. A large group of prominent black leaders who backed Hahn in 2001 threw their support behind Villaraigosa in 2005. Times exit polls showed that Villaraigosa won 48% of the city's black vote, but the mayor contends that the figure was closer to 59%.
"I would not be willing to say to you that it was such a big 'We love you, Antonio' as much as it said, 'We're [upset] and we're going to fix you, Jimmy Hahn, because of Bernie Parks,' " said Genethia Hudley-Hayes, a city fire commissioner who endorsed Villaraigosa in both 2001 and 2005.
Hudley-Hayes said Villaraigosa had done "some good things and some bad things." She credits him for a drop in violent crime, the addition of LAPD officers and a successful crackdown on soot-spewing big-rigs at the Port of Los Angeles.
But she said many were still disturbed that Villaraigosa vetoed the city's $2.7-million settlement with Tennie Pierce, who sued for discrimination after being fed dog food by fellow firefighters at the Westchester station.
Villaraigosa issued the veto after a public outcry about the size of the settlement arose, fueled by news outlets publishing photos of Pierce also engaged in firehouse pranks. The case was eventually settled for $1.5 million.
'Still some acrimony'
"There is still some acrimony and suspicion about why he did that," Hudley-Hayes said. "Was it racial, wasn't it racial? . . . And there was a portion of the community that was always suspicious of him, but that has to do with African American and Latino politics in this town."
Amid the public outcry, Villaraigosa forced Fire Chief William Bamattre out and replaced him with the city's first African American chief, Douglas L. Barry.
Villaraigosa defended the veto as the "right thing to do," saying the case did not merit a $2.7-million settlement.
At the time, however, his decision added to concerns among some African Americans about his unsuccessful effort to take over the Los Angeles Unified School District, further stirring up anxieties about the increasing influence of Latinos over their daily lives.
That was magnified again last year when Villaraigosa backed a slate of school board candidates to increase his voice in the school system. African American board member Marguerite Poindexter LaMotte was up for reelection and, although the mayor denies it, many in the black community believed he worked behind the scenes to support her challenger, who failed to oust her.
"That was the perception," said political consultant Kerman Maddox, a Villaraigosa supporter, "and there were some people in the African American community who were offended."
Villaraigosa has overcome much of that animosity, he said, by building long-standing relationships with community leaders, walking the neighborhoods and visiting "every black church in L.A."
Maddox remembers when the massive May Day immigrant-rights rally in 2006 led to a lot of dinner-table conversations about whether continuing Latino immigration would start pushing blacks out of their jobs and neighborhoods. Villaraigosa sat down with African American leaders to listen to those concerns, he said.
"I give him an A-plus on that because . . . if you have a city that's full of racial tension and about to blow, it doesn't matter what kind of transportation system you have or what type of school system you have. It's not going to matter," Maddox said.
PESO STRENGTH RISING AGAINST THE DOLLAR
Dollar can't buck the trend lower vs. peso
Anti-inflation moves by Mexico's central bank could further boost the peso.
By Marla Dickerson, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer, marla.dickerson@latimes.com
MEXICO CITY -- The super peso is back.
As rising interest rates draw capital south of the border, Mexico's currency is trading near a six-year high against the U.S. dollar and is poised to crack the psychological 10-peso-to-the-buck barrier. The peso closed at 10.007 per dollar Wednesday, compared with 10.07 on Tuesday. The peso has gained about 9% against the greenback this year.
The last time a dollar bought fewer than 10 pesos was October 2002.
The pumped-up peso is making U.S. goods cheaper for Mexican consumers. But it's bad news for American tourists, for whom a visit south of the border is becoming costlier. The rising peso is also cutting into Mexican exporters' profits and making it costlier for U.S. businesses to set up shop in Mexico.
Richard Jaime, president of North American Production Sharing Inc., said his clients were feeling the squeeze. The Del Mar, Calif., firm handles administrative chores for U.S. manufacturers outsourcing operations to Mexico. He said the strengthening Mexican currency had raised labor costs for his American clients because they sell their products in dollars but pay their Mexican workforce in pesos.
Jaime said many of his customers were automotive and electronics companies that can't raise their prices in a slowing U.S. economy. That means the currency hit is coming out of their pockets. "Obviously our clients are paying attention because all their costs are going up," Jaime said. "Everything from labor to materials is increasing tremendously."
Blame it on the Bank of Mexico. Spooked by rising inflation, Mexico's central bank is doing what the U.S. Federal Reserve has hesitated to: hike its benchmark overnight lending rate. It raised it to 8% last week, the second increase in a month.
The corresponding U.S. federal funds rate is 2%. That differential is fueling foreign demand for Mexican fixed-income securities, which are paying significantly higher rates of interest than those in the United States. Investment dollars are flowing into Mexico, which is helping to strengthen the peso.
With Mexican inflation showing few signs of easing, some analysts predict more rate hikes. "We have seen some pretty hawkish talk from the central bank," said Gray Newman, senior Latin America economist with Morgan Stanley in New York. "That's an important driver here."
The strong peso could be a blow for Mexico's tourism industry. The sector is already suffering fallout from higher fuel prices and an explosion of narcotics-related violence that has dissuaded millions of U.S. day-trippers from crossing the border.
A weakening dollar also means that Mexican families who depend on remittances sent by loved ones working in the United States end up with less cash once those greenbacks are converted into pesos.
Still, a strong national currency boosts the purchasing power of Mexican consumers. It's particularly advantageous for those who live near the northern border and can cross into the United States, where their pesos are stretching further every day.
American retailers are eager to court this business. El Paso, Texas, depends heavily on shoppers from neighboring Ciudad Juarez, said Victor Venegas, marketing and outreach coordinator for the El Paso Economic Development Department.
He said a strong peso meant more business for places such as the Outlet Shoppes at El Paso.
"When the economic situation improves in Mexico, the economic situation improves in El Paso," he said.
Anti-inflation moves by Mexico's central bank could further boost the peso.
By Marla Dickerson, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer, marla.dickerson@latimes.com
MEXICO CITY -- The super peso is back.
As rising interest rates draw capital south of the border, Mexico's currency is trading near a six-year high against the U.S. dollar and is poised to crack the psychological 10-peso-to-the-buck barrier. The peso closed at 10.007 per dollar Wednesday, compared with 10.07 on Tuesday. The peso has gained about 9% against the greenback this year.
The last time a dollar bought fewer than 10 pesos was October 2002.
The pumped-up peso is making U.S. goods cheaper for Mexican consumers. But it's bad news for American tourists, for whom a visit south of the border is becoming costlier. The rising peso is also cutting into Mexican exporters' profits and making it costlier for U.S. businesses to set up shop in Mexico.
Richard Jaime, president of North American Production Sharing Inc., said his clients were feeling the squeeze. The Del Mar, Calif., firm handles administrative chores for U.S. manufacturers outsourcing operations to Mexico. He said the strengthening Mexican currency had raised labor costs for his American clients because they sell their products in dollars but pay their Mexican workforce in pesos.
Jaime said many of his customers were automotive and electronics companies that can't raise their prices in a slowing U.S. economy. That means the currency hit is coming out of their pockets. "Obviously our clients are paying attention because all their costs are going up," Jaime said. "Everything from labor to materials is increasing tremendously."
Blame it on the Bank of Mexico. Spooked by rising inflation, Mexico's central bank is doing what the U.S. Federal Reserve has hesitated to: hike its benchmark overnight lending rate. It raised it to 8% last week, the second increase in a month.
The corresponding U.S. federal funds rate is 2%. That differential is fueling foreign demand for Mexican fixed-income securities, which are paying significantly higher rates of interest than those in the United States. Investment dollars are flowing into Mexico, which is helping to strengthen the peso.
With Mexican inflation showing few signs of easing, some analysts predict more rate hikes. "We have seen some pretty hawkish talk from the central bank," said Gray Newman, senior Latin America economist with Morgan Stanley in New York. "That's an important driver here."
The strong peso could be a blow for Mexico's tourism industry. The sector is already suffering fallout from higher fuel prices and an explosion of narcotics-related violence that has dissuaded millions of U.S. day-trippers from crossing the border.
A weakening dollar also means that Mexican families who depend on remittances sent by loved ones working in the United States end up with less cash once those greenbacks are converted into pesos.
Still, a strong national currency boosts the purchasing power of Mexican consumers. It's particularly advantageous for those who live near the northern border and can cross into the United States, where their pesos are stretching further every day.
American retailers are eager to court this business. El Paso, Texas, depends heavily on shoppers from neighboring Ciudad Juarez, said Victor Venegas, marketing and outreach coordinator for the El Paso Economic Development Department.
He said a strong peso meant more business for places such as the Outlet Shoppes at El Paso.
"When the economic situation improves in Mexico, the economic situation improves in El Paso," he said.
SAN JOSE G.I. FORUM BACK ON TRACK
Ex-paratrooper jumps to Latino group's aid
By Joe Rodriguez, Mercury News
Charlie Lostaunau, who once parachuted over Tehran to impress the Shah and into Vietnam to fight Ho Chi Minh, is proof that some old soldiers don't fade away.
In recent months he took charge of the board of the proud but downtrodden American GI Forum in San Jose. It may sound like just another club for aging veterans, but shortly after World War II, the group marched boldly at the front of the Latino movement for civil rights.
"Even a lot of young Latino veterans from Afghanistan and Iraq don't know us," says Lostaunau, whose salt-and-pepper hair and goatee make him look more like a retired professor than a Purple Heart recipient. "But we can change that and we will."
The work of the Forum flowed from a policy during World War II that would not allow Texas Mexican-Americans who had been killed in action to be buried in that state's - whites only - military cemeteries.
A group of returning Tejano vets sued in federal court and won - but they didn't stop there. Forming the American GI Forum in 1948, they took on discrimination against Latino vets in military benefits, education, housing, banking and medical care. Their movement spread across the country. In 1959 California's first chapter formed in San Jose.
Lostaunau by then was a restless, "macho" teenager in Bakersfield who dropped out of high school. He joined the Army and became a paratrooper. When the United States was courting the Shah of Iran in 1960, Lostaunau jumped over Tehran in a display of American strength.
He also remembers Sept. 25, 1965, quite well. President Lyndon Johnson's Vietnam buildup hadn't quite crested and it seemed everywhere he and the 101st Airborne Division went, "we were outnumbered by NVA and Viet Cong."
On patrol at Anke Pass, he or a soldier near him tripped a mine. The explosion sent Lostaunau to a field hospitable with shrapnel wounds. But the next day? He returned to battle.
Chicano movement
After the military he enrolled at San Jose State University and met a host of young, radical Chicano students and an inspirational professor: Jose Carrasco.
"Chicano vets like Charlie didn't have a lot waiting for them," Carrasco said. "They came to State and began to search for identity, how to make their way. The Chicano movement then wasn't rigid, so the young veterans like Charlie, who were still patriotic, could still fit in."
Unlike mainstream veterans groups, Carrasco explained, the GI Forum and anti-war Chicanos did not clash politically because the group had earned its civil rights stripes and "had its own history of being excluded."
Lostaunau joined the Forum in 1977, then graduated soon after with a degree in sociology. He took a job with the U.S. Postal Service in 1987 and a break from the GI Forum. When he rejoined, it was a very different organization in 2003.
Off course
It's hard to pinpoint when and how the San Jose GI Forum went wrong.
It endured years of negative public relations from the violence and drinking problems flowing from its Cinco de Mayo festivals. There were also organizational troubles with its community center and a rehabilitation center for veterans. A lot of members blamed its entrenched governing board led by the combative Abel Cota. Members started drifting away from the group.
Even when Lostaunau returned in 2003 as just a member, he demanded more openness in the group's financial reporting. Then in May, his slate ran against the former board and when it was over Lostaunau was the new board chairman. Now the Forum has a new interim executive director - Leticia Rodriguez - and the membership - at 240 - is growing again.
Lostaunau's agenda is long and ambitious: Clean up the books, introduce regular audits and other professional practices, recruit young veterans of the wars in the Mideast, form alliances with other veterans organizations, tap into funding from foundations, buy another commercial building and more.
But as far as civil rights go, what's a Latino veterans group to do in the early 21st century? Lostaunau is quick to answer.
"We need to help our border brothers," he says, using a term of endearment for illegal immigrants from Mexico. "These are our people, not too removed from ourselves, who are traveling the same territory for the same reason as we and our parents and grandparents did."
That's a position sure to rattle the anti-illegal-immigrant lobby, but as Lostaunau says, this is a group that truly knows how to wage righteous battles.
By Joe Rodriguez, Mercury News
Charlie Lostaunau, who once parachuted over Tehran to impress the Shah and into Vietnam to fight Ho Chi Minh, is proof that some old soldiers don't fade away.
In recent months he took charge of the board of the proud but downtrodden American GI Forum in San Jose. It may sound like just another club for aging veterans, but shortly after World War II, the group marched boldly at the front of the Latino movement for civil rights.
"Even a lot of young Latino veterans from Afghanistan and Iraq don't know us," says Lostaunau, whose salt-and-pepper hair and goatee make him look more like a retired professor than a Purple Heart recipient. "But we can change that and we will."
The work of the Forum flowed from a policy during World War II that would not allow Texas Mexican-Americans who had been killed in action to be buried in that state's - whites only - military cemeteries.
A group of returning Tejano vets sued in federal court and won - but they didn't stop there. Forming the American GI Forum in 1948, they took on discrimination against Latino vets in military benefits, education, housing, banking and medical care. Their movement spread across the country. In 1959 California's first chapter formed in San Jose.
Lostaunau by then was a restless, "macho" teenager in Bakersfield who dropped out of high school. He joined the Army and became a paratrooper. When the United States was courting the Shah of Iran in 1960, Lostaunau jumped over Tehran in a display of American strength.
He also remembers Sept. 25, 1965, quite well. President Lyndon Johnson's Vietnam buildup hadn't quite crested and it seemed everywhere he and the 101st Airborne Division went, "we were outnumbered by NVA and Viet Cong."
On patrol at Anke Pass, he or a soldier near him tripped a mine. The explosion sent Lostaunau to a field hospitable with shrapnel wounds. But the next day? He returned to battle.
Chicano movement
After the military he enrolled at San Jose State University and met a host of young, radical Chicano students and an inspirational professor: Jose Carrasco.
"Chicano vets like Charlie didn't have a lot waiting for them," Carrasco said. "They came to State and began to search for identity, how to make their way. The Chicano movement then wasn't rigid, so the young veterans like Charlie, who were still patriotic, could still fit in."
Unlike mainstream veterans groups, Carrasco explained, the GI Forum and anti-war Chicanos did not clash politically because the group had earned its civil rights stripes and "had its own history of being excluded."
Lostaunau joined the Forum in 1977, then graduated soon after with a degree in sociology. He took a job with the U.S. Postal Service in 1987 and a break from the GI Forum. When he rejoined, it was a very different organization in 2003.
Off course
It's hard to pinpoint when and how the San Jose GI Forum went wrong.
It endured years of negative public relations from the violence and drinking problems flowing from its Cinco de Mayo festivals. There were also organizational troubles with its community center and a rehabilitation center for veterans. A lot of members blamed its entrenched governing board led by the combative Abel Cota. Members started drifting away from the group.
Even when Lostaunau returned in 2003 as just a member, he demanded more openness in the group's financial reporting. Then in May, his slate ran against the former board and when it was over Lostaunau was the new board chairman. Now the Forum has a new interim executive director - Leticia Rodriguez - and the membership - at 240 - is growing again.
Lostaunau's agenda is long and ambitious: Clean up the books, introduce regular audits and other professional practices, recruit young veterans of the wars in the Mideast, form alliances with other veterans organizations, tap into funding from foundations, buy another commercial building and more.
But as far as civil rights go, what's a Latino veterans group to do in the early 21st century? Lostaunau is quick to answer.
"We need to help our border brothers," he says, using a term of endearment for illegal immigrants from Mexico. "These are our people, not too removed from ourselves, who are traveling the same territory for the same reason as we and our parents and grandparents did."
That's a position sure to rattle the anti-illegal-immigrant lobby, but as Lostaunau says, this is a group that truly knows how to wage righteous battles.
LATINA NAMED TEXAS SECRETARY OF STATE
Ex-transportation commissioner Esperanza Andrade named Texas secretary of state
DALLAS MORNING-NEWS
AUSTIN – Gov. Rick Perry has named former transportation commissioner Esperanza "Hope" Andrade as Texas' new secretary of state.
Andrade will serve as the state's chief elections officer and as the governor's liaison on border and Mexican affairs. The secretary of state also oversees official and business records.
Perry made the announcement Wednesday, saying that the appointment is effective immediately.
"Hope's dedicated public service and business savvy have made her an indispensable asset to the state of Texas," Perry said in a prepared statement. "I look forward to working with her to continue to make Texas the greatest and most prosperous state in the nation."
She replaces Phil Wilson, who stepped down to work for Dallas-based energy company Luminant.
Andrade, an entrepreneur from San Antonio, was appointed to the Texas Transportation Commission in 2003 and served on the panel until earlier this year. She was interim chair of the commission from January to April.
Andrade said she's looking forward to promoting Texas commerce and to a prosperous relationship with Mexico.
"As the chief elections officer of Texas," she added, "I will strive to protect the integrity of elections as part of our democratic process – a process that Texans value and respect."
DALLAS MORNING-NEWS
AUSTIN – Gov. Rick Perry has named former transportation commissioner Esperanza "Hope" Andrade as Texas' new secretary of state.
Andrade will serve as the state's chief elections officer and as the governor's liaison on border and Mexican affairs. The secretary of state also oversees official and business records.
Perry made the announcement Wednesday, saying that the appointment is effective immediately.
"Hope's dedicated public service and business savvy have made her an indispensable asset to the state of Texas," Perry said in a prepared statement. "I look forward to working with her to continue to make Texas the greatest and most prosperous state in the nation."
She replaces Phil Wilson, who stepped down to work for Dallas-based energy company Luminant.
Andrade, an entrepreneur from San Antonio, was appointed to the Texas Transportation Commission in 2003 and served on the panel until earlier this year. She was interim chair of the commission from January to April.
Andrade said she's looking forward to promoting Texas commerce and to a prosperous relationship with Mexico.
"As the chief elections officer of Texas," she added, "I will strive to protect the integrity of elections as part of our democratic process – a process that Texans value and respect."
FARM WORKERS DEMAND ACTION ON STATE'S WATER
Rally demands state face up to water crisis
By E.J. Schultz - eschultz@fresnobee.com
Chanting "agua, agua, agua," busloads of farmworkers joined politicians at the Capitol Wednesday to demand that lawmakers spend state money on dams and canals to ease a growing water crisis.
Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger wants $9.3 billion for water supply and conservation projects. But the proposed bond has gotten a lukewarm response from Democratic leaders who say lawmakers should focus on negotiating a state budget, now 24 days late.
Wednesday's rally was designed to give a human face to the state's water woes. At least 300 farmworkers, most from the Valley's parched west side, marched and carried homemade signs declaring "agua es vida," or water is life, and "agua = trabajo," water equals work.
The event was organized by farm labor contractor Piedad Ayala and the California Latino Water Coalition, a group of city and business leaders.
Schwarzenegger addressed the workers from the Capitol's steps just below the Assembly chambers. He blamed legislators for the impasse.
"When will they finally get it upstairs?" he asked. "Everyone needs water," he added. "This is not a political issue."
A drought and court-ordered pumping cutbacks from the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta have forced some growers to abandon crops and lay off workers. Total farm losses statewide reached $245 million as of July 11, including $73.5 million in Fresno County, according to state figures.
Efren Salceda, a farmworker from Firebaugh who came to the rally, said conditions are as bad as he has seen in his 30 years on the job. He said he's working fewer hours, leaving his monthly paycheck about $400 short of what it usually is.
He came to Sacramento to "talk to the governor," he said. "We need water."
Schwarzenegger has been trying to broker a water deal since early 2007 but has run into resistance from Democrats, who have opposed using state money for dams. Environmentalists say that all of the good sites for dams are taken and that the projects would benefit only a few select users.
Schwarzenegger's latest proposal calls for dams to compete with groundwater storage and other supply projects for $3 billion.
The biggest priority for west Valley farmers is money for the long-debated peripheral canal to pump water around the Delta southward. Schwarzenegger's plan does not earmark money for a canal. Rather, the bond would be used to "assist the Delta's sustainability."
The governor is targeting the proposal for the Nov. 4 ballot. At the latest, lawmakers have until Aug. 16 to get a bond on the ballot, Secretary of State Debra Bowen said in a letter Wednesday.
Fresno Mayor Alan Autry promised an "all-out fight."
"Today the revolt has begun," he said in a fiery speech.
On Tuesday, Autry told the Fresno Bee editorial board that he would stop paying income taxes until the state and federal governments send more water to the Valley.
"Don't pay your income taxes if our farms don't get their fair share of water," Autry said. "I won't."
The governor, a good friend of Autry, disagrees with him on that point but he "understands the mayor's frustration," said Schwarzenegger spokesman Aaron McLear.
By E.J. Schultz - eschultz@fresnobee.com
Chanting "agua, agua, agua," busloads of farmworkers joined politicians at the Capitol Wednesday to demand that lawmakers spend state money on dams and canals to ease a growing water crisis.
Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger wants $9.3 billion for water supply and conservation projects. But the proposed bond has gotten a lukewarm response from Democratic leaders who say lawmakers should focus on negotiating a state budget, now 24 days late.
Wednesday's rally was designed to give a human face to the state's water woes. At least 300 farmworkers, most from the Valley's parched west side, marched and carried homemade signs declaring "agua es vida," or water is life, and "agua = trabajo," water equals work.
The event was organized by farm labor contractor Piedad Ayala and the California Latino Water Coalition, a group of city and business leaders.
Schwarzenegger addressed the workers from the Capitol's steps just below the Assembly chambers. He blamed legislators for the impasse.
"When will they finally get it upstairs?" he asked. "Everyone needs water," he added. "This is not a political issue."
A drought and court-ordered pumping cutbacks from the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta have forced some growers to abandon crops and lay off workers. Total farm losses statewide reached $245 million as of July 11, including $73.5 million in Fresno County, according to state figures.
Efren Salceda, a farmworker from Firebaugh who came to the rally, said conditions are as bad as he has seen in his 30 years on the job. He said he's working fewer hours, leaving his monthly paycheck about $400 short of what it usually is.
He came to Sacramento to "talk to the governor," he said. "We need water."
Schwarzenegger has been trying to broker a water deal since early 2007 but has run into resistance from Democrats, who have opposed using state money for dams. Environmentalists say that all of the good sites for dams are taken and that the projects would benefit only a few select users.
Schwarzenegger's latest proposal calls for dams to compete with groundwater storage and other supply projects for $3 billion.
The biggest priority for west Valley farmers is money for the long-debated peripheral canal to pump water around the Delta southward. Schwarzenegger's plan does not earmark money for a canal. Rather, the bond would be used to "assist the Delta's sustainability."
The governor is targeting the proposal for the Nov. 4 ballot. At the latest, lawmakers have until Aug. 16 to get a bond on the ballot, Secretary of State Debra Bowen said in a letter Wednesday.
Fresno Mayor Alan Autry promised an "all-out fight."
"Today the revolt has begun," he said in a fiery speech.
On Tuesday, Autry told the Fresno Bee editorial board that he would stop paying income taxes until the state and federal governments send more water to the Valley.
"Don't pay your income taxes if our farms don't get their fair share of water," Autry said. "I won't."
The governor, a good friend of Autry, disagrees with him on that point but he "understands the mayor's frustration," said Schwarzenegger spokesman Aaron McLear.
LATINA ACTOR PROMOTES LATINO VOTE
Rosario Dawson Helps Get Out the Young Latino Vote
By Susan Mandel, PEOPLE
Rosario Dawson may have two new movies set for release this fall, but for now she's taking a break from acting to focus on politics.
The New York native, accompanied by boyfriend Mathieu Schreyer, went to Washington, D.C.'s Capitol Hill Tuesday to help promote voter participation.
"I decided I'm not going to be working at all through the fall," the actress – who'll be seen in Eagle Eye with Shia LaBoeuf and Seven Pounds with Will Smith – told PEOPLE.
Instead, she plans to work at voter drives across the country sponsored by her non-profit Voto Latino.
"We're targeting the Latin youth vote," said Dawson, 28. "There's 18 million [people who] are eligible. But we are not showing that up in votes. So our numbers aren't counting. When you actually ... work with local organizations – that makes the biggest impact, and that's what I want to be a part of."
Dawson (who admits she didn’t vote for president until 2004, the same year she started Voto Latino) will be at both Democratic and Republican conventions as part of her efforts to reach young Latinos.
"The reason why I co-founded Voto Latino is because of my mom," she told the crowd in D.C. "It's because of my grandmother. It's because I was raised to do it yourself. You want that to be better? You do it yourself."
By Susan Mandel, PEOPLE
Rosario Dawson may have two new movies set for release this fall, but for now she's taking a break from acting to focus on politics.
The New York native, accompanied by boyfriend Mathieu Schreyer, went to Washington, D.C.'s Capitol Hill Tuesday to help promote voter participation.
"I decided I'm not going to be working at all through the fall," the actress – who'll be seen in Eagle Eye with Shia LaBoeuf and Seven Pounds with Will Smith – told PEOPLE.
Instead, she plans to work at voter drives across the country sponsored by her non-profit Voto Latino.
"We're targeting the Latin youth vote," said Dawson, 28. "There's 18 million [people who] are eligible. But we are not showing that up in votes. So our numbers aren't counting. When you actually ... work with local organizations – that makes the biggest impact, and that's what I want to be a part of."
Dawson (who admits she didn’t vote for president until 2004, the same year she started Voto Latino) will be at both Democratic and Republican conventions as part of her efforts to reach young Latinos.
"The reason why I co-founded Voto Latino is because of my mom," she told the crowd in D.C. "It's because of my grandmother. It's because I was raised to do it yourself. You want that to be better? You do it yourself."
AIDS A MAJOR ISSUE AMONG LATINOS
Hispanics make up 22% of new HIV, AIDS cases
Ceci Connoly, The Washington Post
SAN YSIDRO, Calif. – Though Hispanics comprise about 14 percent of the U.S. population, they represented 22 percent of new HIV and AIDS diagnoses tallied by federal officials in 2006.
Officials do not have a precise tally of HIV infections nationwide, because many states have not reported figures to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The 22 percent, a figure that has not been previously released, includes 33 states and Puerto Rico, but not California, where more than 37 percent of the population is Hispanic.
So far, the toll of AIDS in the nation's largest and fastest growing minority population has mostly been overshadowed by the epidemic among blacks and gay white men. Yet in major U.S. cities, as many as one in four gay Hispanic men has HIV, a rate on par with sub-Saharan Africa.
Language difficulties, cultural barriers and, in many cases, issues of legal status make the Hispanic community unique. For those who arrived illegally, fear of arrest and deportation presents a daunting obstacle to seeking diagnosis and treatment.
"Migrants tend to be lonely, separated from their family or partners," said CDC epidemiologist Kenneth Dominguez. "They do not have health insurance. They may turn to drugs or alcohol. All of these put a migrant at higher risk."
Mauro Ruiz's story fit that profile.
Growing up gay in Mexico, the 35-year old fled north of the border, as many do, in search of a better life. But Mr. Ruiz's fantasy never quite materialized. Struggling with English, he made few friends.
Unleashed from the stigma that cloaks homosexuality in Mexico's conservative, machismo culture, Mr. Ruiz sought refuge in San Diego's gay bars and bathhouses. It was not long before he contracted HIV. Like many Latinos, his disease had nearly reached full-blown AIDS before it was diagnosed.
"I was scared ... really, really afraid," he said.
Mr. Ruiz's arc from newly liberated migrant to fighting for his life typifies the experience of many gay Latinos, said Rafael Diaz, an AIDS expert at San Francisco State University.
The "triple oppressive experiences of poverty, racism and homophobia" lead many to risky behavior, Mr. Diaz said. "People are looking for respite and relief from a sense of isolation, economic deprivation and low self-esteem. Sometimes sex is the place where men find that."
Ceci Connoly, The Washington Post
SAN YSIDRO, Calif. – Though Hispanics comprise about 14 percent of the U.S. population, they represented 22 percent of new HIV and AIDS diagnoses tallied by federal officials in 2006.
Officials do not have a precise tally of HIV infections nationwide, because many states have not reported figures to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The 22 percent, a figure that has not been previously released, includes 33 states and Puerto Rico, but not California, where more than 37 percent of the population is Hispanic.
So far, the toll of AIDS in the nation's largest and fastest growing minority population has mostly been overshadowed by the epidemic among blacks and gay white men. Yet in major U.S. cities, as many as one in four gay Hispanic men has HIV, a rate on par with sub-Saharan Africa.
Language difficulties, cultural barriers and, in many cases, issues of legal status make the Hispanic community unique. For those who arrived illegally, fear of arrest and deportation presents a daunting obstacle to seeking diagnosis and treatment.
"Migrants tend to be lonely, separated from their family or partners," said CDC epidemiologist Kenneth Dominguez. "They do not have health insurance. They may turn to drugs or alcohol. All of these put a migrant at higher risk."
Mauro Ruiz's story fit that profile.
Growing up gay in Mexico, the 35-year old fled north of the border, as many do, in search of a better life. But Mr. Ruiz's fantasy never quite materialized. Struggling with English, he made few friends.
Unleashed from the stigma that cloaks homosexuality in Mexico's conservative, machismo culture, Mr. Ruiz sought refuge in San Diego's gay bars and bathhouses. It was not long before he contracted HIV. Like many Latinos, his disease had nearly reached full-blown AIDS before it was diagnosed.
"I was scared ... really, really afraid," he said.
Mr. Ruiz's arc from newly liberated migrant to fighting for his life typifies the experience of many gay Latinos, said Rafael Diaz, an AIDS expert at San Francisco State University.
The "triple oppressive experiences of poverty, racism and homophobia" lead many to risky behavior, Mr. Diaz said. "People are looking for respite and relief from a sense of isolation, economic deprivation and low self-esteem. Sometimes sex is the place where men find that."
LATINO VOTERS CRUCIAL
With ethnic vote so crucial, usual rules don't apply
(CNN) -- Both Sen. Barack Obama and Sen. John McCain are treading some unfamiliar campaign-year terrain this summer as key blocs of ethnic voters shift the electoral landscape and put previously uncontested states, big and small, up for grabs.
Sen. Barack Obama's campaign is expected to make massive gains among minority voters in November.
Sen. Barack Obama's campaign is expected to make massive gains among minority voters in November.
In Montana, Obama's spring visit to a Crow reservation highlighted a fresh fight to harness the often-overlooked Native American vote and may have proved decisive. Now, his campaign is hoping support from that community might help put his effort over the top.
In a string of key battleground states, from Colorado and New Mexico in the west to Florida in the east, the Hispanic vote could make the difference.
Stuart Rothenberg, editor of the nonpartisan Rothenberg Political Report, casts a skeptical eye on many Democrats who, he says, "look at any state that has any African-American voters and talk about how it's putting every state and district in play."
But some states, he says, could "get competitive" amid a new wave of black voter registration, forcing McCain to commit resources and time to states Republican candidates can usually ignore.
At the end of the primary battle between Obama and Sen. Hillary Clinton, Democrats worried that Hispanic voters, a majority of whom supported her, wouldn't warm to him.
Now, polls show Obama winning that vote by a large margin, and even traditionally Republican voters, like Miami's Cuban-American community, appear to be in play. "Will Little Havana Go Blue?" a New York Times Magazine feature asked this month. (The answer: maybe.) Last month, Gallup released a poll that showed Obama leading McCain among Hispanics 59 percent to 29 percent.
McCain and Obama both addressed gatherings of three of the nation's most influential Hispanic groups this summer. Even as McCain tried to reassure conservatives that he would stress security in his immigration policy, the presumptive Republican nominee hit the airwaves with a string of Spanish-language radio ads and a television spot highlighting the service of Latino veterans.
McCain will not address the Unity: Journalists of Color conference in Chicago, Illinois, this week. But he will be speaking again at the annual Urban League gathering next week, midway through a summer full of similar appearances, along with town halls and ad campaigns targeting Hispanic voters.
Does McCain's campaign believe that it can win any significant number of black votes or build on President Bush's 2004 success with Hispanic voters? It won't make any predictions.
"We are working really hard in getting every American's vote," spokeswoman Hessy Fernandez said when asked to venture a guess. "That includes minorities."
President Bush took 44 percent of the Hispanic votes four years ago, helping him win re-election. But only 30 percent of that demographic cast ballots for Republicans in the 2006 congressional elections.
Put part of the blame for that drop on the divisive debate over immigration reform. McCain himself said this year that "the tenor of the debate has harmed our image among Hispanics."
As the Obama camp builds on expected gains among ethnic voters, especially African-Americans, the focus for the McCain campaign seems to be less an effort to make major inroads than a quest to stem massive defections.
The Arizona senator is hoping education appeals and social values concerns can help chip away at an expected landslide for Obama among black voters, just enough to keep traditionally Republican states like North Carolina and Georgia from moving to the Democratic column.
It's a daunting but crucial task: In 2004, a concerted outreach effort to black churches over issues like gay marriage helped President Bush win 16 percent of the black vote in Ohio. Decisive or not, that margin translated into thousands of votes in a state where a razor-thin victory delivered a second term for the incumbent.
Last month, the Obama team sent many of the staffers who helped pull off a surprise victory in the Iowa caucuses to the newly competitive state of Virginia, where, the campaign manager said at a Washington fundraiser, registering black and young voters will deliver a win.
He added that the campaign would be monitoring red states like Mississippi and Louisiana to see whether black voters might put them in play as fall approached and that unregistered black voters in Georgia would put the state back in play. "We think Georgia is very competitive," he said.
Now, prominent black Republicans such as Armstrong Williams and Colin Powell have publicly flirted with the idea of backing Obama's White House bid -- and John McCain, who skipped the NAACP's annual convention in 2007, addressed the organization's gathering this summer.
McCain's effort to reach out to minority voters faces another hurdle: Despite a high-profile outreach by former Republican National Committee Chairman Ken Mehlman, there are no minority Republican candidates with a strong chance of success in any congressional or gubernatorial race. Bobby Jindal, Louisiana's 37-year-old Indian-American governor, is reportedly high on McCain's vice presidential list, but there are no black Republicans in Congress or in the nation's governor's mansions.
In an opinion piece last fall, as the countdown to Iowa entered the home stretch and major candidates skipped events targeting black voters, former Rep. J.C. Watts, one of a handful of black Republicans to serve in Congress, sounded a frustrated note.
"I have often said one of the reasons more blacks don't support Republicans is because they don't trust the GOP establishment," Watts said. "I can, without fear of contradiction, assure you the Conventional Wisdom Caucus and the Status Quo Caucus and the same-old-tired-establishment consultants are running the GOP front-runners' campaigns -- and aiming to get no more than one-twelfth of the black vote."
In an election year where old certainties have been upended, some laws of the campaign universe will inevitably assert themselves, Rothenberg predicted.
"Will black voters matter more than white working-class voters?" he asked. There is no answer, he says, but every voting bloc lays claim to the honor of supplying the winning margin.
(CNN) -- Both Sen. Barack Obama and Sen. John McCain are treading some unfamiliar campaign-year terrain this summer as key blocs of ethnic voters shift the electoral landscape and put previously uncontested states, big and small, up for grabs.
Sen. Barack Obama's campaign is expected to make massive gains among minority voters in November.
Sen. Barack Obama's campaign is expected to make massive gains among minority voters in November.
In Montana, Obama's spring visit to a Crow reservation highlighted a fresh fight to harness the often-overlooked Native American vote and may have proved decisive. Now, his campaign is hoping support from that community might help put his effort over the top.
In a string of key battleground states, from Colorado and New Mexico in the west to Florida in the east, the Hispanic vote could make the difference.
Stuart Rothenberg, editor of the nonpartisan Rothenberg Political Report, casts a skeptical eye on many Democrats who, he says, "look at any state that has any African-American voters and talk about how it's putting every state and district in play."
But some states, he says, could "get competitive" amid a new wave of black voter registration, forcing McCain to commit resources and time to states Republican candidates can usually ignore.
At the end of the primary battle between Obama and Sen. Hillary Clinton, Democrats worried that Hispanic voters, a majority of whom supported her, wouldn't warm to him.
Now, polls show Obama winning that vote by a large margin, and even traditionally Republican voters, like Miami's Cuban-American community, appear to be in play. "Will Little Havana Go Blue?" a New York Times Magazine feature asked this month. (The answer: maybe.) Last month, Gallup released a poll that showed Obama leading McCain among Hispanics 59 percent to 29 percent.
McCain and Obama both addressed gatherings of three of the nation's most influential Hispanic groups this summer. Even as McCain tried to reassure conservatives that he would stress security in his immigration policy, the presumptive Republican nominee hit the airwaves with a string of Spanish-language radio ads and a television spot highlighting the service of Latino veterans.
McCain will not address the Unity: Journalists of Color conference in Chicago, Illinois, this week. But he will be speaking again at the annual Urban League gathering next week, midway through a summer full of similar appearances, along with town halls and ad campaigns targeting Hispanic voters.
Does McCain's campaign believe that it can win any significant number of black votes or build on President Bush's 2004 success with Hispanic voters? It won't make any predictions.
"We are working really hard in getting every American's vote," spokeswoman Hessy Fernandez said when asked to venture a guess. "That includes minorities."
President Bush took 44 percent of the Hispanic votes four years ago, helping him win re-election. But only 30 percent of that demographic cast ballots for Republicans in the 2006 congressional elections.
Put part of the blame for that drop on the divisive debate over immigration reform. McCain himself said this year that "the tenor of the debate has harmed our image among Hispanics."
As the Obama camp builds on expected gains among ethnic voters, especially African-Americans, the focus for the McCain campaign seems to be less an effort to make major inroads than a quest to stem massive defections.
The Arizona senator is hoping education appeals and social values concerns can help chip away at an expected landslide for Obama among black voters, just enough to keep traditionally Republican states like North Carolina and Georgia from moving to the Democratic column.
It's a daunting but crucial task: In 2004, a concerted outreach effort to black churches over issues like gay marriage helped President Bush win 16 percent of the black vote in Ohio. Decisive or not, that margin translated into thousands of votes in a state where a razor-thin victory delivered a second term for the incumbent.
Last month, the Obama team sent many of the staffers who helped pull off a surprise victory in the Iowa caucuses to the newly competitive state of Virginia, where, the campaign manager said at a Washington fundraiser, registering black and young voters will deliver a win.
He added that the campaign would be monitoring red states like Mississippi and Louisiana to see whether black voters might put them in play as fall approached and that unregistered black voters in Georgia would put the state back in play. "We think Georgia is very competitive," he said.
Now, prominent black Republicans such as Armstrong Williams and Colin Powell have publicly flirted with the idea of backing Obama's White House bid -- and John McCain, who skipped the NAACP's annual convention in 2007, addressed the organization's gathering this summer.
McCain's effort to reach out to minority voters faces another hurdle: Despite a high-profile outreach by former Republican National Committee Chairman Ken Mehlman, there are no minority Republican candidates with a strong chance of success in any congressional or gubernatorial race. Bobby Jindal, Louisiana's 37-year-old Indian-American governor, is reportedly high on McCain's vice presidential list, but there are no black Republicans in Congress or in the nation's governor's mansions.
In an opinion piece last fall, as the countdown to Iowa entered the home stretch and major candidates skipped events targeting black voters, former Rep. J.C. Watts, one of a handful of black Republicans to serve in Congress, sounded a frustrated note.
"I have often said one of the reasons more blacks don't support Republicans is because they don't trust the GOP establishment," Watts said. "I can, without fear of contradiction, assure you the Conventional Wisdom Caucus and the Status Quo Caucus and the same-old-tired-establishment consultants are running the GOP front-runners' campaigns -- and aiming to get no more than one-twelfth of the black vote."
In an election year where old certainties have been upended, some laws of the campaign universe will inevitably assert themselves, Rothenberg predicted.
"Will black voters matter more than white working-class voters?" he asked. There is no answer, he says, but every voting bloc lays claim to the honor of supplying the winning margin.
A GROWING DEMOGRAPHIC: HISPANIC SUPERHEROES
A growing demographic: Hispanic superheroes
by Hallie D. Martin
WASHINGTON -- Holy smokes, Batman! Could that bird or plane soon be a Latino superhero?
Latinos are a minority in a superhero community of characters such as Superman, Blade and Wonder Woman, but that is starting to change.
“There is a real white wash in Marvel and DC comics,” said Jordan Kessler, a 23-year-old manager of Fantom Comics store in the Tenleytown neighborhood of Washington.
The diversity of the comic-book reading crowd is reflected in the increase of customers asking for books with minority characters. Publishers are also pretty good at listening, Kessler said, and Latinos are starting to play more prominent roles as superheroes.
Take the latest incarnation of the Blue Beetle, a character who debuted in 1939 in DC Comics. He is Jamie Reyes, a Mexican-American teenager living in El Paso, Texas.
“This is the first forefront Hispanic character,” Kessler said. “And he’s pretty authentic.”
The alias of Blue Beetle has been many different men; before Reyes, he was a white man who was in the same tax bracket as Bruce Wayne (Batman).
“The Blue Beetle character has always been white guys, but he’s always been an important character,” Kessler said. “Reyes’s Blue Beetle is the first (Latino character) to be taken seriously.”
Reyes’s character, whose power is derived from a blue bug-like suit, was first introduced in March 2006 in “Infinite Crisis No. 5,” an event book that put characters in the DC universe in a story together. The Reyes Blue Beetle was launched in its own comic book in May of that same year.
This incarnation of Blue Beetle has also been popular.
“He’s fantastic, one of the best books DC is putting out right now,” said Carla Hoffman, and employee at Metro Entertainment in Santa Barbara, Calif. “It’s easily the best to put in the hands of the customers.”
There are other up-and-coming Latino characters in DC or Marvel comics like Renee Montoya, a former detective in the Gotham Police Force who later assumed the identity of The Question, Hoffman added.
Publishers have also been coming out with popular comic books translated into Spanish. The first volumes of “Ultimate X-men” and “Ultimate Spiderman” were translated into Spanish and released at the end of March.
The April 2008 issue of The Blue Beetle was released in Spanish with an English script -- the first time a publisher has ever done that, Kessler said.
But major publishers like DC and Marvel comics can’t do translations with every comic.
“People ask for (Spanish comics), but the biggest pitfall is that the distributer doesn’t offer it often.” Kessler said. “They have limited space in the warehouse and may not be able to carry a stack of Spanish comic books.”
On the Big Screen
It’s hard to miss the explosion of superhero movies produced in the last couple of years. “Iron Man” and “The Dark Knight” are only two of six superhero movies released this summer.
Hollywood does not plan to stop turning out superhero movies anytime soon: “The Spirit” in scheduled to release this Christmas Day, “The Watchman” and “X-Men Origins: Wolverine” will be released next year. There’s no Blue Beetle project in the works yet, but other movies about high-profile super heroes like Wonder Woman and Power Man are in production.
Minority superheroes have had their moments on the red carpet. “Hancock,” a black superhero, who is not based on a character in a comic book, had a successful July 4 opening weekend this year. Also, in the next Iron Man, Jim Rhodes, the black “sidekick” character to Tony Stark, will have a bigger role, Kessler said.
Though special effects wrack up a big bill for production studios, Hollywood keeps making these kinds of films because people will watch them.
“Comic books are such visual mediums, it’s practically a story board,” Hoffman said.
The movies that hold the top two spots for most profitable opening weekend are superhero movies. “The Dark Knight” demoted last year’s “Spiderman 3,” to second place this weekend. Other superhero movies, like X-Men, easily gross at least $100 million.
“It’s hard to say why it’s taking off so much,” said Javier Hernandez, a Whittier, Calif. resident, adding that the mix of action and stories of heroes and villains appeals to a wide range of people.
“Even to people who might not have read comics, they love it because the characters are so over the top,” he said. “You have the hero with the cool abilities and powers, and flamboyant villains, everything appeals to us on a visual level.”
Hernandez writes and illustrates an independent comic book, “El Muerto,” about 21-year-old Diego de la Muerta who turns into an Aztec Zombie.
Hernandez’s “El Muerto” was made into a small, independent movie in 2007 called “The Dead One.” But a Hispanic character, even Blue Beetle, in a major-motion picture may be a long way off.
“There are at least 100 characters from Marvel and DC, it’s so hard to guess who they’ll make a movie out of,” Hernandez said. “Usually it’s superheroes that have been around a long time and Blue Beetle has been around but (the Reyes) version is too new.”
Kessler thinks there could be a Hispanic Blue Beatle in a Justice League (an alliance of superheroes) movie and that movie makers might use that as a spring board to see if a Blue Beetle movie would be successful.
Hoffman is more optimistic that even if the Hispanic Blue Beetle is still being introduced, he’ll eventually make it onto the big screen.
“The more comics we see them in, the less we see the characters as a woman or as a Latino,” she said. “They become better characters and there’s a good chance that there’ll be a Blue Beetle movie.”
by Hallie D. Martin
WASHINGTON -- Holy smokes, Batman! Could that bird or plane soon be a Latino superhero?
Latinos are a minority in a superhero community of characters such as Superman, Blade and Wonder Woman, but that is starting to change.
“There is a real white wash in Marvel and DC comics,” said Jordan Kessler, a 23-year-old manager of Fantom Comics store in the Tenleytown neighborhood of Washington.
The diversity of the comic-book reading crowd is reflected in the increase of customers asking for books with minority characters. Publishers are also pretty good at listening, Kessler said, and Latinos are starting to play more prominent roles as superheroes.
Take the latest incarnation of the Blue Beetle, a character who debuted in 1939 in DC Comics. He is Jamie Reyes, a Mexican-American teenager living in El Paso, Texas.
“This is the first forefront Hispanic character,” Kessler said. “And he’s pretty authentic.”
The alias of Blue Beetle has been many different men; before Reyes, he was a white man who was in the same tax bracket as Bruce Wayne (Batman).
“The Blue Beetle character has always been white guys, but he’s always been an important character,” Kessler said. “Reyes’s Blue Beetle is the first (Latino character) to be taken seriously.”
Reyes’s character, whose power is derived from a blue bug-like suit, was first introduced in March 2006 in “Infinite Crisis No. 5,” an event book that put characters in the DC universe in a story together. The Reyes Blue Beetle was launched in its own comic book in May of that same year.
This incarnation of Blue Beetle has also been popular.
“He’s fantastic, one of the best books DC is putting out right now,” said Carla Hoffman, and employee at Metro Entertainment in Santa Barbara, Calif. “It’s easily the best to put in the hands of the customers.”
There are other up-and-coming Latino characters in DC or Marvel comics like Renee Montoya, a former detective in the Gotham Police Force who later assumed the identity of The Question, Hoffman added.
Publishers have also been coming out with popular comic books translated into Spanish. The first volumes of “Ultimate X-men” and “Ultimate Spiderman” were translated into Spanish and released at the end of March.
The April 2008 issue of The Blue Beetle was released in Spanish with an English script -- the first time a publisher has ever done that, Kessler said.
But major publishers like DC and Marvel comics can’t do translations with every comic.
“People ask for (Spanish comics), but the biggest pitfall is that the distributer doesn’t offer it often.” Kessler said. “They have limited space in the warehouse and may not be able to carry a stack of Spanish comic books.”
On the Big Screen
It’s hard to miss the explosion of superhero movies produced in the last couple of years. “Iron Man” and “The Dark Knight” are only two of six superhero movies released this summer.
Hollywood does not plan to stop turning out superhero movies anytime soon: “The Spirit” in scheduled to release this Christmas Day, “The Watchman” and “X-Men Origins: Wolverine” will be released next year. There’s no Blue Beetle project in the works yet, but other movies about high-profile super heroes like Wonder Woman and Power Man are in production.
Minority superheroes have had their moments on the red carpet. “Hancock,” a black superhero, who is not based on a character in a comic book, had a successful July 4 opening weekend this year. Also, in the next Iron Man, Jim Rhodes, the black “sidekick” character to Tony Stark, will have a bigger role, Kessler said.
Though special effects wrack up a big bill for production studios, Hollywood keeps making these kinds of films because people will watch them.
“Comic books are such visual mediums, it’s practically a story board,” Hoffman said.
The movies that hold the top two spots for most profitable opening weekend are superhero movies. “The Dark Knight” demoted last year’s “Spiderman 3,” to second place this weekend. Other superhero movies, like X-Men, easily gross at least $100 million.
“It’s hard to say why it’s taking off so much,” said Javier Hernandez, a Whittier, Calif. resident, adding that the mix of action and stories of heroes and villains appeals to a wide range of people.
“Even to people who might not have read comics, they love it because the characters are so over the top,” he said. “You have the hero with the cool abilities and powers, and flamboyant villains, everything appeals to us on a visual level.”
Hernandez writes and illustrates an independent comic book, “El Muerto,” about 21-year-old Diego de la Muerta who turns into an Aztec Zombie.
Hernandez’s “El Muerto” was made into a small, independent movie in 2007 called “The Dead One.” But a Hispanic character, even Blue Beetle, in a major-motion picture may be a long way off.
“There are at least 100 characters from Marvel and DC, it’s so hard to guess who they’ll make a movie out of,” Hernandez said. “Usually it’s superheroes that have been around a long time and Blue Beetle has been around but (the Reyes) version is too new.”
Kessler thinks there could be a Hispanic Blue Beatle in a Justice League (an alliance of superheroes) movie and that movie makers might use that as a spring board to see if a Blue Beetle movie would be successful.
Hoffman is more optimistic that even if the Hispanic Blue Beetle is still being introduced, he’ll eventually make it onto the big screen.
“The more comics we see them in, the less we see the characters as a woman or as a Latino,” she said. “They become better characters and there’s a good chance that there’ll be a Blue Beetle movie.”
Tuesday, July 22, 2008
AWARDS FOR HISPANIC YOUTH
National Awards Help to Kick-Off Brand's Back-to-School Season
PLANO, Texas, July 22 /PRNewswire-HISPANIC PR WIRE/ -- JCPenney awarded three Hispanic high school graduates each a $15,000 college scholarship for educational excellence during Univision's "Premios Juventud" live show on Thursday, July 17, 2008. The "Premios Juventud" youth awards program is Hispanic television's #1 awards show honoring Latin entertainment and pop culture icons as voted on by this country's Hispanic youth. This year's show was hosted by Univision novela stars Eduardo Santamarina and Mayr�n Villanueva, along with celebrity presenters and entertainers.
In appreciation for their accomplishments, JCPenney provided the winning students a star -studded experience including a "spa day" at a local Miami, FL, JCPenney salon complete with hair, make-up and beauty services. In addition, the winners were outfitted by a celebrity stylist who illustrated how they can achieve their own red carpet Back-to-School styles from an array of JCPenney's new Juniors and Young Men's lifestyle brands. Each winner showcased their favorite chosen outfit on that evening's red carpet and awards presentation. The selected winners were judged on their school grade point average, extra curricular activities and an essay on what obstacles they have overcome in their lives.
"JCPenney is passionate about celebrating educational excellence. This is why the company has partnered with Univision's 'Premios Juventud' to highlight the accomplishments of Hispanic youths who are making a positive impact in their communities," said Olivia E. Vela, multicultural marketing director for JCPenney. "We are pleased to serve as a reminder that dreams are never beyond reach for those with determination, vision and perseverance. We believe that 'Every Day Matters' and these winners embody the spirit and energy that brings this statement to life."
JCPenney Scholarships were presented to:
Cecile M. Vazquez (18 years old), Los Angeles, CA: Athletic Award. The Mexican-American star athlete is pre-med bound, for California State University, Los Angeles, and will enroll in the nursing program this fall, where her scholarship will help finance her ultimate goal of becoming a Doctor in Pediatrics.
Daigelis Rodriguez (18 years old), Miami, FL: Music Award. Born in Cuba, but raised in Florida, Daigelis is passionate about the performing arts and is well known in her community as a soloist and most importantly as a pianist. This fall, she will take center stage at Palm Beach Atlantic University where her scholarship will finance her Bachelor of Arts degree in Piano Performance and a minor in Minister Leadership Skills.
Edwin Hernandez-Otero (17 years old), Puerto Rico: Academia Award. Born in Puerto Rico and raised as a literary artist, Edwin will continue his studies at the University of Mayag�ez, where he will utilize his scholarship towards a dual Bachelor of Arts degree in Computer Engineering and Mathematics with an ultimate goal of becoming an Astronaut.
"Premios Juventud" Activities
Adding to the excitement of "Premios Juventud", JCPenney held promotional activities leading up to and on the day of the awards show. Tickets to the show were given out to lucky listeners during live radio remotes at JCPenney retail stores in the Miami area. Also, prior to the start of the extravagant event, a special VIP tent was set up for celebrity guests, JCPenney student winners and hosts, where they could relax before the evening's performances.
Also, for the first time in "Premios Juventud" history, the awards event emphasized the importance of protecting the earth by "going green". To focus on this monumental undertaking, the JCPenney tent was outfitted with exclusive Simply Green(TM) accents. Simply Green(TM) is an exclusive-to-JCPenney designation that assists customers in making environmentally conscious purchases.
Finally, JCPenney scholarship winners also enjoyed being a guest on the nations' leading Spanish-language TV morning show, Univision's "Despierta America" the morning after the event. Winners were able to share their unique stories, future goals and unforgettable experience courtesy of JCPenney.
JCPenney Gears up for Back-to-School
To kick off the Back-to-School season, JCPenney recently launched an integrated marketing campaign on how to "get that look" for school. Exciting brands such as Decree, Kimora Lee Simmons Fabulosity, Le Tigre, American Living, created by Polo Ralph Lauren's Global Brand Concepts and Whitetag, available only at JCPenney were featured in advertising and on TV spots. The campaign also launched a Back-To-School online sweepstakes "A Clases con Clase" which first aired the morning after the event. The sweepstakes began on July 18, 2008 and ends August 17, 2008 and is open to residents of the United States who are 18 years of age and older. Consumers have the opportunity to win a total of $4,000 in gift cards just by registering online. For more information on the sweepstakes visit http://www.univision.com . For more information on Back-to-School visit http://www.jcpenney.com
About JCPenney
JCPenney is one of America's leading retailers, operating 1,074 department stores throughout the United States and Puerto Rico, as well as one of the largest apparel and home furnishing sites on the Internet, jcp.com, and the nation's largest general merchandise catalog business. Through these integrated channels, JCPenney offers a wide array of national, private and exclusive brands which reflect the Company's commitment to providing customers with style and quality at a smart price. Traded as "JCP" on the New York Stock Exchange, the Company posted revenue of $19.9 billion in 2007 and is executing its strategic plan to be the growth leader in the retail industry. Key to this strategy is JCPenney's "Every Day Matters" brand positioning, intended to generate deeper, more emotionally driven relationships with customers by fully engaging the Company's 155,000 Associates to offer encouragement, provide ideas and inspire customers every time they shop with JCPenney.
PLANO, Texas, July 22 /PRNewswire-HISPANIC PR WIRE/ -- JCPenney awarded three Hispanic high school graduates each a $15,000 college scholarship for educational excellence during Univision's "Premios Juventud" live show on Thursday, July 17, 2008. The "Premios Juventud" youth awards program is Hispanic television's #1 awards show honoring Latin entertainment and pop culture icons as voted on by this country's Hispanic youth. This year's show was hosted by Univision novela stars Eduardo Santamarina and Mayr�n Villanueva, along with celebrity presenters and entertainers.
In appreciation for their accomplishments, JCPenney provided the winning students a star -studded experience including a "spa day" at a local Miami, FL, JCPenney salon complete with hair, make-up and beauty services. In addition, the winners were outfitted by a celebrity stylist who illustrated how they can achieve their own red carpet Back-to-School styles from an array of JCPenney's new Juniors and Young Men's lifestyle brands. Each winner showcased their favorite chosen outfit on that evening's red carpet and awards presentation. The selected winners were judged on their school grade point average, extra curricular activities and an essay on what obstacles they have overcome in their lives.
"JCPenney is passionate about celebrating educational excellence. This is why the company has partnered with Univision's 'Premios Juventud' to highlight the accomplishments of Hispanic youths who are making a positive impact in their communities," said Olivia E. Vela, multicultural marketing director for JCPenney. "We are pleased to serve as a reminder that dreams are never beyond reach for those with determination, vision and perseverance. We believe that 'Every Day Matters' and these winners embody the spirit and energy that brings this statement to life."
JCPenney Scholarships were presented to:
Cecile M. Vazquez (18 years old), Los Angeles, CA: Athletic Award. The Mexican-American star athlete is pre-med bound, for California State University, Los Angeles, and will enroll in the nursing program this fall, where her scholarship will help finance her ultimate goal of becoming a Doctor in Pediatrics.
Daigelis Rodriguez (18 years old), Miami, FL: Music Award. Born in Cuba, but raised in Florida, Daigelis is passionate about the performing arts and is well known in her community as a soloist and most importantly as a pianist. This fall, she will take center stage at Palm Beach Atlantic University where her scholarship will finance her Bachelor of Arts degree in Piano Performance and a minor in Minister Leadership Skills.
Edwin Hernandez-Otero (17 years old), Puerto Rico: Academia Award. Born in Puerto Rico and raised as a literary artist, Edwin will continue his studies at the University of Mayag�ez, where he will utilize his scholarship towards a dual Bachelor of Arts degree in Computer Engineering and Mathematics with an ultimate goal of becoming an Astronaut.
"Premios Juventud" Activities
Adding to the excitement of "Premios Juventud", JCPenney held promotional activities leading up to and on the day of the awards show. Tickets to the show were given out to lucky listeners during live radio remotes at JCPenney retail stores in the Miami area. Also, prior to the start of the extravagant event, a special VIP tent was set up for celebrity guests, JCPenney student winners and hosts, where they could relax before the evening's performances.
Also, for the first time in "Premios Juventud" history, the awards event emphasized the importance of protecting the earth by "going green". To focus on this monumental undertaking, the JCPenney tent was outfitted with exclusive Simply Green(TM) accents. Simply Green(TM) is an exclusive-to-JCPenney designation that assists customers in making environmentally conscious purchases.
Finally, JCPenney scholarship winners also enjoyed being a guest on the nations' leading Spanish-language TV morning show, Univision's "Despierta America" the morning after the event. Winners were able to share their unique stories, future goals and unforgettable experience courtesy of JCPenney.
JCPenney Gears up for Back-to-School
To kick off the Back-to-School season, JCPenney recently launched an integrated marketing campaign on how to "get that look" for school. Exciting brands such as Decree, Kimora Lee Simmons Fabulosity, Le Tigre, American Living, created by Polo Ralph Lauren's Global Brand Concepts and Whitetag, available only at JCPenney were featured in advertising and on TV spots. The campaign also launched a Back-To-School online sweepstakes "A Clases con Clase" which first aired the morning after the event. The sweepstakes began on July 18, 2008 and ends August 17, 2008 and is open to residents of the United States who are 18 years of age and older. Consumers have the opportunity to win a total of $4,000 in gift cards just by registering online. For more information on the sweepstakes visit http://www.univision.com . For more information on Back-to-School visit http://www.jcpenney.com
About JCPenney
JCPenney is one of America's leading retailers, operating 1,074 department stores throughout the United States and Puerto Rico, as well as one of the largest apparel and home furnishing sites on the Internet, jcp.com, and the nation's largest general merchandise catalog business. Through these integrated channels, JCPenney offers a wide array of national, private and exclusive brands which reflect the Company's commitment to providing customers with style and quality at a smart price. Traded as "JCP" on the New York Stock Exchange, the Company posted revenue of $19.9 billion in 2007 and is executing its strategic plan to be the growth leader in the retail industry. Key to this strategy is JCPenney's "Every Day Matters" brand positioning, intended to generate deeper, more emotionally driven relationships with customers by fully engaging the Company's 155,000 Associates to offer encouragement, provide ideas and inspire customers every time they shop with JCPenney.
CAMPAIGN TARGETS HISPANICS WITH OBESITY
New Hispanic Campaign Targeting Obesity, Created by PlanetWoot
Unprecedented success of Coastal Center for Obesity's advertising campaign created by PlanetWoot.
San Pedro, CA (PRWEB) July 22, 2008 -- Coastal Center for Obesity and Rancho Specialty Hospital launched a new advertising campaign created by PlanetWoot and geared to the Hispanic community of Southern California: "Hay mucho por vivir" which when adapted translates to "There is much more to live." This campaign highlights the deep and proven experience of Dr. Milton Owens in combating obesity among this population.
The breakthrough television commercial, first of its kind in Spanish language, began airing this July and was produced by PlantetWoot, an Integrated Cross-Cultural Marketing Communications Agency based in Huntington Beach, CA. The campaign features real Coastal Center for Obesity patients relating the "turning point" which lead them to the decision of having the weight loss procedure. The advertising highlights the patients' remarkable weight loss success stories and educates the community on the dangers of obesity. The commercial also emphasizes the Center's and Dr Owens' proven leadership in the field of weight loss surgery in the Hispanic community of Southern California.
Also featured in the commercial, is the success story of Francisco "Pacorro" Galvez, widely recognized Hispanic radio personality who weighed 335 pounds before his surgery with Doctor Owens and after only 12 months has lost over 135 pounds and has completely turned his life around. Paco "Pacorro" Galvez can be heard Monday though Friday from 6:00 AM to 10:00 AM on Recuerdo 103.9, 98.3 FM.
The television campaign consists of one :60 and three :30 commercials which will be first shown in selected Southern California markets, to later be grown state-wide then nationally. The advertising can be viewed at www.soluciondepeso.com. The activity will also be supported later by a radio advertising campaign.
"We are completely impressed with the results of the campaign so far," said Lisa Gladstone, Director of Business Development at Coastal Center for Obesity. She added, "PlanetWoot's work has exceeded our expectations, compared to other agencies their client service and cost savings are unbeatable, the quality of the commercials is top notch and the response has been overwhelming. We could not be any more pleased."
In addition to their expertise in Health services PlanetWoot (www.planetwoot.com) is an award winning team with Fortune 500 client experience, having worked with national and international companies such as: McNeil Consumer Products, Aetna, DIRECTV, Sears, Verizon, Wells Fargo Bank, Antena 3 (Spain), Ford, and many others. They also work with smaller businesses with local and regional needs, meeting the challenges of reduced budgets and today's economy through cost effective solutions.
Dr. Owens and Coastal Center for Obesity are the leaders in bariatric surgery in the Hispanic community, backed by Rancho Specialty Hospital, with advanced medical technology and friendly and understanding personnel.
For additional information about Coastal Center for Obesity, please visit www.coastalobesity.com, or contact Carlos Sosa at PlanetWoot to set up an interview with Dr. Owens.
Unprecedented success of Coastal Center for Obesity's advertising campaign created by PlanetWoot.
San Pedro, CA (PRWEB) July 22, 2008 -- Coastal Center for Obesity and Rancho Specialty Hospital launched a new advertising campaign created by PlanetWoot and geared to the Hispanic community of Southern California: "Hay mucho por vivir" which when adapted translates to "There is much more to live." This campaign highlights the deep and proven experience of Dr. Milton Owens in combating obesity among this population.
The breakthrough television commercial, first of its kind in Spanish language, began airing this July and was produced by PlantetWoot, an Integrated Cross-Cultural Marketing Communications Agency based in Huntington Beach, CA. The campaign features real Coastal Center for Obesity patients relating the "turning point" which lead them to the decision of having the weight loss procedure. The advertising highlights the patients' remarkable weight loss success stories and educates the community on the dangers of obesity. The commercial also emphasizes the Center's and Dr Owens' proven leadership in the field of weight loss surgery in the Hispanic community of Southern California.
Also featured in the commercial, is the success story of Francisco "Pacorro" Galvez, widely recognized Hispanic radio personality who weighed 335 pounds before his surgery with Doctor Owens and after only 12 months has lost over 135 pounds and has completely turned his life around. Paco "Pacorro" Galvez can be heard Monday though Friday from 6:00 AM to 10:00 AM on Recuerdo 103.9, 98.3 FM.
The television campaign consists of one :60 and three :30 commercials which will be first shown in selected Southern California markets, to later be grown state-wide then nationally. The advertising can be viewed at www.soluciondepeso.com. The activity will also be supported later by a radio advertising campaign.
"We are completely impressed with the results of the campaign so far," said Lisa Gladstone, Director of Business Development at Coastal Center for Obesity. She added, "PlanetWoot's work has exceeded our expectations, compared to other agencies their client service and cost savings are unbeatable, the quality of the commercials is top notch and the response has been overwhelming. We could not be any more pleased."
In addition to their expertise in Health services PlanetWoot (www.planetwoot.com) is an award winning team with Fortune 500 client experience, having worked with national and international companies such as: McNeil Consumer Products, Aetna, DIRECTV, Sears, Verizon, Wells Fargo Bank, Antena 3 (Spain), Ford, and many others. They also work with smaller businesses with local and regional needs, meeting the challenges of reduced budgets and today's economy through cost effective solutions.
Dr. Owens and Coastal Center for Obesity are the leaders in bariatric surgery in the Hispanic community, backed by Rancho Specialty Hospital, with advanced medical technology and friendly and understanding personnel.
For additional information about Coastal Center for Obesity, please visit www.coastalobesity.com, or contact Carlos Sosa at PlanetWoot to set up an interview with Dr. Owens.
ARE LATINO VOTERS LISTENING TO THE CANDIDATES?
Are Obama, McCain reaching Hispanic voters?
By Saundra Amrhein, Times Staff Writer
TAMPA — Juan Velazquez's words made Evelyn Hale cringe.
"I'm going for (John) McCain," said the empanada shop worker of Puerto Rican descent. "I see him more as a leader."
"Not to be racist,'' he added, "but if (Barack) Obama wins, black people are going to want back what was taken from them. . . . A lot of racial things are going to start to happen if Obama wins."
Hale, 28, left frustrated because she thinks Obama's message isn't reaching Hispanics and the Democrats aren't connecting with them as voters.
A Democrat who is half Colombian, Hale started the Hispanic Vision Forum this year with Republican co-founder Angelette Aviles, 32, who is of Puerto Rican descent. It is a nonpartisan effort that the women fund out of their own pockets to encourage Florida Hispanics to realize their political power and vote.
They also use polls, focus groups and articles about Hispanics posted on a blog and Web site to educate the presidential candidates about how to reach the diverse Hispanic community in Florida — from Cubans in Miami, to Puerto Ricans in Orlando to a blend of Cubans, Puerto Ricans, Mexicans and South Americans in the Tampa area.
South Florida Cuban-Americans have historically leaned heavily toward Republicans, while Central Florida Hispanics lean Democratic. Still, the women acknowledge that Hispanics tend to vote for the person and the issues, not the party.
Hale and Aviles disagree on politics, but say both candidates have a long way to go to reach a population that could swing the presidential election.
For instance, the media and candidates have been focusing on immigration reform. But the forum's polls show that the economy is the top issue for Hispanic voters, with immigration reform ranking 10th on a list of priorities. Other polls reveal that education tops the list among Hispanic voters.
When asked about immigration in a forum focus group, more than 70 percent of Hispanic voters said that securing the border should be the top priority.
Hale says she's tried to get the word to Obama's campaign about the hesitancy that even some Democratic Hispanics have about him because of lingering tension between blacks and Hispanics involving, among other things, competition over jobs.
"What we're saying to them is that Obama is not flying, he's not connecting with (Hispanics)," she said following a voter registration project at the empanada store in Tampa.
Still, a recent AP-Yahoo News poll found Obama leading McCain 47 percent to 22 percent among Hispanic voters with 26 percent undecided.
Among Hispanics, Hillary Clinton beat Obama by large margins in the Democratic primary. Now, some of her Hispanic supporters are undecided about the general election.
Behind the counter at Amigos One Stop Grocery in Tampa, Mari Martinez said she backed Clinton in the primary. But now she doesn't know who to vote for in November. Revealing how much Hispanic votes can shift between parties, she'd also voted for Bill Clinton, Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush.
"Hillary, she went through a lot of stuff and supported her husband 100 percent," said Martinez, originally from Ecuador. "No matter if he was wrong, she protected her guy."
She doesn't know enough about Obama, she says, and doesn't like McCain because she thinks he's too old for the job.
McCain also has a lot of work to do connecting with Hispanics, said Aviles, who is also the area director of the McCain Hispanic Coalition and runs a communications consulting company.
But, she says, the real campaigning has only just started.
Both candidates recently spoke to large national Hispanic leadership groups.
Obama's campaign opened a state headquarters in Ybor City this week, and McCain has satellite offices in Tampa and Orlando.
The women say both candidates need to reach out to Florida's Hispanic communities with personal messages about family, education and the economy, important issues for them. They can't just translate speeches.
Voters want to hear more, too.
"I'm going to talk from a neutral position," said Noel Fernandez, co-owner of Florida Bakery, standing behind a counter of cookies and breads. "Obama will come with change. McCain is the same, the same. But still, I don't know."
The top issue for him is health care, he said. That's why he voted for Hillary Clinton. "She had a good medical plan a long time ago," he said.
Hale said she believes both candidates are trying harder with Hispanics. But sometimes the campaigns reach out to the same people. The Tampa Bay area and the I-4 corridor are a combination of new citizens and Hispanics with decades of roots.
"Tampa Bay has changed a lot in the last 10 years," said Hale, who also heads the Hispanic Alliance of Tampa Bay, which includes 40 organizations.
"If they really want to do a good job, either McCain or Obama, they need to focus and get people in there who truly understand the Hispanic culture," Hale said.
Times researcher Carolyn Edds contributed to this report. Saundra Amrhein can be reached at amrhein@sptimes.com or (813) 661-2441.
By Saundra Amrhein, Times Staff Writer
TAMPA — Juan Velazquez's words made Evelyn Hale cringe.
"I'm going for (John) McCain," said the empanada shop worker of Puerto Rican descent. "I see him more as a leader."
"Not to be racist,'' he added, "but if (Barack) Obama wins, black people are going to want back what was taken from them. . . . A lot of racial things are going to start to happen if Obama wins."
Hale, 28, left frustrated because she thinks Obama's message isn't reaching Hispanics and the Democrats aren't connecting with them as voters.
A Democrat who is half Colombian, Hale started the Hispanic Vision Forum this year with Republican co-founder Angelette Aviles, 32, who is of Puerto Rican descent. It is a nonpartisan effort that the women fund out of their own pockets to encourage Florida Hispanics to realize their political power and vote.
They also use polls, focus groups and articles about Hispanics posted on a blog and Web site to educate the presidential candidates about how to reach the diverse Hispanic community in Florida — from Cubans in Miami, to Puerto Ricans in Orlando to a blend of Cubans, Puerto Ricans, Mexicans and South Americans in the Tampa area.
South Florida Cuban-Americans have historically leaned heavily toward Republicans, while Central Florida Hispanics lean Democratic. Still, the women acknowledge that Hispanics tend to vote for the person and the issues, not the party.
Hale and Aviles disagree on politics, but say both candidates have a long way to go to reach a population that could swing the presidential election.
For instance, the media and candidates have been focusing on immigration reform. But the forum's polls show that the economy is the top issue for Hispanic voters, with immigration reform ranking 10th on a list of priorities. Other polls reveal that education tops the list among Hispanic voters.
When asked about immigration in a forum focus group, more than 70 percent of Hispanic voters said that securing the border should be the top priority.
Hale says she's tried to get the word to Obama's campaign about the hesitancy that even some Democratic Hispanics have about him because of lingering tension between blacks and Hispanics involving, among other things, competition over jobs.
"What we're saying to them is that Obama is not flying, he's not connecting with (Hispanics)," she said following a voter registration project at the empanada store in Tampa.
Still, a recent AP-Yahoo News poll found Obama leading McCain 47 percent to 22 percent among Hispanic voters with 26 percent undecided.
Among Hispanics, Hillary Clinton beat Obama by large margins in the Democratic primary. Now, some of her Hispanic supporters are undecided about the general election.
Behind the counter at Amigos One Stop Grocery in Tampa, Mari Martinez said she backed Clinton in the primary. But now she doesn't know who to vote for in November. Revealing how much Hispanic votes can shift between parties, she'd also voted for Bill Clinton, Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush.
"Hillary, she went through a lot of stuff and supported her husband 100 percent," said Martinez, originally from Ecuador. "No matter if he was wrong, she protected her guy."
She doesn't know enough about Obama, she says, and doesn't like McCain because she thinks he's too old for the job.
McCain also has a lot of work to do connecting with Hispanics, said Aviles, who is also the area director of the McCain Hispanic Coalition and runs a communications consulting company.
But, she says, the real campaigning has only just started.
Both candidates recently spoke to large national Hispanic leadership groups.
Obama's campaign opened a state headquarters in Ybor City this week, and McCain has satellite offices in Tampa and Orlando.
The women say both candidates need to reach out to Florida's Hispanic communities with personal messages about family, education and the economy, important issues for them. They can't just translate speeches.
Voters want to hear more, too.
"I'm going to talk from a neutral position," said Noel Fernandez, co-owner of Florida Bakery, standing behind a counter of cookies and breads. "Obama will come with change. McCain is the same, the same. But still, I don't know."
The top issue for him is health care, he said. That's why he voted for Hillary Clinton. "She had a good medical plan a long time ago," he said.
Hale said she believes both candidates are trying harder with Hispanics. But sometimes the campaigns reach out to the same people. The Tampa Bay area and the I-4 corridor are a combination of new citizens and Hispanics with decades of roots.
"Tampa Bay has changed a lot in the last 10 years," said Hale, who also heads the Hispanic Alliance of Tampa Bay, which includes 40 organizations.
"If they really want to do a good job, either McCain or Obama, they need to focus and get people in there who truly understand the Hispanic culture," Hale said.
Times researcher Carolyn Edds contributed to this report. Saundra Amrhein can be reached at amrhein@sptimes.com or (813) 661-2441.
LATINO BIRTHS UP IN LAS VEGAS
Hispanic Population Increase Cause May Surprise You
Chris Saldana, Reporter
The Hispanic population is experiencing non-stop growth here in the valley and nationwide. But it's not because of immigration. Here in Las Vegas, according to this year's Las Vegas Perspective, the Hispanic population is at 26-percent.
But that number is growing every day. It's a natural increase because it's now births that are accounting for most of the nation's Hispanic population, not immigration.
Twenty years ago, motherhood led Heidi Herrera from Mexico, to the United States. "It was a choice because we didn't want out kids to go through what we did. We wanted for them to have a better life, a better education."
Today, her three children are adding to what many are calling "the Hispanic baby boom."
"It's a misconception that people come in, have their kids and go back to Mexico and whenever they're older, just come over to the United States," she said.
In seven years, the Hispanic population grew by more than 10 million people. This natural increase is something Hispanic advocate Miguel Barrientos says should come as no surprise.
"It's a natural thing that's happening. The Census Bureau has indicated in the year 2050, 50-percent of the population in U.S. will be Latino. This is the beginning stage of that phenomenal growth that will take place in the country," he said.
Barrientos says people tend to overlook the increase is because of natural reason, and not immigration. Herrera says immigrants from Mexico, like herself, are often scrutinized more so than immigrants from other countries.
"When they say immigrants, they target people from Mexico or Central America. We're their first targets. Nobody asks he people who came from China, Russia; we are because we're so close," she said.
And in the meantime, she continues to raise he kids, reminding them of what a privilege it is to be an American.
The growth of Hispanic population in some areas of the country, where few people lived before, has increased dramatically. Here in Nevada, Elko and Nye County have seen this happen.
Chris Saldana, Reporter
The Hispanic population is experiencing non-stop growth here in the valley and nationwide. But it's not because of immigration. Here in Las Vegas, according to this year's Las Vegas Perspective, the Hispanic population is at 26-percent.
But that number is growing every day. It's a natural increase because it's now births that are accounting for most of the nation's Hispanic population, not immigration.
Twenty years ago, motherhood led Heidi Herrera from Mexico, to the United States. "It was a choice because we didn't want out kids to go through what we did. We wanted for them to have a better life, a better education."
Today, her three children are adding to what many are calling "the Hispanic baby boom."
"It's a misconception that people come in, have their kids and go back to Mexico and whenever they're older, just come over to the United States," she said.
In seven years, the Hispanic population grew by more than 10 million people. This natural increase is something Hispanic advocate Miguel Barrientos says should come as no surprise.
"It's a natural thing that's happening. The Census Bureau has indicated in the year 2050, 50-percent of the population in U.S. will be Latino. This is the beginning stage of that phenomenal growth that will take place in the country," he said.
Barrientos says people tend to overlook the increase is because of natural reason, and not immigration. Herrera says immigrants from Mexico, like herself, are often scrutinized more so than immigrants from other countries.
"When they say immigrants, they target people from Mexico or Central America. We're their first targets. Nobody asks he people who came from China, Russia; we are because we're so close," she said.
And in the meantime, she continues to raise he kids, reminding them of what a privilege it is to be an American.
The growth of Hispanic population in some areas of the country, where few people lived before, has increased dramatically. Here in Nevada, Elko and Nye County have seen this happen.
HISPANICS MAY CARRY THE FORECLOSURE LOAD
A housing rescue nears – but for whom?
Minority neighborhoods would especially benefit from a $3.9 billion aid package.
By Gail Russell Chaddock | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
Washington - – As Congress heads into a critical week of votes on how to relieve America's home-foreclosure crisis, one of the toughest issues will be how to deal with the racial and ethnic dimensions of the problem. Minorities will be watching closely to see who gets the help.
There's broad support on Capitol Hill for shoring up government-sponsored home-mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac: They're too big to fail, many say. But there's much less consensus over what to do about people who are losing their homes, especially in poor, inner-city neighborhoods – or even over how to understand their plight.
The racial overtones of the foreclosure crisis are taking on a higher profile as Congress wrestles with the shape of a fix this week.
At issue is a proposed $3.9 billion in block grants to help states or local governments buy and demolish or rehabilitate foreclosed properties to try to stem urban blight. The money is expected to flow to minority neighborhoods, in particular.
While there are big gaps in available data, industry analysts expect that black and Hispanic homeowners will bear the brunt of the foreclosure crisis. But is it because they overextended and should not have been in the housing market to begin with? Or were they the unsuspecting victims of predatory lending?
"Black and Hispanic families have gotten a disproportionate share of subprime lending, and subprime loans are the driving force behind the foreclosures," says Katheen Day, spokeswoman for the Center for Responsible Lending, a nonprofit research and policy group based in Durham, N.C. "We know that black and Hispanic communities are hardest hit."
Subprime loans – loans made to homebuyers with less-than-perfect credit – were responsible for a large share of the foreclosures that started last year. And minorities received a hefty share of those loans. Just over half of African-Americans and 4 in 10 Hispanics who got a mortgage in 2006 had a subprime loan, according to a 2007 analysis by the Center for Responsible Lending.
Also, the areas hardest hit by home-loan crisis are heavily Hispanic. In seven of the 10 metro areas with the highest foreclosure rates last month, they represent at least one-third of the population; in two of them – Merced and Salinas-Monterey, Calif. – Hispanics make up more than half of the population. Their rates of homeownership are also high: More than half of Hispanic households owned their home in eight of the top 10 foreclosure cities, according to the latest census data.
African-Americans are also hit hard by the crisis, although they aren't concentrated in cities with the highest foreclosures. In only two of the top 10 metro areas – Fort Lauderdale, Fla., and Vallejo-Fairfield, Calif. – did they make up more than 10 percent of the population. Their homeownership rates also trailed those of Hispanics in all but Vallejo-Fairfield.
Still, African-Americans made up more than 20 percent of the population in metro Detroit, No. 13 on the list of top foreclosure cities by RealtyTrac, and in Miami, No. 15.
It is cities such as these – along with Cleveland, which felt the brunt of the housing crisis early – where the pressure is building for local politicians to come up with a solution.
Activist groups say this racial dimension to the problem puts a special responsibility on the federal government to relieve distress in these neighborhoods.
"The subprime lending debacle has caused the greatest loss of wealth to people of color in modern US history," says Amaad Rivera, lead author of a 2008 report by United for a Fair Economy. The Boston-based research group estimates that black/African-American borrowers will lose between $71 billion and $92 billion in the current foreclosure crisis, while Latino borrowers will lose between $75 billion and $98 billion.
"The difficulties have been concentrated in 'subprime' loans, which generally go to borrowers with limited or damaged credit, although there is evidence that some borrowers are shifted into the subprime category because they are African-American or Hispanic," said Rep. Barney Frank (D) of Massachusetts, who chairs the House Financial Services Committee, in a statement last week.
House Democrats say a new $3.9 billion federal program to help state and local governments buy up foreclosed properties would be part of the solution. The Bush administration has opposed such block grants on the grounds that "the principal beneficiaries of this type of plan would be private lenders – who are now the owners of the vacant or foreclosed properties – instead of struggling homeowners who are working hard to stay in their homes."
Still, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said last week she doubts Mr. Bush will veto the housing-rescue package, which contains a separate provision he wants to strengthen the financial positions of faltering mortgage companies Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. The disputed funds enable communities to buy up properties once on the revenue rolls that are now "taking the value of their neighbors' homes," she said.
Conservative Republicans worry that Democrats and the Bush administration are trying to resolve today's foreclosure crisis at too high a cost – now and in the future.
"Everyone realizes that it would be calamitous for Fannie and Freddie to fail, but give me a legislative package to ensure we're not here with a bigger bailout five years later, and I haven't seen that," says Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R) of Texas, who chairs the Republican Study Committee, the conservative wing of the Republican caucus.
In a bid to address the race-based fallout of the subprime mortgage crisis, the Federal Reserve Board is working with community groups to help stabilize neighborhoods where foreclosure rates are high. Home-vacancy rates increased sharply in 2006 and hit 2.9 percent in the first quarter of 2008, according to the US Census Bureau, diminishing the value of nearby homes and adding to the burden of local governments dealing with the fallout.
Minority neighborhoods would especially benefit from a $3.9 billion aid package.
By Gail Russell Chaddock | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
Washington - – As Congress heads into a critical week of votes on how to relieve America's home-foreclosure crisis, one of the toughest issues will be how to deal with the racial and ethnic dimensions of the problem. Minorities will be watching closely to see who gets the help.
There's broad support on Capitol Hill for shoring up government-sponsored home-mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac: They're too big to fail, many say. But there's much less consensus over what to do about people who are losing their homes, especially in poor, inner-city neighborhoods – or even over how to understand their plight.
The racial overtones of the foreclosure crisis are taking on a higher profile as Congress wrestles with the shape of a fix this week.
At issue is a proposed $3.9 billion in block grants to help states or local governments buy and demolish or rehabilitate foreclosed properties to try to stem urban blight. The money is expected to flow to minority neighborhoods, in particular.
While there are big gaps in available data, industry analysts expect that black and Hispanic homeowners will bear the brunt of the foreclosure crisis. But is it because they overextended and should not have been in the housing market to begin with? Or were they the unsuspecting victims of predatory lending?
"Black and Hispanic families have gotten a disproportionate share of subprime lending, and subprime loans are the driving force behind the foreclosures," says Katheen Day, spokeswoman for the Center for Responsible Lending, a nonprofit research and policy group based in Durham, N.C. "We know that black and Hispanic communities are hardest hit."
Subprime loans – loans made to homebuyers with less-than-perfect credit – were responsible for a large share of the foreclosures that started last year. And minorities received a hefty share of those loans. Just over half of African-Americans and 4 in 10 Hispanics who got a mortgage in 2006 had a subprime loan, according to a 2007 analysis by the Center for Responsible Lending.
Also, the areas hardest hit by home-loan crisis are heavily Hispanic. In seven of the 10 metro areas with the highest foreclosure rates last month, they represent at least one-third of the population; in two of them – Merced and Salinas-Monterey, Calif. – Hispanics make up more than half of the population. Their rates of homeownership are also high: More than half of Hispanic households owned their home in eight of the top 10 foreclosure cities, according to the latest census data.
African-Americans are also hit hard by the crisis, although they aren't concentrated in cities with the highest foreclosures. In only two of the top 10 metro areas – Fort Lauderdale, Fla., and Vallejo-Fairfield, Calif. – did they make up more than 10 percent of the population. Their homeownership rates also trailed those of Hispanics in all but Vallejo-Fairfield.
Still, African-Americans made up more than 20 percent of the population in metro Detroit, No. 13 on the list of top foreclosure cities by RealtyTrac, and in Miami, No. 15.
It is cities such as these – along with Cleveland, which felt the brunt of the housing crisis early – where the pressure is building for local politicians to come up with a solution.
Activist groups say this racial dimension to the problem puts a special responsibility on the federal government to relieve distress in these neighborhoods.
"The subprime lending debacle has caused the greatest loss of wealth to people of color in modern US history," says Amaad Rivera, lead author of a 2008 report by United for a Fair Economy. The Boston-based research group estimates that black/African-American borrowers will lose between $71 billion and $92 billion in the current foreclosure crisis, while Latino borrowers will lose between $75 billion and $98 billion.
"The difficulties have been concentrated in 'subprime' loans, which generally go to borrowers with limited or damaged credit, although there is evidence that some borrowers are shifted into the subprime category because they are African-American or Hispanic," said Rep. Barney Frank (D) of Massachusetts, who chairs the House Financial Services Committee, in a statement last week.
House Democrats say a new $3.9 billion federal program to help state and local governments buy up foreclosed properties would be part of the solution. The Bush administration has opposed such block grants on the grounds that "the principal beneficiaries of this type of plan would be private lenders – who are now the owners of the vacant or foreclosed properties – instead of struggling homeowners who are working hard to stay in their homes."
Still, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said last week she doubts Mr. Bush will veto the housing-rescue package, which contains a separate provision he wants to strengthen the financial positions of faltering mortgage companies Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. The disputed funds enable communities to buy up properties once on the revenue rolls that are now "taking the value of their neighbors' homes," she said.
Conservative Republicans worry that Democrats and the Bush administration are trying to resolve today's foreclosure crisis at too high a cost – now and in the future.
"Everyone realizes that it would be calamitous for Fannie and Freddie to fail, but give me a legislative package to ensure we're not here with a bigger bailout five years later, and I haven't seen that," says Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R) of Texas, who chairs the Republican Study Committee, the conservative wing of the Republican caucus.
In a bid to address the race-based fallout of the subprime mortgage crisis, the Federal Reserve Board is working with community groups to help stabilize neighborhoods where foreclosure rates are high. Home-vacancy rates increased sharply in 2006 and hit 2.9 percent in the first quarter of 2008, according to the US Census Bureau, diminishing the value of nearby homes and adding to the burden of local governments dealing with the fallout.
Monday, July 21, 2008
LATINOS PROMOTE "GOTWATER.ORG"
LATINO BUSINESSMAN TAKES AIM AT CALIFORNIA’S WATER
California has had its share of national “firsts” on many public policy issues ranging from creating protections for farm workers to smog regulations. But, perhaps the most important first will be the development of public policy where California can actually implement water conservation, protection and allocation policies that will benefit all residents. This includes availability of water for farming, fishing, housing, ecosystems, and of course drinking. However, the cost of such an effort is projected to be in the billions of dollars and would require numerous statewide projects including conservation, reclamation, distribution, storage and restoration.
After experiencing two consecutive years of below-average rainfall, Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger proclaimed a statewide drought on June 4, 2008, requiring the Department of Water Resources to take necessary actions to help communities to conserve and ration water. But, with the continued overall population growth is also putting a higher demand on the state’s water supply. In addition, the growing Latino population, which has reached almost 40 percent of the State’s population, has not actively participated in past environmental protection efforts by local governments and the state. So, how can such a gigantic undertaking be fully implemented in California? Enter the California Latino Water Coalition, an organization established in 2007 to include the participation of the state’s Latino community in the conservation and protection of the precious water supply.
Led by comedian Paul Rodriguez and businessman Ruben Guerra, who serve as co-chairs and have linked their resources to get the Latino communities involved, the Latino Water Coalition is taking shape, and taking charge.
“We were hoping to get a bond qualified for this fall’s election to help us take steps toward conserving and protecting our water,” says Guerra, who is also the Chairman of the powerful Latin Business Association of Los Angeles. “But, it looks like that will need to wait until 2009.”
Guerra was referring to a bond measure that would have funneled over $6 billion to initiate water conservation and protection projects. The bond measured initially failed to qualify for the November 2008 election, but has been revived by Governor Schwarzenegger.
“When this issue was brought to me, I saw my children, our future, on how important it is for us to conserve and protect our water,” Guerra adds. “If there’s no infrastructure set up and we experience a devastating earthquake, it’s possible there would be no water available for months. And, we’re talking about the near future. What about when our children are older and there are more people in this state, will we leave water available for them and their needs?”
Guerra and the Latin Business Association Board have taken this issue as a call to inform and create new habits about water conservation and protection among the Latino community.
“It is common for us Latinos to know we can get home from work and take a shower because we don’t think twice about conservation,” says Guerra. “The people need to know and think about what if we had no water?”
The Latino Water Coalition will be making efforts to qualify the water bond for the 2009 election, which falls on an off year that typically attracts a smaller number of voters.
If the water bond were to pass, it would require the Department of Water Resources to initiate several significant projects to contain, preserve, and protect water throughout the state. This includes developing strategies for California’s water goldmine and politically charged water region, the San Joaquin Delta, and issuance of water meters in all communities.
“We are aware of the need to preserve ecosystems,” Guerra says. “But, when it comes down to making choices between fish and people, that’s when the fights will begin. Unless, of course, we are able to create above ground and under ground storage facilities, including fixing all the state’s levees.”
Issues regarding water and the environment cross all ethnic and gender lines. It is encouraging to see Latinos taking charge of such important issues in their early stages.
For more information about the California Latino Water Coalition, go to: www.gotwater.org.
California has had its share of national “firsts” on many public policy issues ranging from creating protections for farm workers to smog regulations. But, perhaps the most important first will be the development of public policy where California can actually implement water conservation, protection and allocation policies that will benefit all residents. This includes availability of water for farming, fishing, housing, ecosystems, and of course drinking. However, the cost of such an effort is projected to be in the billions of dollars and would require numerous statewide projects including conservation, reclamation, distribution, storage and restoration.
After experiencing two consecutive years of below-average rainfall, Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger proclaimed a statewide drought on June 4, 2008, requiring the Department of Water Resources to take necessary actions to help communities to conserve and ration water. But, with the continued overall population growth is also putting a higher demand on the state’s water supply. In addition, the growing Latino population, which has reached almost 40 percent of the State’s population, has not actively participated in past environmental protection efforts by local governments and the state. So, how can such a gigantic undertaking be fully implemented in California? Enter the California Latino Water Coalition, an organization established in 2007 to include the participation of the state’s Latino community in the conservation and protection of the precious water supply.
Led by comedian Paul Rodriguez and businessman Ruben Guerra, who serve as co-chairs and have linked their resources to get the Latino communities involved, the Latino Water Coalition is taking shape, and taking charge.
“We were hoping to get a bond qualified for this fall’s election to help us take steps toward conserving and protecting our water,” says Guerra, who is also the Chairman of the powerful Latin Business Association of Los Angeles. “But, it looks like that will need to wait until 2009.”
Guerra was referring to a bond measure that would have funneled over $6 billion to initiate water conservation and protection projects. The bond measured initially failed to qualify for the November 2008 election, but has been revived by Governor Schwarzenegger.
“When this issue was brought to me, I saw my children, our future, on how important it is for us to conserve and protect our water,” Guerra adds. “If there’s no infrastructure set up and we experience a devastating earthquake, it’s possible there would be no water available for months. And, we’re talking about the near future. What about when our children are older and there are more people in this state, will we leave water available for them and their needs?”
Guerra and the Latin Business Association Board have taken this issue as a call to inform and create new habits about water conservation and protection among the Latino community.
“It is common for us Latinos to know we can get home from work and take a shower because we don’t think twice about conservation,” says Guerra. “The people need to know and think about what if we had no water?”
The Latino Water Coalition will be making efforts to qualify the water bond for the 2009 election, which falls on an off year that typically attracts a smaller number of voters.
If the water bond were to pass, it would require the Department of Water Resources to initiate several significant projects to contain, preserve, and protect water throughout the state. This includes developing strategies for California’s water goldmine and politically charged water region, the San Joaquin Delta, and issuance of water meters in all communities.
“We are aware of the need to preserve ecosystems,” Guerra says. “But, when it comes down to making choices between fish and people, that’s when the fights will begin. Unless, of course, we are able to create above ground and under ground storage facilities, including fixing all the state’s levees.”
Issues regarding water and the environment cross all ethnic and gender lines. It is encouraging to see Latinos taking charge of such important issues in their early stages.
For more information about the California Latino Water Coalition, go to: www.gotwater.org.
LATINOS AND AFRICAN AMERICANS COULD BE A STRONG POWER
Latino leaders wrap up three-day summit
LA TIMES BLOG
For three days, more than 500 Latino policymakers and legislators gathered in Los Angeles for the National Latino Congreso to discuss pressing issues in the Latino community, including public health, climate change and foreign policy. The third annual congreso ended today with the leaders calling for increased cooperation between Latinos and African Americans.
Today’s wrap-up discussion at the Sheraton Hotel downtown addressed the relationship between the African American and Latino communities. Several speakers said the two groups have much in common because some Latinos are currently discriminated against in much the same manner that many blacks were before the civil rights era.
U.S. Rep. Hilda Solis (D-El Monte) also noted that by joining together, African Americans and Latinos have a historic ability to influence the upcoming presidential election. "It is an important time," Solis said.
The congreso drew participants from many leading Latino organizations, including the League of United Latin American Citizens and the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund.
--Jason Song
LA TIMES BLOG
For three days, more than 500 Latino policymakers and legislators gathered in Los Angeles for the National Latino Congreso to discuss pressing issues in the Latino community, including public health, climate change and foreign policy. The third annual congreso ended today with the leaders calling for increased cooperation between Latinos and African Americans.
Today’s wrap-up discussion at the Sheraton Hotel downtown addressed the relationship between the African American and Latino communities. Several speakers said the two groups have much in common because some Latinos are currently discriminated against in much the same manner that many blacks were before the civil rights era.
U.S. Rep. Hilda Solis (D-El Monte) also noted that by joining together, African Americans and Latinos have a historic ability to influence the upcoming presidential election. "It is an important time," Solis said.
The congreso drew participants from many leading Latino organizations, including the League of United Latin American Citizens and the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund.
--Jason Song
LULAC GETS $1 MILLION FROM ATT FOUNDATION
AT&T Foundation donates $1M to improve futures
Tampa Bay Business Journal
The AT&T Foundation has made a $1 million grant to implement the Adelante America program from The League of United Latin American Citizens, also known as LULAC.
The Foundation, based in Washington D.C. is the corporate philanthropy organization of AT&T Inc. (NYSE:T).
The money will go to provide academic classes, mentoring and student leadership development for underserved, at-risk Latino teens in grades eight through 10, a release said.
"A good education is the key to a successful future," said LULAC President Rosa Rosales in a release. "This important educational initiative in our community will help ensure that our nation's rich high-tech future and digital empowerment is within reach of our Latino youth," she said in the prepared statement.
LULAC has statewide and local chapters in Florida. LULAC Florida advances the economic condition, educational attainment, political influence, health and civil rights of the Latino population of Florida, its Web site shows.
The organization was formed more than 75 years ago, and is now one of the largest and most active membership organization serving the Latino community, it said. LULAC has developed national and community-based programs to address the needs of the Hispanic community and "to ensure that this nation's workforce obtains the necessary education and skills to keep America productive."
The $1 million grant will be spread out over two years and will serve a total of 910 at-risk participants in the eighth through the 10th grade. The Adelante America program will develop services and activities that will link classroom learning with the challenges that students face in post-secondary education and the workplace of the future.
Currently, Latinos are vastly underperforming when compared with other groups, LULAC said. The percentage of adults over the age of 25 that has earned a bachelor's degree or higher is 27.2 percent. Among Latinos, that percentage is only 12.2 percent.
In addition, Hispanic secondary school students have the highest dropout rates of any ethnic or racial group in the Unites States, the release said.
Tampa Bay Business Journal
The AT&T Foundation has made a $1 million grant to implement the Adelante America program from The League of United Latin American Citizens, also known as LULAC.
The Foundation, based in Washington D.C. is the corporate philanthropy organization of AT&T Inc. (NYSE:T).
The money will go to provide academic classes, mentoring and student leadership development for underserved, at-risk Latino teens in grades eight through 10, a release said.
"A good education is the key to a successful future," said LULAC President Rosa Rosales in a release. "This important educational initiative in our community will help ensure that our nation's rich high-tech future and digital empowerment is within reach of our Latino youth," she said in the prepared statement.
LULAC has statewide and local chapters in Florida. LULAC Florida advances the economic condition, educational attainment, political influence, health and civil rights of the Latino population of Florida, its Web site shows.
The organization was formed more than 75 years ago, and is now one of the largest and most active membership organization serving the Latino community, it said. LULAC has developed national and community-based programs to address the needs of the Hispanic community and "to ensure that this nation's workforce obtains the necessary education and skills to keep America productive."
The $1 million grant will be spread out over two years and will serve a total of 910 at-risk participants in the eighth through the 10th grade. The Adelante America program will develop services and activities that will link classroom learning with the challenges that students face in post-secondary education and the workplace of the future.
Currently, Latinos are vastly underperforming when compared with other groups, LULAC said. The percentage of adults over the age of 25 that has earned a bachelor's degree or higher is 27.2 percent. Among Latinos, that percentage is only 12.2 percent.
In addition, Hispanic secondary school students have the highest dropout rates of any ethnic or racial group in the Unites States, the release said.
BLOG QUESTIONS OBAMA'S STRATEGIES FOR LATINOS
Will Obama shift on Latino and Latin American strategies?
LA TIMES BLOG
Obama_latinosPolls indicate that Barack Obama has a lead over John McCain among Latino voters, perhaps a substantial one.
But the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee is still formulating his positions on a number of key issues of particular interest to Latinos and Latin Americans, writes Miami Herald columnist Andres Oppenheimer, who is anticipating a "shift to the center" in the coming weeks in Barack Obama's "Latin American rhetoric, including a less strident opposition to the Mexico and Colombia free trade agreements, and a more persistent criticism of Cuba and Venezuela's authoritarian regimes."
Oppenheimer writes: "There is a fierce behind-the-scenes battle for influence over presumptive Democratic candidate Barack Obama's Hispanic and Latin American agenda, and some Democratic strategists say that its outcome could determine the result of the November elections."
"Some Obama backers in South Florida, in particular, are especially miffed at what they see as excessive power by labor-union-tied, left-leaning Mexican-American leaders at Obama's Chicago headquarters over the campaign's nationwide Hispanic and Latin American policy strategies."
Oppenheimer further notes: "Obama's stands against NAFTA and the free-trade deal with Colombia have been applauded in some Midwestern industrialized states that have lost factories to Mexico, but are supported by Florida's business community and many of the state's Hispanics."
"Similarly, Obama's support for farm subsidies has been welcomed in U.S. farm states but is decried as unfair by virtually all Latin American countries and many U.S. Latinos."
- Reed Johnson in Mexico City
LA TIMES BLOG
Obama_latinosPolls indicate that Barack Obama has a lead over John McCain among Latino voters, perhaps a substantial one.
But the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee is still formulating his positions on a number of key issues of particular interest to Latinos and Latin Americans, writes Miami Herald columnist Andres Oppenheimer, who is anticipating a "shift to the center" in the coming weeks in Barack Obama's "Latin American rhetoric, including a less strident opposition to the Mexico and Colombia free trade agreements, and a more persistent criticism of Cuba and Venezuela's authoritarian regimes."
Oppenheimer writes: "There is a fierce behind-the-scenes battle for influence over presumptive Democratic candidate Barack Obama's Hispanic and Latin American agenda, and some Democratic strategists say that its outcome could determine the result of the November elections."
"Some Obama backers in South Florida, in particular, are especially miffed at what they see as excessive power by labor-union-tied, left-leaning Mexican-American leaders at Obama's Chicago headquarters over the campaign's nationwide Hispanic and Latin American policy strategies."
Oppenheimer further notes: "Obama's stands against NAFTA and the free-trade deal with Colombia have been applauded in some Midwestern industrialized states that have lost factories to Mexico, but are supported by Florida's business community and many of the state's Hispanics."
"Similarly, Obama's support for farm subsidies has been welcomed in U.S. farm states but is decried as unfair by virtually all Latin American countries and many U.S. Latinos."
- Reed Johnson in Mexico City
CAMPAIGN ADS LOOK TO REACH HISPANIC VOTERS
Campaign Ads Look To Reach Hispanic Voters
by David Folkenflik, NPR NEWS
When presidential candidates try to reach reaching Latino voters, there's no silver bullet.
"What do you do?" asks Sergio Bendixen, Hillary Clinton's chief strategist for the Latino vote during her run for the Democratic presidential nomination. "It's not like you're going to be able to use what they call 'dog-whistle advertising,' where the signals that you send to Hispanics are only going to be recognized by Hispanics and nobody else."
The challenge is worth it. The Hispanic electorate is huge, growing and diverse, and some analysts say it could influence the results in some key swing states.
So, you have to break the Latino electorate into groups. According to the best figures from the Pew Hispanic Center, about 40 percent of Latino voters switch back and forth between media in Spanish and in English.
Dissecting The Spanish-Language Media
In Spanish media, there is perhaps no bigger star than Univision anchor Jorge Ramos. Miami-based Univision is the country's largest Spanish-language television network.
"We've heard John McCain and Barack Obama say 'Viva Mexico' or 'Viva Cuba, Viva Puerto Rico,'" Ramos says. "That is not enough. They have to address the issues that affect Latinos."
In the past year, Ramos has participated as a questioner in three presidential debates, and he has received the ultimate media recognition: He's been satirized on Saturday Night Live. Univision gets big ratings. Its local affiliates currently have the top-rated evening newscast in Los Angeles, and the second-highest rated news show in New York, making Ramos one of the most influential journalists in America.
"When Bob Dole ran for president, he decided not to give us an interview, at all. And he lost the election," Ramos tells NPR. "Nowadays, it is impossible — and I am not exaggerating — for either Barack Obama or John McCain to reach the White House without going through Univision, or without going through Spanish-language media."
And obviously, presidential hopefuls Obama and McCain agree. Both have cut ads in Spanish, but those ads won't capture the whole Latino electorate –- or even most of it.
The Breadth Of The Hispanic Vote
Spanish-language political campaigns can miss voters like Tony Rosario, a New York City building superintendent who came to the mainland from Puerto Rico more than four decades ago.
He says he reads The New York Times and the New York Daily News a lot, but he also turns to cable television. "Bill O'Reilly's one of my favorites. You know, he tells it like it is," Rosario says. "And also Geraldo Rivera. You know, I just, I listen to them, and I look at their programs."
This makes Rosario among the majority of American Latinos who get nearly all their news in English. Like Tomas Custer, who reads news online from CNN and The San Francisco Chronicle — wherever he can find it.
"I do speak Spanish and understand Spanish, but I'm much better in English — let's just say that," Custer says. He identifies himself as Hispanic. Custer says his mom's side of the family came from Mexico, while his dad comes from mixed Scandinavian, French, German and American-Indian descent.
"Don't stereotype us as only being Spanish speakers. Don't stereotype us as only consuming tacos or whatever," Custer says. "We are a diverse group. If you want my vote, target me in my language that I'm comfortable with."
Custer is a 39-year-old Web site designer based in Columbia, Mo., who runs the blog Hispanictips.com, for which he pulls together coverage from news sites all over the country and the world, mostly in English. But he's no celebrity newsman like Jorge Ramos.
"I am squeaking by," Custer says, by selling online ads through Google and another service. Custer's site gets maybe 80,000 to 120,000 unique readers a month.
But there is no dominant news outlet targeting English-speaking Latinos, and no dominant Web site. That helps explain why candidates lavish so much attention on Spanish-language TV and radio stations and Spanish-language papers, says University of Southern California journalism professor Roberto Suro, the founding director of the Pew Hispanic Center.
"The focus is on Spanish-language media because it's easily identifiable. And, it has become sort of a measure of how much effort a candidate is putting into Hispanic voters," says Suro, a former reporter for The New York Times,The Washington Post and Time magazine. "It's not necessarily a meaningful measure of how well they'll do, or what the totality of their effort is."
When he was working for Hillary Clinton in the Democratic primaries, strategist Sergio Bendixen was credited with helping her win much of the Latino vote. In parts of the Texas border with Mexico, he helped craft a plan to run radio ads -– in English –- on Spanish-language music stations. Market research showed that's where a lot of Mexican-Americans turn for the music they like best, and Clinton ran very well there.
But those tactics are tough to replicate, he says. "The English-dominant Hispanic is very, very difficult to isolate," Bendixen says. "I think campaigns need to accept the fact that the only way to reach them is the same way that you reach all other voters: through the general media."
by David Folkenflik, NPR NEWS
When presidential candidates try to reach reaching Latino voters, there's no silver bullet.
"What do you do?" asks Sergio Bendixen, Hillary Clinton's chief strategist for the Latino vote during her run for the Democratic presidential nomination. "It's not like you're going to be able to use what they call 'dog-whistle advertising,' where the signals that you send to Hispanics are only going to be recognized by Hispanics and nobody else."
The challenge is worth it. The Hispanic electorate is huge, growing and diverse, and some analysts say it could influence the results in some key swing states.
So, you have to break the Latino electorate into groups. According to the best figures from the Pew Hispanic Center, about 40 percent of Latino voters switch back and forth between media in Spanish and in English.
Dissecting The Spanish-Language Media
In Spanish media, there is perhaps no bigger star than Univision anchor Jorge Ramos. Miami-based Univision is the country's largest Spanish-language television network.
"We've heard John McCain and Barack Obama say 'Viva Mexico' or 'Viva Cuba, Viva Puerto Rico,'" Ramos says. "That is not enough. They have to address the issues that affect Latinos."
In the past year, Ramos has participated as a questioner in three presidential debates, and he has received the ultimate media recognition: He's been satirized on Saturday Night Live. Univision gets big ratings. Its local affiliates currently have the top-rated evening newscast in Los Angeles, and the second-highest rated news show in New York, making Ramos one of the most influential journalists in America.
"When Bob Dole ran for president, he decided not to give us an interview, at all. And he lost the election," Ramos tells NPR. "Nowadays, it is impossible — and I am not exaggerating — for either Barack Obama or John McCain to reach the White House without going through Univision, or without going through Spanish-language media."
And obviously, presidential hopefuls Obama and McCain agree. Both have cut ads in Spanish, but those ads won't capture the whole Latino electorate –- or even most of it.
The Breadth Of The Hispanic Vote
Spanish-language political campaigns can miss voters like Tony Rosario, a New York City building superintendent who came to the mainland from Puerto Rico more than four decades ago.
He says he reads The New York Times and the New York Daily News a lot, but he also turns to cable television. "Bill O'Reilly's one of my favorites. You know, he tells it like it is," Rosario says. "And also Geraldo Rivera. You know, I just, I listen to them, and I look at their programs."
This makes Rosario among the majority of American Latinos who get nearly all their news in English. Like Tomas Custer, who reads news online from CNN and The San Francisco Chronicle — wherever he can find it.
"I do speak Spanish and understand Spanish, but I'm much better in English — let's just say that," Custer says. He identifies himself as Hispanic. Custer says his mom's side of the family came from Mexico, while his dad comes from mixed Scandinavian, French, German and American-Indian descent.
"Don't stereotype us as only being Spanish speakers. Don't stereotype us as only consuming tacos or whatever," Custer says. "We are a diverse group. If you want my vote, target me in my language that I'm comfortable with."
Custer is a 39-year-old Web site designer based in Columbia, Mo., who runs the blog Hispanictips.com, for which he pulls together coverage from news sites all over the country and the world, mostly in English. But he's no celebrity newsman like Jorge Ramos.
"I am squeaking by," Custer says, by selling online ads through Google and another service. Custer's site gets maybe 80,000 to 120,000 unique readers a month.
But there is no dominant news outlet targeting English-speaking Latinos, and no dominant Web site. That helps explain why candidates lavish so much attention on Spanish-language TV and radio stations and Spanish-language papers, says University of Southern California journalism professor Roberto Suro, the founding director of the Pew Hispanic Center.
"The focus is on Spanish-language media because it's easily identifiable. And, it has become sort of a measure of how much effort a candidate is putting into Hispanic voters," says Suro, a former reporter for The New York Times,The Washington Post and Time magazine. "It's not necessarily a meaningful measure of how well they'll do, or what the totality of their effort is."
When he was working for Hillary Clinton in the Democratic primaries, strategist Sergio Bendixen was credited with helping her win much of the Latino vote. In parts of the Texas border with Mexico, he helped craft a plan to run radio ads -– in English –- on Spanish-language music stations. Market research showed that's where a lot of Mexican-Americans turn for the music they like best, and Clinton ran very well there.
But those tactics are tough to replicate, he says. "The English-dominant Hispanic is very, very difficult to isolate," Bendixen says. "I think campaigns need to accept the fact that the only way to reach them is the same way that you reach all other voters: through the general media."
LEARNING ON THE JOB BETTER FOR HISPANICS?
Saving Young Men With Career Academies
By Jay Mathews, Washington Post Staff Writer, July 21, 2008
By usual measures of student progress, America's high school career academies have been a failure. One of the longest and most scientific education studies ever conducted concluded they did not improve test scores or graduation rates or college success for urban youth. People like me, obsessed with raising student achievement, saw those numbers and said: Well, too bad. Let's try something else.
And yet, because the career academy research by the New York-based MDRC (formerly known as the Manpower Demonstration Research Corp.) was so detailed and professional, we have just learned that the academies accomplished something perhaps even better than higher passing rates on reading exams. They produced young men who got better-paying jobs, were more likely to live independently with children and a spouse or partner and were more likely to be married and have custody of their children.
This is a remarkable finding. It has the power not only to revitalize vocational education but to shift the emphasis of school assessment toward long-range effects on students' lives, not just on how well they did in school and college.
The MDRC, long considered a leader in education and social policy research, started following 1,764 high school students in nine career academy programs in Maryland, California, Florida, Pennsylvania, Texas and the District in 1993. There were only about 400 public school career academies in the country then. These programs were organized as small learning communities to combine academic and technical instruction around a career theme, such as health or electronics or transportation, and create partnerships with local employers who would show the students what their jobs entailed.
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When I first heard of the study, I was a financial reporter wishing to be an education reporter instead. I grabbed any business story that had a connection to schools, and this one seemed perfect. I wrote a long feature about career academies in Oakland, Calif., and did stories whenever MDRC released new data as it followed these students through school. But as the years went by, I lost interest because the academy students were not doing better on standardized tests than non-academy students. There seemed to be little else happening with the program that was very newsworthy.
If I were smarter, I suppose, I would have realized the MDRC effort deserved more patient attention. I forgot how unique the study was. It was randomized. That is the gold standard for education research, and very rare. When the project began, the nine participating academy programs had more applicants than they had spaces, so students were selected by lottery. The 55 percent of the 1,764 applicants who won admission became the study's academy group and the 45 percent who lost the lottery became the control group. The ethnic character of each group was about the same: more than 50 percent Hispanic and about 30 percent black. Both groups were regularly surveyed for the next 15 years.
This avoided a common weakness in comparative studies. Often the students drawn to new programs have special qualities that make them interested in doing better. Comparing their progress to that of students not in the new program, as is often done, overlooks the fact that those personal qualities, not the new program, may explain any comparative success they achieve. The distortion is removed if their results are compared only to those of other students who were similarly motivated to apply.
I also overlooked the potential power of a survey that continued long after the students left school. I was surprised to discover, in the report just released, that MDRC had interviewed the participants eight years after their high school classes had graduated. Even more astonishing, to a reporter who has tried tracking down young people in that mobile age group, MDRC located 1,428 of the former high school students -- 82 percent of the academy group and 80 percent of the control group.
This was expensive. The study has so far cost $11 million, funded by the U.S. departments of Education and Labor and 18 private foundations and corporations. But it was worth it. Here is how the latest report by James J. Kemple with Cynthia J. Willner summarized the results:
"The Career Academies produced an increase in earnings of $132 per month during the first four years of the follow-up period and $216 per month in the final four years. Both of these results are statistically significant, meaning that it is unlikely that the differences arose by chance. On average, this represents an increase of $174 per month over the full eight years following scheduled high school graduation and an 11 percent increase in monthly earnings over the non-Academy group's average of $1,561 per month. . . .
"The Career Academies produced an average increase of $311 in real monthly earnings for young men. This amounts to a 17 percent increase over and above the average earnings of $1,792 per month of young men in the non-Academy group. . . .
"In all, one-third of the Academy group were living independently with their children and a spouse or partner, compared with 27 percent of the non-Academy group. This impact of 6 percentage points from the Career Academies represents a 23 percent increase in two-parent households over and above the rates of the non-Academy group. . . .
"Specifically, the Academies increased marriage rates for young men by 9 percentage points (from 27 percent for the non-Academy group to 36 percent for the Academy group) and increased custodial parenthood by nearly 12 percentage points (from 25 percent for the non-Academy group to nearly 37 percent for the Academy group."
These findings are good news for educators and policymakers who have been trying to do something for several decades about the poor job and family histories of young urban Americans, particularly men. "Employment rates for African-American men ages 20 to 24 have been declining steadily since 1970, from around 77 percent in 1969 to only 56 percent in 2003," the study noted. "Even in the peak economic period of 1999, African-American and Hispanic males aged 16 to 24 were far more likely to be neither working nor enrolled in school than white males of the same age (22.8 percent and 12.8 percent versus 8.7 percent, respectively.)"
Young women in the academies also showed gains in some categories, but the results for men were the most eye-catching. The MDRC report acknowledges that the reason why the academy experience might have had such an effect on job and family life is unclear. The report says researchers are analyzing the data for clues, looking at various theories. For instance, the personal contacts and internships with career professionals might have given the students an advantage when looking for full-time jobs. Their larger salaries and greater job security might in turn have had an impact on their ability and desire to form stable families.
No one really knows yet what is going on. We should remember the social scientist's frequent warning that correlation does not mean causation. But the MDRC study was conducted with such care that the connections it has revealed have to be greeted with some confidence.
Those of us who have been quick to promote test score improvement as the ultimate measure of a school's worth should, in light of this research, be looking for other programs that have had long-term impact on students' lives, and suggesting that more organizations invest in similar long-term, randomized studies.
Kemple estimates that the number of career academies has climbed to at least 2,500 in the last 15 years. Some are labeled that way but do not include all of the elements MDRC looked for in its study participants -- small size, technical and academic instruction, career focus and close participation by outside experts. Several experts told me the pressure for better test scores in reading, writing and math in recent years has led some schools to step away from vocational programs. In many cases, they were discarding shop and home economics classes that did not come close to the career academy model. But now that we know what works, it would be good to encourage more schools to try it, particularly if it is something students choose.
As the study makes clear, about half of the academy students eventually earned college or community college degrees, or a skills-training certificate or license. That was no better than what non-academy students did after high school. But Kemple told me that the academy students' job success might have had the same effect as more college credits. "The magnitude of the impacts on monthly earnings for young men exceed differences in earnings that have been found in other research comparing young workers who have two years of community college with those who have only a high school diploma," the report said.
Learning on the job may be, for some young people, the better way to go. Thanks to the MDRC, we now have a deeper sense of new ways to help urban youth. I hope the people who did this research have lots of imitators.
By Jay Mathews, Washington Post Staff Writer, July 21, 2008
By usual measures of student progress, America's high school career academies have been a failure. One of the longest and most scientific education studies ever conducted concluded they did not improve test scores or graduation rates or college success for urban youth. People like me, obsessed with raising student achievement, saw those numbers and said: Well, too bad. Let's try something else.
And yet, because the career academy research by the New York-based MDRC (formerly known as the Manpower Demonstration Research Corp.) was so detailed and professional, we have just learned that the academies accomplished something perhaps even better than higher passing rates on reading exams. They produced young men who got better-paying jobs, were more likely to live independently with children and a spouse or partner and were more likely to be married and have custody of their children.
This is a remarkable finding. It has the power not only to revitalize vocational education but to shift the emphasis of school assessment toward long-range effects on students' lives, not just on how well they did in school and college.
The MDRC, long considered a leader in education and social policy research, started following 1,764 high school students in nine career academy programs in Maryland, California, Florida, Pennsylvania, Texas and the District in 1993. There were only about 400 public school career academies in the country then. These programs were organized as small learning communities to combine academic and technical instruction around a career theme, such as health or electronics or transportation, and create partnerships with local employers who would show the students what their jobs entailed.
ad_icon
When I first heard of the study, I was a financial reporter wishing to be an education reporter instead. I grabbed any business story that had a connection to schools, and this one seemed perfect. I wrote a long feature about career academies in Oakland, Calif., and did stories whenever MDRC released new data as it followed these students through school. But as the years went by, I lost interest because the academy students were not doing better on standardized tests than non-academy students. There seemed to be little else happening with the program that was very newsworthy.
If I were smarter, I suppose, I would have realized the MDRC effort deserved more patient attention. I forgot how unique the study was. It was randomized. That is the gold standard for education research, and very rare. When the project began, the nine participating academy programs had more applicants than they had spaces, so students were selected by lottery. The 55 percent of the 1,764 applicants who won admission became the study's academy group and the 45 percent who lost the lottery became the control group. The ethnic character of each group was about the same: more than 50 percent Hispanic and about 30 percent black. Both groups were regularly surveyed for the next 15 years.
This avoided a common weakness in comparative studies. Often the students drawn to new programs have special qualities that make them interested in doing better. Comparing their progress to that of students not in the new program, as is often done, overlooks the fact that those personal qualities, not the new program, may explain any comparative success they achieve. The distortion is removed if their results are compared only to those of other students who were similarly motivated to apply.
I also overlooked the potential power of a survey that continued long after the students left school. I was surprised to discover, in the report just released, that MDRC had interviewed the participants eight years after their high school classes had graduated. Even more astonishing, to a reporter who has tried tracking down young people in that mobile age group, MDRC located 1,428 of the former high school students -- 82 percent of the academy group and 80 percent of the control group.
This was expensive. The study has so far cost $11 million, funded by the U.S. departments of Education and Labor and 18 private foundations and corporations. But it was worth it. Here is how the latest report by James J. Kemple with Cynthia J. Willner summarized the results:
"The Career Academies produced an increase in earnings of $132 per month during the first four years of the follow-up period and $216 per month in the final four years. Both of these results are statistically significant, meaning that it is unlikely that the differences arose by chance. On average, this represents an increase of $174 per month over the full eight years following scheduled high school graduation and an 11 percent increase in monthly earnings over the non-Academy group's average of $1,561 per month. . . .
"The Career Academies produced an average increase of $311 in real monthly earnings for young men. This amounts to a 17 percent increase over and above the average earnings of $1,792 per month of young men in the non-Academy group. . . .
"In all, one-third of the Academy group were living independently with their children and a spouse or partner, compared with 27 percent of the non-Academy group. This impact of 6 percentage points from the Career Academies represents a 23 percent increase in two-parent households over and above the rates of the non-Academy group. . . .
"Specifically, the Academies increased marriage rates for young men by 9 percentage points (from 27 percent for the non-Academy group to 36 percent for the Academy group) and increased custodial parenthood by nearly 12 percentage points (from 25 percent for the non-Academy group to nearly 37 percent for the Academy group."
These findings are good news for educators and policymakers who have been trying to do something for several decades about the poor job and family histories of young urban Americans, particularly men. "Employment rates for African-American men ages 20 to 24 have been declining steadily since 1970, from around 77 percent in 1969 to only 56 percent in 2003," the study noted. "Even in the peak economic period of 1999, African-American and Hispanic males aged 16 to 24 were far more likely to be neither working nor enrolled in school than white males of the same age (22.8 percent and 12.8 percent versus 8.7 percent, respectively.)"
Young women in the academies also showed gains in some categories, but the results for men were the most eye-catching. The MDRC report acknowledges that the reason why the academy experience might have had such an effect on job and family life is unclear. The report says researchers are analyzing the data for clues, looking at various theories. For instance, the personal contacts and internships with career professionals might have given the students an advantage when looking for full-time jobs. Their larger salaries and greater job security might in turn have had an impact on their ability and desire to form stable families.
No one really knows yet what is going on. We should remember the social scientist's frequent warning that correlation does not mean causation. But the MDRC study was conducted with such care that the connections it has revealed have to be greeted with some confidence.
Those of us who have been quick to promote test score improvement as the ultimate measure of a school's worth should, in light of this research, be looking for other programs that have had long-term impact on students' lives, and suggesting that more organizations invest in similar long-term, randomized studies.
Kemple estimates that the number of career academies has climbed to at least 2,500 in the last 15 years. Some are labeled that way but do not include all of the elements MDRC looked for in its study participants -- small size, technical and academic instruction, career focus and close participation by outside experts. Several experts told me the pressure for better test scores in reading, writing and math in recent years has led some schools to step away from vocational programs. In many cases, they were discarding shop and home economics classes that did not come close to the career academy model. But now that we know what works, it would be good to encourage more schools to try it, particularly if it is something students choose.
As the study makes clear, about half of the academy students eventually earned college or community college degrees, or a skills-training certificate or license. That was no better than what non-academy students did after high school. But Kemple told me that the academy students' job success might have had the same effect as more college credits. "The magnitude of the impacts on monthly earnings for young men exceed differences in earnings that have been found in other research comparing young workers who have two years of community college with those who have only a high school diploma," the report said.
Learning on the job may be, for some young people, the better way to go. Thanks to the MDRC, we now have a deeper sense of new ways to help urban youth. I hope the people who did this research have lots of imitators.
MCCAIN CAUGHT BETWEEN TWO WORLDS: REPUBLICAN RIGHT AND HISPANIC VOTERS
McCain can't win for losing on immigration
The issue could hurt the presumptive nominee among the GOP faithful yet not boost his chances among Latino voters.
DENA BUNIS, washington bureau chief, orange county register
dbunis@ocregister.com
Ever since he entered the presidential race John McCain has been walking a tightrope when it comes to immigration. And his efforts in recent weeks to court Latinos while still keeping his Republican base happy could well backfire.
At three successive Latino activist events, McCain operatives were working the room and assuring Hispanics and particularly the press that the Arizona senator has not changed his tune on this issue. He is still for comprehensive immigration reform, they say.
But, I try to say as they're spinning me, the senator himself says he "got it,'' that he understands the public wants enforcement first and that's his mantra how.
Cornered, these aides say yes, the senator understands the political realities that enforcement must come first. But that doesn't mean, they insist, that he is turning his back on his promise to find a humane way to handle the estimated 12 million illegal immigrants now living in the United States.
Well the combination of those two statements has people on both sides of this debate unhappy.
"His stance on immigration hasn't changed,'' says Margaret Hoien of Anaheim Hills, who describes herself as a moderate Republican. "I always think he has been weak on immigration."
Hoien, who owns an escrow company, said she's still going to vote for McCain and urge others to do so. But she's afraid that the GOP is going to lose some voting power because of McCain's views on illegal immigration.
"He's gotta do what he's gotta do to get elected,'' Hoien said with a sigh.
That's the same view GOP activist Larry Gilbert has.
McCain, he said, is walking a real fine line. Gilbert, a retired businessman from Mission Viejo, said he knows some conservatives may be temped to stay home because of McCain's views on immigration. But, Gilbert said, Latinos are "part of the big tent that we have to include if Republicans are going to win in November.''
A bigger problem McCain's seeming movement to the center on immigration poses, Gilbert told me, is the concern Republicans have that he's just saying whatever he needs to get elected.
Interestingly, it's that same mistrust of the message that has Hispanic activists leery about McCain, even after at the last of three Hispanic events – the National Council of LaRaza in San Diego – he used the word "comprehensive" five times in his speech.
The Hispanic community came into this round of appearances skeptical because McCain – their Republican hero just two years ago – had already disavowed the very bill he co-authored with Sen. Edward Kennedy. He did so in January when he said at a CNN debate that he wouldn't vote for it if the bill came to the Senate floor now.
That happened as McCain was getting killed on the primary trail. He announced he'd had an epiphany. He said he "got it" and now was preaching enforcement first.
But now he's telling Hispanics he's with them and he's always been with them, citing his consistent strong support from Latinos in Arizona. He also said at each stop that true to his maverick reputation he had bucked his party when immigration came up for a vote. And that he has always been critical of harsh anti-immigrant rhetoric some in his party have been accused of.
"People feel like they know where his heart is on this issue,'' Cecilia Munoz, LaRaza's vice president for policy, said on a conference call the activists had on the day McCain spoke to LaRaza. Munoz said there is "confusion as to where his substance is. People accept that he is still committed to some kind of path to citizenship but they're less clear on when he intends to get there and how he intends to get there.''
The Obama campaign has been loving the dissecting of McCain's words on this issue. It's been sending out e-mail after e-mail on the subject – repeating again and again McCain's disavowal of his own bill at that CNN debate.
Even those pro-comprehensive immigration forces, who say they know in his heart McCain is with them, worry that should he get in the White House he would never be able to bring in enough Republicans to get the job done and in the end wouldn't be able to deliver on the issue.
So they still want to throw in with Obama – who for lots of other reasons they probably support anyway – because they see him as being unencumbered by a party that has as many immigration restrictionists as does the GOP.
Frank Sharry, the head of America's Voice, a new group he started to act as the political arm of the immigration debate, said beyond the specifics of what each candidate is saying, he's just thrilled they're fighting it out over the issue. It keeps it in the news at a time when the economy, gas prices and Iraq are way higher on the public's agenda than immigration.
One thing seems clear. Whichever candidate gets into the White House next fall, there will be a president who has promised to do something about immigration.
When and what…that's the question.
We'll be watching.
The issue could hurt the presumptive nominee among the GOP faithful yet not boost his chances among Latino voters.
DENA BUNIS, washington bureau chief, orange county register
dbunis@ocregister.com
Ever since he entered the presidential race John McCain has been walking a tightrope when it comes to immigration. And his efforts in recent weeks to court Latinos while still keeping his Republican base happy could well backfire.
At three successive Latino activist events, McCain operatives were working the room and assuring Hispanics and particularly the press that the Arizona senator has not changed his tune on this issue. He is still for comprehensive immigration reform, they say.
But, I try to say as they're spinning me, the senator himself says he "got it,'' that he understands the public wants enforcement first and that's his mantra how.
Cornered, these aides say yes, the senator understands the political realities that enforcement must come first. But that doesn't mean, they insist, that he is turning his back on his promise to find a humane way to handle the estimated 12 million illegal immigrants now living in the United States.
Well the combination of those two statements has people on both sides of this debate unhappy.
"His stance on immigration hasn't changed,'' says Margaret Hoien of Anaheim Hills, who describes herself as a moderate Republican. "I always think he has been weak on immigration."
Hoien, who owns an escrow company, said she's still going to vote for McCain and urge others to do so. But she's afraid that the GOP is going to lose some voting power because of McCain's views on illegal immigration.
"He's gotta do what he's gotta do to get elected,'' Hoien said with a sigh.
That's the same view GOP activist Larry Gilbert has.
McCain, he said, is walking a real fine line. Gilbert, a retired businessman from Mission Viejo, said he knows some conservatives may be temped to stay home because of McCain's views on immigration. But, Gilbert said, Latinos are "part of the big tent that we have to include if Republicans are going to win in November.''
A bigger problem McCain's seeming movement to the center on immigration poses, Gilbert told me, is the concern Republicans have that he's just saying whatever he needs to get elected.
Interestingly, it's that same mistrust of the message that has Hispanic activists leery about McCain, even after at the last of three Hispanic events – the National Council of LaRaza in San Diego – he used the word "comprehensive" five times in his speech.
The Hispanic community came into this round of appearances skeptical because McCain – their Republican hero just two years ago – had already disavowed the very bill he co-authored with Sen. Edward Kennedy. He did so in January when he said at a CNN debate that he wouldn't vote for it if the bill came to the Senate floor now.
That happened as McCain was getting killed on the primary trail. He announced he'd had an epiphany. He said he "got it" and now was preaching enforcement first.
But now he's telling Hispanics he's with them and he's always been with them, citing his consistent strong support from Latinos in Arizona. He also said at each stop that true to his maverick reputation he had bucked his party when immigration came up for a vote. And that he has always been critical of harsh anti-immigrant rhetoric some in his party have been accused of.
"People feel like they know where his heart is on this issue,'' Cecilia Munoz, LaRaza's vice president for policy, said on a conference call the activists had on the day McCain spoke to LaRaza. Munoz said there is "confusion as to where his substance is. People accept that he is still committed to some kind of path to citizenship but they're less clear on when he intends to get there and how he intends to get there.''
The Obama campaign has been loving the dissecting of McCain's words on this issue. It's been sending out e-mail after e-mail on the subject – repeating again and again McCain's disavowal of his own bill at that CNN debate.
Even those pro-comprehensive immigration forces, who say they know in his heart McCain is with them, worry that should he get in the White House he would never be able to bring in enough Republicans to get the job done and in the end wouldn't be able to deliver on the issue.
So they still want to throw in with Obama – who for lots of other reasons they probably support anyway – because they see him as being unencumbered by a party that has as many immigration restrictionists as does the GOP.
Frank Sharry, the head of America's Voice, a new group he started to act as the political arm of the immigration debate, said beyond the specifics of what each candidate is saying, he's just thrilled they're fighting it out over the issue. It keeps it in the news at a time when the economy, gas prices and Iraq are way higher on the public's agenda than immigration.
One thing seems clear. Whichever candidate gets into the White House next fall, there will be a president who has promised to do something about immigration.
When and what…that's the question.
We'll be watching.
LATINA LEADER REVEALS MUCH IN HER BOOK
State official reveals secret in her book
By Marcos Bretón - mbreton@sacbee.com
She was 5 years old when an uncle began molesting her, groping her and whispering in her ear that this was their secret.
It didn't matter how much she cried, she says. The uncle violated her repeatedly and abused the trust of her family, which had thought nothing of leaving her alone with him.
"I would pray that he would die," she says now, with the voice of an accomplished woman and trusted member of Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger's Cabinet.
"How horrible for a young girl to be wishing somebody's death," she adds.
Rosario Marin – Schwarzenegger's secretary of the State and Consumer Services Agency – is telling her story now, after years of shame and secrecy.
Spend any amount of time with the ebullient Marin, and you'd never guess the burden she has carried.
Marin's adult life is a model of achievement.
On the wall behind her desk is a painting depicting her with President George W. Bush. She once worked for him, as the nation's treasurer.
Look around. You probably have a dollar bill emblazoned with her confident, elegant signature. She signed all legal tender made between August of 2001 and June of 2003.
She was also mayor of the Southern California city of Huntington Park.
That's the point, says the 50-year-old mother of three. She wants people to know, to see the whole picture of a life of success built from the wreckage of emotional despair.
"I'm not ashamed," Marin said this week, from the desk that dominates her spacious office on the Capitol Mall in Sacramento. "I want people to know that no matter what they have been though, it's possible to overcome."
Marin runs the umbrella agency that oversees the state employees' retirement system, consumer protection and collection of state taxes, among many services.
After leaving her native Mexico City for Southern California, Marin first voted in a presidential election in 1980, at age 22. She was a brand-new U.S. citizen.
Her choice was Ronald Reagan, her "hero" because his hopeful message of less government inspired her. She's been a Republican ever since, which hasn't endeared her to a heavily Democratic Latino community in California. That's probably part of why she is not better known.
No matter. She's endured much worse.
Just a week before her wedding day in 1981, Marin revealed her traumatic secret to her husband, Alex.
"I looked up from my knotted hands into Alex's eyes and prepared myself for the worst," Marin wrote in her recently published autobiography, "Leading Between Two Worlds."
Marin wrote that she "felt an indescribable, almost physical lightness after sharing my secret for the first time."
Today she is telling everyone. Her book, published last year in English, debuted this month in Spanish.
She recently returned from a book signing in Mexico City, where many of her relatives learned of her secret for the first time.
Her uncle has been dead for years.
"They were all there to support me," Marin said of her family. "I had people come up and tell me that I had written their story. I had a 54-year-old man tell me that it had happened to him as well.
"I don't want people to waste years and years by holding it inside," she says. "I hope that some people will look at me, and it will give them hope. There is always hope."
By Marcos Bretón - mbreton@sacbee.com
She was 5 years old when an uncle began molesting her, groping her and whispering in her ear that this was their secret.
It didn't matter how much she cried, she says. The uncle violated her repeatedly and abused the trust of her family, which had thought nothing of leaving her alone with him.
"I would pray that he would die," she says now, with the voice of an accomplished woman and trusted member of Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger's Cabinet.
"How horrible for a young girl to be wishing somebody's death," she adds.
Rosario Marin – Schwarzenegger's secretary of the State and Consumer Services Agency – is telling her story now, after years of shame and secrecy.
Spend any amount of time with the ebullient Marin, and you'd never guess the burden she has carried.
Marin's adult life is a model of achievement.
On the wall behind her desk is a painting depicting her with President George W. Bush. She once worked for him, as the nation's treasurer.
Look around. You probably have a dollar bill emblazoned with her confident, elegant signature. She signed all legal tender made between August of 2001 and June of 2003.
She was also mayor of the Southern California city of Huntington Park.
That's the point, says the 50-year-old mother of three. She wants people to know, to see the whole picture of a life of success built from the wreckage of emotional despair.
"I'm not ashamed," Marin said this week, from the desk that dominates her spacious office on the Capitol Mall in Sacramento. "I want people to know that no matter what they have been though, it's possible to overcome."
Marin runs the umbrella agency that oversees the state employees' retirement system, consumer protection and collection of state taxes, among many services.
After leaving her native Mexico City for Southern California, Marin first voted in a presidential election in 1980, at age 22. She was a brand-new U.S. citizen.
Her choice was Ronald Reagan, her "hero" because his hopeful message of less government inspired her. She's been a Republican ever since, which hasn't endeared her to a heavily Democratic Latino community in California. That's probably part of why she is not better known.
No matter. She's endured much worse.
Just a week before her wedding day in 1981, Marin revealed her traumatic secret to her husband, Alex.
"I looked up from my knotted hands into Alex's eyes and prepared myself for the worst," Marin wrote in her recently published autobiography, "Leading Between Two Worlds."
Marin wrote that she "felt an indescribable, almost physical lightness after sharing my secret for the first time."
Today she is telling everyone. Her book, published last year in English, debuted this month in Spanish.
She recently returned from a book signing in Mexico City, where many of her relatives learned of her secret for the first time.
Her uncle has been dead for years.
"They were all there to support me," Marin said of her family. "I had people come up and tell me that I had written their story. I had a 54-year-old man tell me that it had happened to him as well.
"I don't want people to waste years and years by holding it inside," she says. "I hope that some people will look at me, and it will give them hope. There is always hope."
OBAMA'S MESSAGE TO LATINOS
Obama's message to Latinos
By Ruben Navarrette, Columnist, UNION-TRIBUNE, July 20, 2008
Barack Obama is looking for a way to convince Latino voters that he is simpatico. He may have found it thanks to the cover of The New Yorker.
During the primaries, Obama tried to equate civil rights leader Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and United Farm Workers President Cesar Chavez. Then, in a recent speech to the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials, Obama insisted that he had worked with local Latino leaders as a young civil rights attorney in Chicago and argued that, in a weak economy, “few have been hit harder than Latinos and African-Americans.” Finally, while speaking to the National Council of La Raza here last week, Obama talked about how many in the Latino community came here “with so little but . . . a thirst to succeed” and said it reminded him of what brought his father here from Kenya “in the hope that, in America, you can make it if you try.”
But what Obama really needs to do is to connect with Latino voters on a more personal level by convincing them that he empathizes with their experience. And, thanks to The New Yorker, he has the means to do so. So what if the magazine's defenders claim that the cover is satire? Depicting Obama as a Muslim and his wife, Michelle, as a machine gun-toting black militant – with a picture of Osama bin Laden hanging over the fireplace, while an American flag burns in it – is more slanderous than satirical. The caricature is not really about race, but patriotism. The subtext is that the Obamas are a couple of flag pins short of being real, full-blooded, God-fearing Americans.
Now, where have we heard that before? You got it. In the throes of the immigration debate, it is U.S.-born Latinos who are often hit with the accusation that they are “Americans in name only.” Mexican-Americans, in particular, are routinely accused of having divided loyalties and having left their hearts south of the border. And that's strange given that many of them were born in the United States and so were their parents.
This kind of ethnic McCarthyism gets old. And it must get downright infuriating for those Latino veterans who risked their lives to serve their country, and perhaps gave up limbs or lost friends, only to have racists and xenophobes – including some who never served in uniform or sacrificed for freedom – accuse them of being a lesser-grade American.
It's an accusation that is familiar to Enrique Morones. The San Diego-based immigration activist found himself center-stage at the NCLR conference. Morones was part of a group of about 15 people who met with Obama before the presumptive Democratic nominee arrived at the podium and one of the few mentioned by the candidate in his speech. The next day, Morones found himself face to face with John McCain during the question-and-answer session that followed the presumptive Republican nominee's remarks to the organization. When an NCLR official tried to cut off questioning before Morones could ask his question, McCain interceded and actually pitched his microphone to Morones so the activist could fire away.
Morones told me that he prefers Obama, in part because he doesn't trust McCain to fight for comprehensive immigration reform. He also thinks that, as someone with a diverse background, Obama “represents the future of this country.”
I asked Morones – who was born in the United States – if the Democrat has, whether he realizes it or not, a kinship with Latinos because both are used to having their Americanness questioned.
“Absolutely,” he said. “Barack understands what it is like to be a person of color. He understands what it is like to be discriminated against because his family is from another land. He understands the racist taunts. Just like we do.”
Morones noted that some Latinos are fourth-or fifth-generation Americans, and yet people assume they just got here and have no real loyalty to the United States.
It's a story that Barack Obama knows all too well.
“He's facing it,” Morones said. “Just like we're facing it. So he knows. So when Lou Dobbs and Bill O'Reilly talk about that stuff, he knows what it feels like because he has lived it, too.”
That's the message Barack Obama should spread to Latino voters every chance he gets. In the present climate, he might be surprised at just how effective it could be.
Navarrette can be reached via ruben.navarrette@uniontrib.com.
By Ruben Navarrette, Columnist, UNION-TRIBUNE, July 20, 2008
Barack Obama is looking for a way to convince Latino voters that he is simpatico. He may have found it thanks to the cover of The New Yorker.
During the primaries, Obama tried to equate civil rights leader Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and United Farm Workers President Cesar Chavez. Then, in a recent speech to the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials, Obama insisted that he had worked with local Latino leaders as a young civil rights attorney in Chicago and argued that, in a weak economy, “few have been hit harder than Latinos and African-Americans.” Finally, while speaking to the National Council of La Raza here last week, Obama talked about how many in the Latino community came here “with so little but . . . a thirst to succeed” and said it reminded him of what brought his father here from Kenya “in the hope that, in America, you can make it if you try.”
But what Obama really needs to do is to connect with Latino voters on a more personal level by convincing them that he empathizes with their experience. And, thanks to The New Yorker, he has the means to do so. So what if the magazine's defenders claim that the cover is satire? Depicting Obama as a Muslim and his wife, Michelle, as a machine gun-toting black militant – with a picture of Osama bin Laden hanging over the fireplace, while an American flag burns in it – is more slanderous than satirical. The caricature is not really about race, but patriotism. The subtext is that the Obamas are a couple of flag pins short of being real, full-blooded, God-fearing Americans.
Now, where have we heard that before? You got it. In the throes of the immigration debate, it is U.S.-born Latinos who are often hit with the accusation that they are “Americans in name only.” Mexican-Americans, in particular, are routinely accused of having divided loyalties and having left their hearts south of the border. And that's strange given that many of them were born in the United States and so were their parents.
This kind of ethnic McCarthyism gets old. And it must get downright infuriating for those Latino veterans who risked their lives to serve their country, and perhaps gave up limbs or lost friends, only to have racists and xenophobes – including some who never served in uniform or sacrificed for freedom – accuse them of being a lesser-grade American.
It's an accusation that is familiar to Enrique Morones. The San Diego-based immigration activist found himself center-stage at the NCLR conference. Morones was part of a group of about 15 people who met with Obama before the presumptive Democratic nominee arrived at the podium and one of the few mentioned by the candidate in his speech. The next day, Morones found himself face to face with John McCain during the question-and-answer session that followed the presumptive Republican nominee's remarks to the organization. When an NCLR official tried to cut off questioning before Morones could ask his question, McCain interceded and actually pitched his microphone to Morones so the activist could fire away.
Morones told me that he prefers Obama, in part because he doesn't trust McCain to fight for comprehensive immigration reform. He also thinks that, as someone with a diverse background, Obama “represents the future of this country.”
I asked Morones – who was born in the United States – if the Democrat has, whether he realizes it or not, a kinship with Latinos because both are used to having their Americanness questioned.
“Absolutely,” he said. “Barack understands what it is like to be a person of color. He understands what it is like to be discriminated against because his family is from another land. He understands the racist taunts. Just like we do.”
Morones noted that some Latinos are fourth-or fifth-generation Americans, and yet people assume they just got here and have no real loyalty to the United States.
It's a story that Barack Obama knows all too well.
“He's facing it,” Morones said. “Just like we're facing it. So he knows. So when Lou Dobbs and Bill O'Reilly talk about that stuff, he knows what it feels like because he has lived it, too.”
That's the message Barack Obama should spread to Latino voters every chance he gets. In the present climate, he might be surprised at just how effective it could be.
Navarrette can be reached via ruben.navarrette@uniontrib.com.
Sunday, July 20, 2008
ALABAMA'S NEW CHALLENGE: LEARN SPANISH
City’s Hispanic students climb
By CHALLEN STEPHENS, Times Staff Writer challen.stephens@htimes.com
Number has doubled in the last five years, most are in southwest
Last winter Valerie Fulghum ordered an oversized, papier-mch valentine, stuffed it with more toys than candy for her fourth-grade class and hung it from a tree behind the school.
"Every party now we have pinatas," said Fulghum, who teaches at McDonnell Elementary School in southwest Huntsville. "Valentine's Day, Christmas, birthdays, any celebration."
The number of Hispanic students in Huntsville City Schools has doubled in five years to reach 1,143. However, the sudden growth has mostly been clustered in southwest Huntsville, with populations doubling and tripling over the last few years in the schools that feed into Butler High School.
Last year more than a third of the students at McDonnell were Hispanic, as were a quarter of the students at Ridgecrest Elementary. The numbers have been steadily increasing at University Place, Whitesburg and Morris elementary schools. More than half of the new students require extra lessons to learn English.
"What's bringing them to Huntsville are the labor type jobs, construction, landscaping," said Ruben Flores, who has been reaching out to the new children through the Boys & Girls Club chapter at McDonnell Elementary. "They're learning English, but they speak Spanish in the home."
Most school systems south of Birmingham aren't seeing the increase in Hispanic students. But in North Alabama, Huntsville schools are only the latest to face a growing number of students who don't speak English when they enroll.
While some local politicians and anti-immigration groups contend Huntsville is turning a blind eye toward illegal immigration, school officials say they are adjusting lessons and seeking more bilingual teachers to meet the shifting population.
"We don't even look for whether they are legal or illegal," said city school board member Topper Birney. "That's not our job. Our job is to educate."
Here to stay
The Pelayos were selling tacos in Seattle when a friend from Albertville told them about North Alabama. There's a growing number of Latinos, the friend said, but not too many businesses.
Two years ago, the Pelayos built a permanent garage for their lunch truck, Taqueria El Cazador, just a few blocks from McDonnell Elementary. They park another truck near Governors Drive and plan to open a permanent restaurant on South Memorial Parkway.
"There are tons of Latinos in L.A.," said 18-year-old Adiel Pelayo, who grew up in Oakland, "but tons of competition."
Adiel said he and his father, Filiberto Pelayo, now work every day from 8 a.m. until 11 p.m. And here, at the intersection of Drake Avenue and Triana Boulevard, said Adiel, about three quarters of the customers for the $5 lunches are Latino.
The recent arrivals have yet to reach the suburbs of Huntsville. Less than 2 percent of students in Madison County Schools were Hispanic last year, and Madison City Schools report more Asian than Hispanic students.
Pelayo said he believes most were lured to southwest Huntsville by the trailer parks and inexpensive housing. Adiel, who spent a year at Grissom High, said the schools need to make an effort to teach the new arrivals English.
"I think they should do something because we're going to stay here," he said, "and if we get ignored it's going to hurt the U.S. economy. That's just my opinion."
Not in South Alabama
In North Alabama, Latinos are filling otherwise dwindling schools and reviving main streets from Athens to Collinsville.
In Albertville, a third of the students are Hispanic. In Athens City Schools, 12 percent of students are Hispanic, up from 8 percent five years ago. Marshall County Schools are 10 percent Hispanic; Boaz, 8 percent; Limestone County, 5 percent; DeKalb County ,18 percent.
"We make an effort, when we have positions open, to look for bilingual folks and folks who can relate to students," said Dr. Sam Houston, superintendent of Decatur City Schools.
In Decatur, 14 percent of the students are Hispanic, up from 8 percent five years ago.
However, the new arrivals have not moved to Scottsboro and Jackson County. And large numbers of students haven't reached the schools of south Alabama.
In Montgomery County Schools, just 2 percent of the students were Hispanic last year. The same goes for Birmingham, Auburn, Opelika, Dothan and Tuscaloosa.
In Mobile, about 1 percent of the students were Hispanic last year. Selma had just one Hispanic student. So did Perry County. Opp had three.
Huntsville's Latin quarter
In Huntsville, new groceries, beauty shops, taquerias and even a nightclub dot the streets west of Memorial Parkway, from Governors Drive to Airport Road. The signs read: La Frontera. Jazmin. La Bomba. Mi Encanto. Tienda Mexicana.
Employees at La Favorita on Bob Wallace say they've been open five years now. The owner of a new tortilleria off Triana Boulevard took a break from laying tile last week to say, through a translator, that he will open in three or four weeks.
At El Cazador, the Pelayos say a Latino businessman recently bought the laundromat next door.
Councilman Bill Kling, who represents much of the 35805 Zip code where the businesses are, said the rapid changes have led to countless complaints, about everything from public singing to driving without tags.
"Most of what I'm hearing seems to be negative. But our society seems to be going that direction," said Kling. "The corner of Drake Avenue and Triana Boulevard has almost become multilingual."
Not enough translators
The Huntsville school system is now training teachers from McDonnell and University Place elementary schools to include more visual aides, to stick to a routine and to rely on repetition to help those students who aren't yet fluent in English.
However, teachers don't conduct class in Spanish.
"This is not a bilingual program. We don't have any bilingual programs," said Ann Marie Batista, who oversees English as a Second Language for all Huntsville schools.
In fact, Huntsville has only three people on staff who are officially listed as translators, said Batista. Instead, Stone Middle relies on a security guard. McDonnell relies on the director of the Boys & Girls Club. Batista said volunteers are welcome.
Tina Greer, the principal at Morris Elementary on Bob Wallace Avenue, said she turns to the list in the front office. "We have parents that speak both languages. And we have their phone numbers," she said. "At school, we use students."
Welcome at McDonnell
At the edge of Redstone Arsenal, where older ranch homes dead-end in cotton fields, Ruben Flores translates for the teachers and parents of McDonnell Elementary.
In 2002, McDonnell had just 17 Hispanic students. By last school year that number had leapt to 129, or 32 percent of the children.
Some are fluent in English. But 84 of the Hispanic children at McDonnell attended special lessons two or three times a week to help them learn English. The same number required special lessons at Ridgecrest Elementary.
Many of the new parents work at steakhouses and diners, work in construction, painting and hanging drywall, said Flores. He said, when contacted by the school, they often become involved, bringing food and coming straight from work to PTA events.
"They're finding ways to stay," said Flores. "The only time I've known families to leave is when the type of job they are doing causes them to relocate."
Flores said the community has welcomed the new children. Wal-Mart donates bikes, a Burger King manager provides soccer tickets, a local pastor is learning Spanish, a police officer volunteers with the kids.
Meanwhile, the Boys & Girls Club has planted flowers and painted parts of the school. The club emphasizes citizenship, but here the children also exchange lessons in Spanish and English.
"They are teaching each other. That gives the Hispanic child ownership," said Flores, who is mindful of the self-confidence of each child. "We want this young person to be a productive citizen."
Opposition grows
In late 2007, the border-watching Minutemen Civil Defense Corps opened a chapter in North Alabama based in Athens.
Members, who include residents of Huntsville, complain that illegal immigrants unfairly burden public schools and hospitals.
"By the time you get to Drake Avenue it looks like you are in Little Mexico," said Jim Brown, a 70-year-old real estate agent who rents and lives in the southwest neighborhood. He said he once had a sign in his yard that read "Stop the Invasion."
During public debates this spring, proponents have argued that some businesses, from home construction to chicken processing, would collapse without hard-working immigrants willing to take low-paying jobs.
"They may be the most upstanding people in the world south of the border," said Brown, who recently applied to join the Minutemen, "but when they cross the border illegally they cease to be good people.
"Nobody has a problem with legal immigration."
Brown, who said he has occasionally called the police to complain about Hispanic neighbors, argues the city police need to be free to enforce federal immigration law.
"It appears that Congress doesn't have the fortitude to do anything about the illegal immigration issue," said city Councilman Bill Kling, "and cities on the local level have very little authority to deal with the problem."
"They have helped us"
In Fort Payne, thanks to jobs in the sock factories, about 30 percent of the students are now Hispanic. Although many of the hosiery jobs have since left, said Dr. Larry Hooks, more than 50 new Hispanic students continue to enroll each year.
"Our teachers have become adept at dealing with these students," said Hooks, who oversees English as a Second Language in Fort Payne schools.
In one elementary school, Fort Payne has a bilingual teacher's aide and three full-time teachers who help children learn English. He said the sock factories helped pay for one of those teachers.
For the schools of southwest Huntsville, most of which had been losing students, there is no lack of space. And in Fort Payne, said Hooks, the new children prop up the system.
For example, in 2004-2005, Fort Payne added 82 new Hispanic students, while the system as a whole lost children. "They have kind of held our numbers up," Hooks said. "They have helped us."
Practical matters
Across the city schools, Huntsville now provides special lessons for 935 students who are learning English as a second language. That's nearly double the number from two years ago. More than 630 of those students speak Spanish. No other language comes close.
The second most common is Laotian, followed by Arabic, said Batista, who oversees the systemwide program. But among the students learning English, no more than 30 speak either of those.
Three years ago, teacher Valerie Fulghum said, she asked her fourth-graders at McDonnell what she could do to incorporate more of their culture from home. The children answered with "Pinatas."
But she made other changes. She began to give certain students their spelling words in English and Spanish. She shortened reading assignments. However, she said children learn quickly, and that her top students each of the last two years have been Hispanic.
However, Fulghum said she has yet to meet a new parent who speaks English fluently. Sometimes she asks a student to translate. But when she raises a concern, maybe something about a missed assignment or a discipline problem, she has to watch the parents' faces. Too often, she said, those messages are edited for content. "I've got to take some Spanish," said Fulghum, "I've got to."
By CHALLEN STEPHENS, Times Staff Writer challen.stephens@htimes.com
Number has doubled in the last five years, most are in southwest
Last winter Valerie Fulghum ordered an oversized, papier-mch valentine, stuffed it with more toys than candy for her fourth-grade class and hung it from a tree behind the school.
"Every party now we have pinatas," said Fulghum, who teaches at McDonnell Elementary School in southwest Huntsville. "Valentine's Day, Christmas, birthdays, any celebration."
The number of Hispanic students in Huntsville City Schools has doubled in five years to reach 1,143. However, the sudden growth has mostly been clustered in southwest Huntsville, with populations doubling and tripling over the last few years in the schools that feed into Butler High School.
Last year more than a third of the students at McDonnell were Hispanic, as were a quarter of the students at Ridgecrest Elementary. The numbers have been steadily increasing at University Place, Whitesburg and Morris elementary schools. More than half of the new students require extra lessons to learn English.
"What's bringing them to Huntsville are the labor type jobs, construction, landscaping," said Ruben Flores, who has been reaching out to the new children through the Boys & Girls Club chapter at McDonnell Elementary. "They're learning English, but they speak Spanish in the home."
Most school systems south of Birmingham aren't seeing the increase in Hispanic students. But in North Alabama, Huntsville schools are only the latest to face a growing number of students who don't speak English when they enroll.
While some local politicians and anti-immigration groups contend Huntsville is turning a blind eye toward illegal immigration, school officials say they are adjusting lessons and seeking more bilingual teachers to meet the shifting population.
"We don't even look for whether they are legal or illegal," said city school board member Topper Birney. "That's not our job. Our job is to educate."
Here to stay
The Pelayos were selling tacos in Seattle when a friend from Albertville told them about North Alabama. There's a growing number of Latinos, the friend said, but not too many businesses.
Two years ago, the Pelayos built a permanent garage for their lunch truck, Taqueria El Cazador, just a few blocks from McDonnell Elementary. They park another truck near Governors Drive and plan to open a permanent restaurant on South Memorial Parkway.
"There are tons of Latinos in L.A.," said 18-year-old Adiel Pelayo, who grew up in Oakland, "but tons of competition."
Adiel said he and his father, Filiberto Pelayo, now work every day from 8 a.m. until 11 p.m. And here, at the intersection of Drake Avenue and Triana Boulevard, said Adiel, about three quarters of the customers for the $5 lunches are Latino.
The recent arrivals have yet to reach the suburbs of Huntsville. Less than 2 percent of students in Madison County Schools were Hispanic last year, and Madison City Schools report more Asian than Hispanic students.
Pelayo said he believes most were lured to southwest Huntsville by the trailer parks and inexpensive housing. Adiel, who spent a year at Grissom High, said the schools need to make an effort to teach the new arrivals English.
"I think they should do something because we're going to stay here," he said, "and if we get ignored it's going to hurt the U.S. economy. That's just my opinion."
Not in South Alabama
In North Alabama, Latinos are filling otherwise dwindling schools and reviving main streets from Athens to Collinsville.
In Albertville, a third of the students are Hispanic. In Athens City Schools, 12 percent of students are Hispanic, up from 8 percent five years ago. Marshall County Schools are 10 percent Hispanic; Boaz, 8 percent; Limestone County, 5 percent; DeKalb County ,18 percent.
"We make an effort, when we have positions open, to look for bilingual folks and folks who can relate to students," said Dr. Sam Houston, superintendent of Decatur City Schools.
In Decatur, 14 percent of the students are Hispanic, up from 8 percent five years ago.
However, the new arrivals have not moved to Scottsboro and Jackson County. And large numbers of students haven't reached the schools of south Alabama.
In Montgomery County Schools, just 2 percent of the students were Hispanic last year. The same goes for Birmingham, Auburn, Opelika, Dothan and Tuscaloosa.
In Mobile, about 1 percent of the students were Hispanic last year. Selma had just one Hispanic student. So did Perry County. Opp had three.
Huntsville's Latin quarter
In Huntsville, new groceries, beauty shops, taquerias and even a nightclub dot the streets west of Memorial Parkway, from Governors Drive to Airport Road. The signs read: La Frontera. Jazmin. La Bomba. Mi Encanto. Tienda Mexicana.
Employees at La Favorita on Bob Wallace say they've been open five years now. The owner of a new tortilleria off Triana Boulevard took a break from laying tile last week to say, through a translator, that he will open in three or four weeks.
At El Cazador, the Pelayos say a Latino businessman recently bought the laundromat next door.
Councilman Bill Kling, who represents much of the 35805 Zip code where the businesses are, said the rapid changes have led to countless complaints, about everything from public singing to driving without tags.
"Most of what I'm hearing seems to be negative. But our society seems to be going that direction," said Kling. "The corner of Drake Avenue and Triana Boulevard has almost become multilingual."
Not enough translators
The Huntsville school system is now training teachers from McDonnell and University Place elementary schools to include more visual aides, to stick to a routine and to rely on repetition to help those students who aren't yet fluent in English.
However, teachers don't conduct class in Spanish.
"This is not a bilingual program. We don't have any bilingual programs," said Ann Marie Batista, who oversees English as a Second Language for all Huntsville schools.
In fact, Huntsville has only three people on staff who are officially listed as translators, said Batista. Instead, Stone Middle relies on a security guard. McDonnell relies on the director of the Boys & Girls Club. Batista said volunteers are welcome.
Tina Greer, the principal at Morris Elementary on Bob Wallace Avenue, said she turns to the list in the front office. "We have parents that speak both languages. And we have their phone numbers," she said. "At school, we use students."
Welcome at McDonnell
At the edge of Redstone Arsenal, where older ranch homes dead-end in cotton fields, Ruben Flores translates for the teachers and parents of McDonnell Elementary.
In 2002, McDonnell had just 17 Hispanic students. By last school year that number had leapt to 129, or 32 percent of the children.
Some are fluent in English. But 84 of the Hispanic children at McDonnell attended special lessons two or three times a week to help them learn English. The same number required special lessons at Ridgecrest Elementary.
Many of the new parents work at steakhouses and diners, work in construction, painting and hanging drywall, said Flores. He said, when contacted by the school, they often become involved, bringing food and coming straight from work to PTA events.
"They're finding ways to stay," said Flores. "The only time I've known families to leave is when the type of job they are doing causes them to relocate."
Flores said the community has welcomed the new children. Wal-Mart donates bikes, a Burger King manager provides soccer tickets, a local pastor is learning Spanish, a police officer volunteers with the kids.
Meanwhile, the Boys & Girls Club has planted flowers and painted parts of the school. The club emphasizes citizenship, but here the children also exchange lessons in Spanish and English.
"They are teaching each other. That gives the Hispanic child ownership," said Flores, who is mindful of the self-confidence of each child. "We want this young person to be a productive citizen."
Opposition grows
In late 2007, the border-watching Minutemen Civil Defense Corps opened a chapter in North Alabama based in Athens.
Members, who include residents of Huntsville, complain that illegal immigrants unfairly burden public schools and hospitals.
"By the time you get to Drake Avenue it looks like you are in Little Mexico," said Jim Brown, a 70-year-old real estate agent who rents and lives in the southwest neighborhood. He said he once had a sign in his yard that read "Stop the Invasion."
During public debates this spring, proponents have argued that some businesses, from home construction to chicken processing, would collapse without hard-working immigrants willing to take low-paying jobs.
"They may be the most upstanding people in the world south of the border," said Brown, who recently applied to join the Minutemen, "but when they cross the border illegally they cease to be good people.
"Nobody has a problem with legal immigration."
Brown, who said he has occasionally called the police to complain about Hispanic neighbors, argues the city police need to be free to enforce federal immigration law.
"It appears that Congress doesn't have the fortitude to do anything about the illegal immigration issue," said city Councilman Bill Kling, "and cities on the local level have very little authority to deal with the problem."
"They have helped us"
In Fort Payne, thanks to jobs in the sock factories, about 30 percent of the students are now Hispanic. Although many of the hosiery jobs have since left, said Dr. Larry Hooks, more than 50 new Hispanic students continue to enroll each year.
"Our teachers have become adept at dealing with these students," said Hooks, who oversees English as a Second Language in Fort Payne schools.
In one elementary school, Fort Payne has a bilingual teacher's aide and three full-time teachers who help children learn English. He said the sock factories helped pay for one of those teachers.
For the schools of southwest Huntsville, most of which had been losing students, there is no lack of space. And in Fort Payne, said Hooks, the new children prop up the system.
For example, in 2004-2005, Fort Payne added 82 new Hispanic students, while the system as a whole lost children. "They have kind of held our numbers up," Hooks said. "They have helped us."
Practical matters
Across the city schools, Huntsville now provides special lessons for 935 students who are learning English as a second language. That's nearly double the number from two years ago. More than 630 of those students speak Spanish. No other language comes close.
The second most common is Laotian, followed by Arabic, said Batista, who oversees the systemwide program. But among the students learning English, no more than 30 speak either of those.
Three years ago, teacher Valerie Fulghum said, she asked her fourth-graders at McDonnell what she could do to incorporate more of their culture from home. The children answered with "Pinatas."
But she made other changes. She began to give certain students their spelling words in English and Spanish. She shortened reading assignments. However, she said children learn quickly, and that her top students each of the last two years have been Hispanic.
However, Fulghum said she has yet to meet a new parent who speaks English fluently. Sometimes she asks a student to translate. But when she raises a concern, maybe something about a missed assignment or a discipline problem, she has to watch the parents' faces. Too often, she said, those messages are edited for content. "I've got to take some Spanish," said Fulghum, "I've got to."
THE CHANGING FACE OF AMERICA
Pleasantville's sight, sounds and flavors change as Hispanic population grows
By LYNDA COHEN Staff Writer, 609-272-7257, July 20, 2008
PLEASANTVILLE - A walk along downtown Main Street is all it takes to see it.
The strains of salsa music pouring from the Latina Deli as the door opens. The Spanish banter at Florecita Tejada's beauty salon. The images of Our Lady of Guadalupe in the window of Botanica Santa Clara.
Isaias Gomez moved here nearly six years ago after Atlantic City became too expensive. The town offered proximity to the resort, with a better cost of living.
Since then, the Colombia native has seen the Hispanic population grow - and change the face of Pleasantville.
"Look at the new businesses on Main Street," he said, rattling off a list including a Mexican restaurant, Colombian food market and Spanish-speaking mortgage broker.
Census figures show the number of Hispanic people in Atlantic County grew
24 percent in 2006 and 15 percent in 2007. Pleasantville has moved at an even faster pace.
The census has not given local racial/ethnic breakdowns since 2000. But previously, the number of Hispanics in Pleasantville has grown 50 percent faster than in the county as a whole.
Cristina Arias, 17, shifts easily from Spanish to English as she translates for her mother at the family's Latina Deli and Mini Mart, which specializes in the food of their homeland, Mexico.
They also have seen the area diversify with representatives from the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico and Colombia.
"We have a lot of customers that come in every day," Arias said. "We know everyone."
Her parents both speak a little English, but mainly Spanish. So do many of their customers.
Garareo Butarro, 24, of Pleasantville, is one of them. He works in town as a landscaper and stops in daily for a meal. But he appears a bit self-conscious answering questions in English. One of the deli workers assists him.
At a town hall meeting sponsored by the Pleasantville Police Department this month, a few residents raised concerns about Spanish-speaking residents not reporting neighborhood problems due to fear and a language barrier. While dispatchers have immediate access to a translation line, the rift is still there.
Even here - where many businesses cater to the Spanish-speaking community - there is just one elected Hispanic representative.
"I don't know if I even thought about it before," said Julio Sanchez Jr., who is the Board of Education's vice president. "I'm there to represent all the citizens of Pleasantville and do what's in the best interest of the city and the students."
Sanchez's father was born in Puerto Rico; his mother is black. Until about six months ago, he was also the only Hispanic on the city's Fire Department.
He said he would like to see classes to help the city's Hispanic immigrants become acclimated.
"If nothing else, some type of social class," Sanchez said, likening it to a German head start class he attended while serving in the military. "Just a basic class on our social life and culture to be able to interact.
"I definitely do think we need (that community) represented," Sanchez added. "I don't know how that's going to start."
Gomez is trying to help. He is running for council at large as a third-party candidate in November. Pablo Santiago, whose family is from Puerto Rico, hopes to fill the unexpired Second Ward seat.
"People need help," Gomez said. "Some of them don't speak English. They don't understand a lot of what's happening in the city."
He already is a leader in the Colombian community, including organizing this weekend's events in Atlantic City celebrating Colombia's Independence Day on Sunday.
On Friday, Atlantic City Mayor Scott Evans read a proclamation in honor of the celebration before the Colombian flag was raised in the courtyard between City Hall and the library.
He spoke of the immigrant spirit invested in every American's heritage.
"We always keep those in our homeland in our thoughts and in our prayers," Evans said.
He mentioned the recent release of 15 hostages from Colombian guerrillas, including former Colombian presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt and three American contractors.
At 10 a.m. today, members of the Colombian community and others will meet at Atlantic City's Boardwalk Hall in honor of their independence from Spain in 1810. They will march to the soccer fields in Chelsea Heights.
During Friday's celebration, the group began by honoring America with the "Star-Spangled Banner." The crowd shouting, "Viva!" in response to Luis Correa's shouts of "Viva Estados Unidos de America."
As a rendition of the Colombian national anthem followed, two women in the audience stood, holding a large yellow, blue and red flag. As they sang along, Gomez's 4-year-old granddaughter, Ivonne, happily ducked back and forth underneath the banner.
The Pleasantville girl pointed proudly and said, "That's our flag."
E-mail Lynda Cohen: LCohen@pressofac.com
By LYNDA COHEN Staff Writer, 609-272-7257, July 20, 2008
PLEASANTVILLE - A walk along downtown Main Street is all it takes to see it.
The strains of salsa music pouring from the Latina Deli as the door opens. The Spanish banter at Florecita Tejada's beauty salon. The images of Our Lady of Guadalupe in the window of Botanica Santa Clara.
Isaias Gomez moved here nearly six years ago after Atlantic City became too expensive. The town offered proximity to the resort, with a better cost of living.
Since then, the Colombia native has seen the Hispanic population grow - and change the face of Pleasantville.
"Look at the new businesses on Main Street," he said, rattling off a list including a Mexican restaurant, Colombian food market and Spanish-speaking mortgage broker.
Census figures show the number of Hispanic people in Atlantic County grew
24 percent in 2006 and 15 percent in 2007. Pleasantville has moved at an even faster pace.
The census has not given local racial/ethnic breakdowns since 2000. But previously, the number of Hispanics in Pleasantville has grown 50 percent faster than in the county as a whole.
Cristina Arias, 17, shifts easily from Spanish to English as she translates for her mother at the family's Latina Deli and Mini Mart, which specializes in the food of their homeland, Mexico.
They also have seen the area diversify with representatives from the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico and Colombia.
"We have a lot of customers that come in every day," Arias said. "We know everyone."
Her parents both speak a little English, but mainly Spanish. So do many of their customers.
Garareo Butarro, 24, of Pleasantville, is one of them. He works in town as a landscaper and stops in daily for a meal. But he appears a bit self-conscious answering questions in English. One of the deli workers assists him.
At a town hall meeting sponsored by the Pleasantville Police Department this month, a few residents raised concerns about Spanish-speaking residents not reporting neighborhood problems due to fear and a language barrier. While dispatchers have immediate access to a translation line, the rift is still there.
Even here - where many businesses cater to the Spanish-speaking community - there is just one elected Hispanic representative.
"I don't know if I even thought about it before," said Julio Sanchez Jr., who is the Board of Education's vice president. "I'm there to represent all the citizens of Pleasantville and do what's in the best interest of the city and the students."
Sanchez's father was born in Puerto Rico; his mother is black. Until about six months ago, he was also the only Hispanic on the city's Fire Department.
He said he would like to see classes to help the city's Hispanic immigrants become acclimated.
"If nothing else, some type of social class," Sanchez said, likening it to a German head start class he attended while serving in the military. "Just a basic class on our social life and culture to be able to interact.
"I definitely do think we need (that community) represented," Sanchez added. "I don't know how that's going to start."
Gomez is trying to help. He is running for council at large as a third-party candidate in November. Pablo Santiago, whose family is from Puerto Rico, hopes to fill the unexpired Second Ward seat.
"People need help," Gomez said. "Some of them don't speak English. They don't understand a lot of what's happening in the city."
He already is a leader in the Colombian community, including organizing this weekend's events in Atlantic City celebrating Colombia's Independence Day on Sunday.
On Friday, Atlantic City Mayor Scott Evans read a proclamation in honor of the celebration before the Colombian flag was raised in the courtyard between City Hall and the library.
He spoke of the immigrant spirit invested in every American's heritage.
"We always keep those in our homeland in our thoughts and in our prayers," Evans said.
He mentioned the recent release of 15 hostages from Colombian guerrillas, including former Colombian presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt and three American contractors.
At 10 a.m. today, members of the Colombian community and others will meet at Atlantic City's Boardwalk Hall in honor of their independence from Spain in 1810. They will march to the soccer fields in Chelsea Heights.
During Friday's celebration, the group began by honoring America with the "Star-Spangled Banner." The crowd shouting, "Viva!" in response to Luis Correa's shouts of "Viva Estados Unidos de America."
As a rendition of the Colombian national anthem followed, two women in the audience stood, holding a large yellow, blue and red flag. As they sang along, Gomez's 4-year-old granddaughter, Ivonne, happily ducked back and forth underneath the banner.
The Pleasantville girl pointed proudly and said, "That's our flag."
E-mail Lynda Cohen: LCohen@pressofac.com
HISPANIC GROUPS IN QUEST TO REGISTER 2 MILLION NEW VOTERS
Hispanic groups unite to register 2 million voters
By TERESA WATANABE, Los Angeles Times
LOS ANGELES — Buoyed by a surge of political interest among immigrants and youth, nine national Hispanic organizations have announced a joint effort to register as many as 2 million new voters as presidential candidates from both parties vie for their community’s increasingly influential support.
The $5 million nonpartisan voter registration effort, announced at the third annual National Latino Congreso on Friday, comes amid an unprecedented campaign by community organizations and Spanish-language media to boost Hispanic civic participation — and two new reports showing signs of success.
The U.S. government last week reported that the number of Mexican immigrants who became citizens last year swelled by 50 percent, with hundreds of thousands more in line to process their naturalization applications.
Community leaders expressed even more excitement about a new study by the Texas-based William C. Velasquez Institute, a nonpartisan public policy organization in San Antonio, that found more than 1 million Hispanics registered to vote during this primary season, a highly unusual surge, including 500,000 just in California and Texas.
The biggest buzz centered around who most of the new voters were: not new U.S. citizens as expected, but American-born people under 30. That demographic is notoriously difficult to reach but makes up three-quarters of the Hispanic community’s 8 million eligible but unregistered voters, according to Antonio Gonzalez of the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project in Los Angeles.
"I was shocked by the increase in young new voters," Gonzalez said. "They’re typically the hardest to reach."
Gonzalez said he had expected that newly naturalized, older Hispanics would make up the bulk of new voters. But government delays in processing more than 1 million pending naturalization applications had jeopardized the chances of significantly boosting those numbers.
The new-voter mobilization campaign would target largely younger voters through 125 organizing committees in California, Texas and 10 other states, Gonzalez said.
Several young people who attended the forum in Los Angeles said they were moved to register to vote for the first time by Democrat Barack Obama, the plummeting economy, current immigration policies and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Omar Cruz, a student at the University of Texas in El Paso, said the election is the talk of the campus. He likes Obama. Valerie Simone also a college student in El Paso, said she plans to vote for Republican John McCain because she believes that he would be more fiscally responsible.
By TERESA WATANABE, Los Angeles Times
LOS ANGELES — Buoyed by a surge of political interest among immigrants and youth, nine national Hispanic organizations have announced a joint effort to register as many as 2 million new voters as presidential candidates from both parties vie for their community’s increasingly influential support.
The $5 million nonpartisan voter registration effort, announced at the third annual National Latino Congreso on Friday, comes amid an unprecedented campaign by community organizations and Spanish-language media to boost Hispanic civic participation — and two new reports showing signs of success.
The U.S. government last week reported that the number of Mexican immigrants who became citizens last year swelled by 50 percent, with hundreds of thousands more in line to process their naturalization applications.
Community leaders expressed even more excitement about a new study by the Texas-based William C. Velasquez Institute, a nonpartisan public policy organization in San Antonio, that found more than 1 million Hispanics registered to vote during this primary season, a highly unusual surge, including 500,000 just in California and Texas.
The biggest buzz centered around who most of the new voters were: not new U.S. citizens as expected, but American-born people under 30. That demographic is notoriously difficult to reach but makes up three-quarters of the Hispanic community’s 8 million eligible but unregistered voters, according to Antonio Gonzalez of the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project in Los Angeles.
"I was shocked by the increase in young new voters," Gonzalez said. "They’re typically the hardest to reach."
Gonzalez said he had expected that newly naturalized, older Hispanics would make up the bulk of new voters. But government delays in processing more than 1 million pending naturalization applications had jeopardized the chances of significantly boosting those numbers.
The new-voter mobilization campaign would target largely younger voters through 125 organizing committees in California, Texas and 10 other states, Gonzalez said.
Several young people who attended the forum in Los Angeles said they were moved to register to vote for the first time by Democrat Barack Obama, the plummeting economy, current immigration policies and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Omar Cruz, a student at the University of Texas in El Paso, said the election is the talk of the campus. He likes Obama. Valerie Simone also a college student in El Paso, said she plans to vote for Republican John McCain because she believes that he would be more fiscally responsible.
HISPANIC RADIO COMPETITION HEATS UP IN MEMPHIS
'The Voice' of radio: Pair of Memphis stations compete for Hispanic audience
By Daniel Connolly, Memphis Commercial Appeal - July 20, 2008
Two radio stations are going head-to-head in Memphis, and they're doing it in a language most people here may not understand.
A new Spanish-language station is challenging Radio Ambiente, WGSF-1030 AM, currently the top Hispanic broadcaster in the Mid-South. The stations are taking aim at one another in on-air promos as they compete for listeners.
Manuel Duran (left), Ana Sofia Sanchez and Daniel Valdez fill the airwaves during a recent morning radio show on WAVN-1240 AM La Voz.
"We're working hard. We're going to be number one," said Marco Segura, the 29-year-old program director of WAVN-1240 AM, which switched formats from gospel to regional Mexican music in March and is now known as "La Voz" or "The Voice."
The owner of the competing station, Carmen Reyes, says La Voz is broadcasting good programming and music.
"And the competition is good because we get much better," said Reyes, 49.
The rivalry reflects broader trends: the increased Hispanic population in Memphis, immigrants' willingness to start businesses and advertisers' continued interest in tapping Hispanic buying power.
The leader of the new station is Greg Diaz, the 32-year-old pastor of Nueva Direccion, a nondenominational Hispanic church in Hickory Hill. He owns the station with his wife, Daisy, 35.
La Voz's signal comes from an antenna in Southaven, but its announcers broadcast from a studio inside one of the church's white, onion-shaped, prefabricated buildings on Winchester Road.
"I've had in my mind and my heart to open up a radio station as long as I've been in Memphis, which has been nine years," said Greg Diaz.
He and his wife unsuccessfully tried to launch a radio program several years ago. About a year ago, they began building the new station with their own funds.
Greg Diaz, originally from Mexico City, has lived in this country since he was 12. He said he wants to create a station that broadcasts useful information and plays a leadership role in the Hispanic community. He has also been friends with Radio Ambiente's owner for years.
La Voz has little religious content beside broadcasts of Sunday morning services and Greg Diaz's appearances in a twice-a-week talk show.
He said he is limiting the religious content for now to avoid alienating the majority of Hispanics, who are Catholic and may not accept Protestant messages.
Despite the studio's location in a tax-exempt church, the station is a for-profit company, Greg Diaz said.
Such arrangements are acceptable if the firms follow tax law, said IRS spokesman Luis D. Garcia. He couldn't speak about any individual taxpayer.
Diaz said the station is paying taxes.
La Voz fills most of its 24-hour schedule with Mexican music in genres such as accordion-driven norteño (pronounced nor-TANE-yo) and the upbeat synthesizer-based style called duranguense (pronounced doo-rahn-GEN-say).
Radio Ambiente offers a similar format, and like that station, Diaz is leasing a signal from Memphis-based Flinn Broadcasting Corp.
But Segura, La Voz's program director, said the stations are different. "We only play hits," said Segura, a former Radio Ambiente employee from Guadalajara, Mexico. "(Current) hits and long-ago hits."
La Voz plays only regional Mexican music, while the competitors mix in pop songs, he said.
To promote itself, La Voz recently brought three Mexican bands to a free event at a Hispanic nightclub.
It's also running ads that quote people saying they've changed stations. Segura said the material reflects feedback La Voz has received from listeners.
Radio Ambiente has fired back with its own promos. "I'm staying with Radio Ambiente!" a man declares in one.
Reyes said Radio Ambiente is simply trying to keep its material fresh. "We try to change promos every six months," she said.
Some of Radio Ambiente's spots feature people who try to find a faint station on the radio, then give up. This highlights one of Radio Ambiente's biggest advantages, a 50,000-watt transmitter that covers a wider area than the newcomers' 580-watt signal.
Radio Ambiente has other advantages. Its staffers have been broadcasting in Memphis since 1994 and have the strength of long-standing relationships with advertisers such as Bill Heard Chevrolet and Memphis Area Teachers' Credit Union.
WGSF also has many listeners: It ranked 14th of 28 Memphis stations for which data was available, according to the most recent ratings from Arbitron Inc. Ratings for La Voz weren't available because the station is new.
The stations are targeting a relatively small market. Just under 35,000 Hispanics lived in Shelby County in 2006, or about 4 percent of the population, according to the Census, though advocates say there are likely many more.
Most are from Mexico and Central America.
Radio is important to many of them, especially those who don't speak English. A 2002 survey among Hispanics in Memphis found that 85 percent said radio was the best way to receive information.
In 2004, the Pew Hispanic Center in Washington said radio was "exceptionally popular" among Hispanics nationwide. The number of Spanish-language stations rose 24 percent to 762 between 2000 and fall 2007, according to Arbitron.
Advertisers still recognize the power, even as the economy slows and increased immigration enforcement makes it harder for many newcomers to find good jobs.
Ad spending on Spanish-language stations in big markets such as Los Angeles rose 32 percent to $759.7 million in 2006, but dropped 20percent last year, according to The Nielsen Co.
Radio Ambiente has seen a drop, too, but Reyes didn't say how much.
However, ad spending on Spanish-language television and magazines increased faster this year than other types of ads, according to data market research firm TNS.
Diaz says his radio personalities have a closer relationship with the audience advertisers want to reach, although he's reluctant to criticize the other firm.
"As a company, I've got to believe that we do better than our competitor," he said.
Radio Rivalry
Here are the big players in Spanish-language radio in Memphis:
La Voz
Owners: Daisy and Greg Diaz
History: The couple had an unsuccessful foray into radio several years ago. They launched WAVN-1240 AM in March.
Format: Regional Mexican music. The station's motto is "con orgullo mexicano," or "with Mexican pride." Announcers sometimes alter the motto to express pride for other Latin American countries or regions within Mexico.
Web site: lavozdememphis.com.
Employees: About 15
Radio Ambiente Group
Owner: Carmen Reyes
History: Starting in 1994, Reyes and her then-husband, Daniel Ybarra, used her earnings as a nanny and his earnings selling tomatoes and other produce to buy a few hours of air time for a radio show. Reyes, originally from Mexico, runs two stations: WGSF-1030 AM, which plays regional Mexican music, and a less popular station, WIVG-FM 96.1, which mostly plays Latin pop. Last year the group started a newspaper, El Sol de Memphis.
Employees: 19
On the web
Listen to some of the differences in the competing Hispanic radio stations in Memphis by going to commercialappeal.com.
Contact Daniel Connolly at 529-5296.
By Daniel Connolly, Memphis Commercial Appeal - July 20, 2008
Two radio stations are going head-to-head in Memphis, and they're doing it in a language most people here may not understand.
A new Spanish-language station is challenging Radio Ambiente, WGSF-1030 AM, currently the top Hispanic broadcaster in the Mid-South. The stations are taking aim at one another in on-air promos as they compete for listeners.
Manuel Duran (left), Ana Sofia Sanchez and Daniel Valdez fill the airwaves during a recent morning radio show on WAVN-1240 AM La Voz.
"We're working hard. We're going to be number one," said Marco Segura, the 29-year-old program director of WAVN-1240 AM, which switched formats from gospel to regional Mexican music in March and is now known as "La Voz" or "The Voice."
The owner of the competing station, Carmen Reyes, says La Voz is broadcasting good programming and music.
"And the competition is good because we get much better," said Reyes, 49.
The rivalry reflects broader trends: the increased Hispanic population in Memphis, immigrants' willingness to start businesses and advertisers' continued interest in tapping Hispanic buying power.
The leader of the new station is Greg Diaz, the 32-year-old pastor of Nueva Direccion, a nondenominational Hispanic church in Hickory Hill. He owns the station with his wife, Daisy, 35.
La Voz's signal comes from an antenna in Southaven, but its announcers broadcast from a studio inside one of the church's white, onion-shaped, prefabricated buildings on Winchester Road.
"I've had in my mind and my heart to open up a radio station as long as I've been in Memphis, which has been nine years," said Greg Diaz.
He and his wife unsuccessfully tried to launch a radio program several years ago. About a year ago, they began building the new station with their own funds.
Greg Diaz, originally from Mexico City, has lived in this country since he was 12. He said he wants to create a station that broadcasts useful information and plays a leadership role in the Hispanic community. He has also been friends with Radio Ambiente's owner for years.
La Voz has little religious content beside broadcasts of Sunday morning services and Greg Diaz's appearances in a twice-a-week talk show.
He said he is limiting the religious content for now to avoid alienating the majority of Hispanics, who are Catholic and may not accept Protestant messages.
Despite the studio's location in a tax-exempt church, the station is a for-profit company, Greg Diaz said.
Such arrangements are acceptable if the firms follow tax law, said IRS spokesman Luis D. Garcia. He couldn't speak about any individual taxpayer.
Diaz said the station is paying taxes.
La Voz fills most of its 24-hour schedule with Mexican music in genres such as accordion-driven norteño (pronounced nor-TANE-yo) and the upbeat synthesizer-based style called duranguense (pronounced doo-rahn-GEN-say).
Radio Ambiente offers a similar format, and like that station, Diaz is leasing a signal from Memphis-based Flinn Broadcasting Corp.
But Segura, La Voz's program director, said the stations are different. "We only play hits," said Segura, a former Radio Ambiente employee from Guadalajara, Mexico. "(Current) hits and long-ago hits."
La Voz plays only regional Mexican music, while the competitors mix in pop songs, he said.
To promote itself, La Voz recently brought three Mexican bands to a free event at a Hispanic nightclub.
It's also running ads that quote people saying they've changed stations. Segura said the material reflects feedback La Voz has received from listeners.
Radio Ambiente has fired back with its own promos. "I'm staying with Radio Ambiente!" a man declares in one.
Reyes said Radio Ambiente is simply trying to keep its material fresh. "We try to change promos every six months," she said.
Some of Radio Ambiente's spots feature people who try to find a faint station on the radio, then give up. This highlights one of Radio Ambiente's biggest advantages, a 50,000-watt transmitter that covers a wider area than the newcomers' 580-watt signal.
Radio Ambiente has other advantages. Its staffers have been broadcasting in Memphis since 1994 and have the strength of long-standing relationships with advertisers such as Bill Heard Chevrolet and Memphis Area Teachers' Credit Union.
WGSF also has many listeners: It ranked 14th of 28 Memphis stations for which data was available, according to the most recent ratings from Arbitron Inc. Ratings for La Voz weren't available because the station is new.
The stations are targeting a relatively small market. Just under 35,000 Hispanics lived in Shelby County in 2006, or about 4 percent of the population, according to the Census, though advocates say there are likely many more.
Most are from Mexico and Central America.
Radio is important to many of them, especially those who don't speak English. A 2002 survey among Hispanics in Memphis found that 85 percent said radio was the best way to receive information.
In 2004, the Pew Hispanic Center in Washington said radio was "exceptionally popular" among Hispanics nationwide. The number of Spanish-language stations rose 24 percent to 762 between 2000 and fall 2007, according to Arbitron.
Advertisers still recognize the power, even as the economy slows and increased immigration enforcement makes it harder for many newcomers to find good jobs.
Ad spending on Spanish-language stations in big markets such as Los Angeles rose 32 percent to $759.7 million in 2006, but dropped 20percent last year, according to The Nielsen Co.
Radio Ambiente has seen a drop, too, but Reyes didn't say how much.
However, ad spending on Spanish-language television and magazines increased faster this year than other types of ads, according to data market research firm TNS.
Diaz says his radio personalities have a closer relationship with the audience advertisers want to reach, although he's reluctant to criticize the other firm.
"As a company, I've got to believe that we do better than our competitor," he said.
Radio Rivalry
Here are the big players in Spanish-language radio in Memphis:
La Voz
Owners: Daisy and Greg Diaz
History: The couple had an unsuccessful foray into radio several years ago. They launched WAVN-1240 AM in March.
Format: Regional Mexican music. The station's motto is "con orgullo mexicano," or "with Mexican pride." Announcers sometimes alter the motto to express pride for other Latin American countries or regions within Mexico.
Web site: lavozdememphis.com.
Employees: About 15
Radio Ambiente Group
Owner: Carmen Reyes
History: Starting in 1994, Reyes and her then-husband, Daniel Ybarra, used her earnings as a nanny and his earnings selling tomatoes and other produce to buy a few hours of air time for a radio show. Reyes, originally from Mexico, runs two stations: WGSF-1030 AM, which plays regional Mexican music, and a less popular station, WIVG-FM 96.1, which mostly plays Latin pop. Last year the group started a newspaper, El Sol de Memphis.
Employees: 19
On the web
Listen to some of the differences in the competing Hispanic radio stations in Memphis by going to commercialappeal.com.
Contact Daniel Connolly at 529-5296.
LATINO COUPLES TAKE MARRIAGE VOWS, AGAIN
Hispanic couples take marriage vows, again
By Gary Stern, The Journal News • July 20, 2008
PORT CHESTER - Ten married couples, most of whom have been together for years and have several kids in tow, walked down the aisle yesterday at Our Lady of the Rosary Church to make their unions official in the eyes of their Lord.
They became Roman Catholic newlyweds - married in their church and cheered on by a congregation of friends and relatives who yelled "Amen!" as each couple completed their vows.
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"We're here because of our beliefs," said Jesus Gonzalez, 29, after his "first dance" at the Don Bosco Community Center next door with his bride, Mildred. The Port Chester couple had a civil marriage 11 years ago, and have two children, 10 and 4.
"We planned to marry in church, but never put the plans into action," Mildred said.
"We got married for God, in the church, and for our kids, for the legacy," Jesus said.
Jesus' sisters, Veronica, 31, and Erika, 28, were among the new brides.
Our Lady of the Rosary is a growing, Salesian parish that gets 2,000 people, mostly Hispanic immigrants, at 10 Masses each Sunday. The church's pastor, the Rev. Timothy Ploch, said it became clear some time ago that many couples at Mass were not coming up to receive Holy Communion because they had not had church marriages.
"They were in unblessed marriages," he said.
Ploch also learned that joint or group marriages were common in Catholic churches in Latin America. So Our Lady of Rosary decided to offer a "joint sacramental marriage" for Hispanic couples who, for whatever reason, never married under the auspices of their church. Other New York churches with large Hispanic populations have started similar marriage services.
Yesterday's joint marriage, which included Mass, was Our Lady of the Rosary's fourth.
Drivers heading toward the Loews movie theater mall slowed down to see a procession of brides and grooms enter the main doors of the church. Most of the brides wore white gowns, while a few opted for off-white. Their children buzzed nearby in suits and frilly dresses.
The couples took their vows one at a time, facing each other and holding hands in front of Ploch. The full church became one family, cheering each couple the same.
Most of the couples then took part in Mexican tradition, lining up in front of the altar, facing the church, and having white ribbons draped around their necks to symbolize their new unions.
Although most brides and grooms were from Mexico, a few came from Peru, Guatemala, Ecuador, Colombia and San Francisco.
All 10 couples then gathered around the altar to receive Holy Communion for the first time as married couples in the eyes of the Catholic Church.
Then they each placed flowers before a statue of the Virgin Mary before processing to the community center next door for a hot, summer reception.
"We're doing this for my Lord, Jesus," said Angel Vidal, 30, who married his wife, Marisol, 26. They have three children, 7, 3 and 3 months.
"We want to be in good with God, and to be in good for my kids," Angel said.
"We wanted to get married by the church, and this was our opportunity," Marisol said.
The couples had to go through eight Monday nights of faith formation before they could have their church wedding.
Javier Reyes, 41, held hands with his wife, Teresa, 35, as their 10-year-old son, Tommy, and 7-year-old daughter, Tanny, squeezed between them. Why had they come?
"We want to be with God. That's it," Javier said. "I'm very...at peace. I don't know how to explain. There is so much meaning to be with other Catholics to get married. It's beautiful."
Reach Gary Stern at gstern@lohud.com or 914-694-3513.
By Gary Stern, The Journal News • July 20, 2008
PORT CHESTER - Ten married couples, most of whom have been together for years and have several kids in tow, walked down the aisle yesterday at Our Lady of the Rosary Church to make their unions official in the eyes of their Lord.
They became Roman Catholic newlyweds - married in their church and cheered on by a congregation of friends and relatives who yelled "Amen!" as each couple completed their vows.
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"We're here because of our beliefs," said Jesus Gonzalez, 29, after his "first dance" at the Don Bosco Community Center next door with his bride, Mildred. The Port Chester couple had a civil marriage 11 years ago, and have two children, 10 and 4.
"We planned to marry in church, but never put the plans into action," Mildred said.
"We got married for God, in the church, and for our kids, for the legacy," Jesus said.
Jesus' sisters, Veronica, 31, and Erika, 28, were among the new brides.
Our Lady of the Rosary is a growing, Salesian parish that gets 2,000 people, mostly Hispanic immigrants, at 10 Masses each Sunday. The church's pastor, the Rev. Timothy Ploch, said it became clear some time ago that many couples at Mass were not coming up to receive Holy Communion because they had not had church marriages.
"They were in unblessed marriages," he said.
Ploch also learned that joint or group marriages were common in Catholic churches in Latin America. So Our Lady of Rosary decided to offer a "joint sacramental marriage" for Hispanic couples who, for whatever reason, never married under the auspices of their church. Other New York churches with large Hispanic populations have started similar marriage services.
Yesterday's joint marriage, which included Mass, was Our Lady of the Rosary's fourth.
Drivers heading toward the Loews movie theater mall slowed down to see a procession of brides and grooms enter the main doors of the church. Most of the brides wore white gowns, while a few opted for off-white. Their children buzzed nearby in suits and frilly dresses.
The couples took their vows one at a time, facing each other and holding hands in front of Ploch. The full church became one family, cheering each couple the same.
Most of the couples then took part in Mexican tradition, lining up in front of the altar, facing the church, and having white ribbons draped around their necks to symbolize their new unions.
Although most brides and grooms were from Mexico, a few came from Peru, Guatemala, Ecuador, Colombia and San Francisco.
All 10 couples then gathered around the altar to receive Holy Communion for the first time as married couples in the eyes of the Catholic Church.
Then they each placed flowers before a statue of the Virgin Mary before processing to the community center next door for a hot, summer reception.
"We're doing this for my Lord, Jesus," said Angel Vidal, 30, who married his wife, Marisol, 26. They have three children, 7, 3 and 3 months.
"We want to be in good with God, and to be in good for my kids," Angel said.
"We wanted to get married by the church, and this was our opportunity," Marisol said.
The couples had to go through eight Monday nights of faith formation before they could have their church wedding.
Javier Reyes, 41, held hands with his wife, Teresa, 35, as their 10-year-old son, Tommy, and 7-year-old daughter, Tanny, squeezed between them. Why had they come?
"We want to be with God. That's it," Javier said. "I'm very...at peace. I don't know how to explain. There is so much meaning to be with other Catholics to get married. It's beautiful."
Reach Gary Stern at gstern@lohud.com or 914-694-3513.
Friday, July 18, 2008
CUBANS USE MEXICO TO GET TO U.S.
A crackdown on smugglers bringing migrants to Florida shores has caused a shift westward of the illegal traffic.
By Carol J. Williams, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
HAVANA — In the face of a U.S. crackdown on illegal immigration in the waters between Cuba and Florida, Mexican authorities have reported a surge in detentions of Cubans as quick-moving smugglers shift their routes westward.
Under a 1995 proviso of U.S. immigration law known as the "wet foot, dry foot" policy, Cubans who reach U.S. territory are entitled to legal residency. With the Florida Straits under the gun, much of the traffic has been rerouted to bring migrants to Mexico's Yucatan peninsula and then guide them overland to the U.S. border -- where they are detained on illegal entry charges for just a few days.
Even before summer's high season of human trafficking, more than 1,000 Cubans had been detained in Mexico by late June, compared with 1,359 in all of 2007. More than 11,500 made it to the U.S. border last year, 33% more than the previous year and almost double the number who arrived via Mexico in 2004.
The number of Cubans detained in Mexico has grown 500% over the last five years, a politician from Mexico's traditionally center-left Institutional Revolutionary Party told parliament last month. The lawmaker, Edmundo Ramirez, pointed to a recent bus hijacking as evidence that the smugglers have huge economic heft and firepower at their command.
In the June 11 incident in southern Mexico, armed men seized a bus carrying 33 Cubans who had been intercepted off the Yucatan peninsula and were being taken to a detention facility in Chiapas state. The Chiapas prosecutor, Amador Rodriguez, blamed the incident on Miami-based smugglers determined to retrieve their cargo for payment on delivery to U.S. soil.
Eighteen of the Cubans showed up at a Texas border crossing a week later, where they were detained and eventually allowed to make their appeals for legal residency.
The Cuban route through Mexico has become the preferred approach of flourishing human smuggling enterprises keen on evading stepped-up surveillance of South Florida shores by the U.S. Coast Guard and air and marine patrols of the Customs and Border Protection agency.
Coast Guard interceptions of suspected traffickers are up this fiscal year by about 20%, with 323 encounters since Oct. 1, 2007.
By the start of July, 108 captured smugglers had been indicted this year -- almost as many as in all of 2007, when charges were brought against 113, said Alicia Valle, special counsel to the U.S. attorney in Miami.
The indictments reveal the mounting dangers involved in what has long been perceived in South Florida as a delivery service. In June, a woman and an 11-year-old boy died when smugglers in a speedboat rammed a raft holding 20 Cubans to create a diversion when a Cuban patrol boat intercepted the offshore pickup. In November, a Cuban suffered fatal head injuries when smugglers on "go-fast" boats led the Coast Guard cutter Tornado on a 90-minute high-seas chase.
That same month, 42 Cubans boarded a go-fast off the Havana coast, never to be heard from again. In August, a man was run over and killed by a go-fast in Cuban territorial waters when the smugglers threw passengers overboard to distract a Cuban patrol.
"These are criminal enterprises and they're really reckless. They have little to no regard for their cargo," said Lt. Matt J. Moorlag, public affairs officer for the 7th Coast Guard District in Miami.
Moorlag acknowledged that it's difficult to know whether the rise in interceptions means authorities are chipping away at the industry or if it reflects higher traffic in the region.
"If the South Florida Cuban community continues to pay smugglers, there is going to continue to be migrant smuggling. It's supply and demand," Moorlag said.
The price for bringing a Cuban to the United States has gone up over the last year, from about $7,000 to as much as $15,000.
That may suggest that demand for the service continues to grow, or that the number of operators has decreased because of the disrupted networks, or even reflect the soaring price of operating fuel- guzzling vessels, said Zachary Mann, special agent and spokesman for U.S. Customs and Border Protection.
"Good guys, bad guys, they're all paying the price," he said of rising fuel costs.
Other U.S. agents say they are gaining ground on the traffickers, partly because the increasing violence gives pause to those paying to have their relatives smuggled.
"These guys are criminals. They're in it for the money. There have been cases where they've threatened family members and kidnapped migrants for ransom," said Lazaro Guzman, a supervisory U.S. Border Patrol agent in Miami. "We had a case last December where migrants were left out on a sandbar because the smugglers had not received payment. They were left out there so the Coast Guard could repatriate them, and one migrant lost his life."
Under "wet foot, dry foot," Cubans who don't make it to shore are sent back.
U.S. agents have expanded the fight from sea to shore, patrolling marinas in search of go-fasts equipped with "tools of the trade," Guzman said. One telltale sign: three high-powered outboards that can propel overloaded boats at 50 mph so they can make the round trip across the Florida Straits in as little as eight hours.
After the recent tragedies, Cuban American community leaders have stopped turning a blind eye to the operations.
Ramon Saul Sanchez, head of the Democracy Movement exile group with members on both sides of the Florida Straits, blames Havana and Washington alike for the thriving smuggling business.
"As long as you have dictatorship in Cuba, you will have an exodus," he said. But he criticized U.S. sanctions limiting Cuban Americans' visits to their homeland to once every three years as encouragement for them to turn to traffickers for family reunification.
Those willing to pay the smugglers know where to go.
"I have no doubt that any Cuban who wants to get a relative out of Cuba can in a matter of days, if not hours, find out how they can do that," said Francisco "Pepe" Hernandez, president of the Cuban American National Foundation.
The foundation has urged the U.S. to set aside for family reunification cases a significant portion of the 20,000 visas Washington issues to Cubans annually for legal migration under agreements signed with Havana after a 1994 exodus of rafters that brought more than 35,000 to Florida shores. If Cubans in Florida had greater confidence that their loved ones could join them legally, they wouldn't resort to smugglers, Hernandez said.
The U.S. failed to issue that full complement of visas last fiscal year, blaming Cuban officials for blocking the importation of supplies and personnel to do the paperwork at the U.S. Interests Section here.
Asked whether the U.S. government was on track to meet the quota this fiscal year, which ends in September, State Department spokeswoman Heidi Bronke would say only that Washington "is committed to and encourages safe, legal and orderly migration from Cuba."
carol.williams@latimes.com
Cecilia Sánchez of The Times' Mexico City Bureau contributed to this report.
By Carol J. Williams, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
HAVANA — In the face of a U.S. crackdown on illegal immigration in the waters between Cuba and Florida, Mexican authorities have reported a surge in detentions of Cubans as quick-moving smugglers shift their routes westward.
Under a 1995 proviso of U.S. immigration law known as the "wet foot, dry foot" policy, Cubans who reach U.S. territory are entitled to legal residency. With the Florida Straits under the gun, much of the traffic has been rerouted to bring migrants to Mexico's Yucatan peninsula and then guide them overland to the U.S. border -- where they are detained on illegal entry charges for just a few days.
Even before summer's high season of human trafficking, more than 1,000 Cubans had been detained in Mexico by late June, compared with 1,359 in all of 2007. More than 11,500 made it to the U.S. border last year, 33% more than the previous year and almost double the number who arrived via Mexico in 2004.
The number of Cubans detained in Mexico has grown 500% over the last five years, a politician from Mexico's traditionally center-left Institutional Revolutionary Party told parliament last month. The lawmaker, Edmundo Ramirez, pointed to a recent bus hijacking as evidence that the smugglers have huge economic heft and firepower at their command.
In the June 11 incident in southern Mexico, armed men seized a bus carrying 33 Cubans who had been intercepted off the Yucatan peninsula and were being taken to a detention facility in Chiapas state. The Chiapas prosecutor, Amador Rodriguez, blamed the incident on Miami-based smugglers determined to retrieve their cargo for payment on delivery to U.S. soil.
Eighteen of the Cubans showed up at a Texas border crossing a week later, where they were detained and eventually allowed to make their appeals for legal residency.
The Cuban route through Mexico has become the preferred approach of flourishing human smuggling enterprises keen on evading stepped-up surveillance of South Florida shores by the U.S. Coast Guard and air and marine patrols of the Customs and Border Protection agency.
Coast Guard interceptions of suspected traffickers are up this fiscal year by about 20%, with 323 encounters since Oct. 1, 2007.
By the start of July, 108 captured smugglers had been indicted this year -- almost as many as in all of 2007, when charges were brought against 113, said Alicia Valle, special counsel to the U.S. attorney in Miami.
The indictments reveal the mounting dangers involved in what has long been perceived in South Florida as a delivery service. In June, a woman and an 11-year-old boy died when smugglers in a speedboat rammed a raft holding 20 Cubans to create a diversion when a Cuban patrol boat intercepted the offshore pickup. In November, a Cuban suffered fatal head injuries when smugglers on "go-fast" boats led the Coast Guard cutter Tornado on a 90-minute high-seas chase.
That same month, 42 Cubans boarded a go-fast off the Havana coast, never to be heard from again. In August, a man was run over and killed by a go-fast in Cuban territorial waters when the smugglers threw passengers overboard to distract a Cuban patrol.
"These are criminal enterprises and they're really reckless. They have little to no regard for their cargo," said Lt. Matt J. Moorlag, public affairs officer for the 7th Coast Guard District in Miami.
Moorlag acknowledged that it's difficult to know whether the rise in interceptions means authorities are chipping away at the industry or if it reflects higher traffic in the region.
"If the South Florida Cuban community continues to pay smugglers, there is going to continue to be migrant smuggling. It's supply and demand," Moorlag said.
The price for bringing a Cuban to the United States has gone up over the last year, from about $7,000 to as much as $15,000.
That may suggest that demand for the service continues to grow, or that the number of operators has decreased because of the disrupted networks, or even reflect the soaring price of operating fuel- guzzling vessels, said Zachary Mann, special agent and spokesman for U.S. Customs and Border Protection.
"Good guys, bad guys, they're all paying the price," he said of rising fuel costs.
Other U.S. agents say they are gaining ground on the traffickers, partly because the increasing violence gives pause to those paying to have their relatives smuggled.
"These guys are criminals. They're in it for the money. There have been cases where they've threatened family members and kidnapped migrants for ransom," said Lazaro Guzman, a supervisory U.S. Border Patrol agent in Miami. "We had a case last December where migrants were left out on a sandbar because the smugglers had not received payment. They were left out there so the Coast Guard could repatriate them, and one migrant lost his life."
Under "wet foot, dry foot," Cubans who don't make it to shore are sent back.
U.S. agents have expanded the fight from sea to shore, patrolling marinas in search of go-fasts equipped with "tools of the trade," Guzman said. One telltale sign: three high-powered outboards that can propel overloaded boats at 50 mph so they can make the round trip across the Florida Straits in as little as eight hours.
After the recent tragedies, Cuban American community leaders have stopped turning a blind eye to the operations.
Ramon Saul Sanchez, head of the Democracy Movement exile group with members on both sides of the Florida Straits, blames Havana and Washington alike for the thriving smuggling business.
"As long as you have dictatorship in Cuba, you will have an exodus," he said. But he criticized U.S. sanctions limiting Cuban Americans' visits to their homeland to once every three years as encouragement for them to turn to traffickers for family reunification.
Those willing to pay the smugglers know where to go.
"I have no doubt that any Cuban who wants to get a relative out of Cuba can in a matter of days, if not hours, find out how they can do that," said Francisco "Pepe" Hernandez, president of the Cuban American National Foundation.
The foundation has urged the U.S. to set aside for family reunification cases a significant portion of the 20,000 visas Washington issues to Cubans annually for legal migration under agreements signed with Havana after a 1994 exodus of rafters that brought more than 35,000 to Florida shores. If Cubans in Florida had greater confidence that their loved ones could join them legally, they wouldn't resort to smugglers, Hernandez said.
The U.S. failed to issue that full complement of visas last fiscal year, blaming Cuban officials for blocking the importation of supplies and personnel to do the paperwork at the U.S. Interests Section here.
Asked whether the U.S. government was on track to meet the quota this fiscal year, which ends in September, State Department spokeswoman Heidi Bronke would say only that Washington "is committed to and encourages safe, legal and orderly migration from Cuba."
carol.williams@latimes.com
Cecilia Sánchez of The Times' Mexico City Bureau contributed to this report.
THE PARADOX OF LATINO LEADERS
The Paradox of Latino Leaders
Stereotypes and certain cultural norms have worked against Latinos in Corporate America. Here's advice on overcoming those preconceptions
by Marshall Goldsmith
My friend, Bernardo Ferdman, a professor at Alliant International University, writes about Latino identity, works to develop Latino leaders, and helps organizations hire more Latinos. With Plácida Gallegos, he wrote Identity Orientations of Latinos in the United States: Implications for Leaders and Organizations for The Business Journal of Hispanic Research. We recently talked about issues facing Latino leaders and managers. Edited excerpts of our conversation follow:
You spend a lot of time working with Latino managers to help them develop as leaders. How do they experience the work environment in U.S. organizations? Is their experience different from that of leaders from other backgrounds?
In many ways, Latino leaders appear to be quite similar to non-Latino leaders—they are competent, effective, and focused on producing results. Like competent leaders everywhere, they want to get the job done and to succeed.
Yet that can be deceiving to their non-Latino colleagues, because Latinos often have backgrounds and values that diverge from those of other leaders. For example, many Latinos' values emphasize the importance of smooth and respectful interactions with other people. Ensuring the dignity of all individuals, staying connected with family—including extended family—and engaging with others in ways that avoid negative situations and enhance harmony are all important in Latino cultures.
This can be a great source of strength, but it can also put Latinos at odds with what corporate leaders are sometimes asked to do or how they are asked to be. This means that for many Latinos, the corporate environment can feel cold and unfriendly. Many have to invest a lot of emotional energy, sometimes unwittingly, to succeed. As a result, they can feel isolated both from peers at work and from their families and their roots.
What would you say is the key issue facing Latino managers and executives today?
All Latino and Latina leaders have to deal with figuring out what being Latino means to them and making a connection between that and how they come across at work. In some ways, each of us, no matter our ethnic background, has to find a way to fit who we are and where we come from into our work. For Latinos, this gets complicated by stereotypes and overgeneralizations, which affect how other people see Latinos in general and therefore how they see us as individuals.
Many Latinos in Corporate America have been quite effective at fitting in and submerging their differences. But this means they haven't always been able to deliver their full potential to their organizations. So they need to understand their culture and identity—and be comfortable in their own skin, as it were—and find authentic ways to bring that to work.
Simply assimilating by trying to be the same as everyone else will not add much value. Those who have become clear about where and how they fit in, both as leaders and as Latinos, in ways that capitalize on their individual and cultural strengths have been particularly successful in their careers. Of course, this is much more feasible in those organizations that make special efforts to recognize, support, and include Latinos.
Isn't this different for different individuals?
Sure. The reality is that the term Latino encompasses an extremely diverse group of people. More than 45 million of us are in the U.S.—more than 15% of the population—and no one description fits all of us. Plácida Gallegos and I, in our work on Latino identity orientations, describe at least six different patterns that we've observed. A key for Latinos, and for anyone wanting to benefit fully from Latino talent, is to understand and appreciate the diversity of Latino identity and experience.
In many ways, in spite of the various things that connect us, Latinos are at least as heterogeneous as any American group, and maybe more so. Making assumptions about any individual based on the group is not necessarily helpful. At the same time, it's even worse to assume that Latinos are just like Anglos.
Are there any other career challenges for high-potential Latino leaders?
Many Latinos report that, growing up, they learned to be humble and not to tout their strengths and accomplishments in overt ways. Their families and friends told them that if they simply worked hard, others would recognize and reward their achievements. Yet this advice has not always served them well in Corporate America. Many Latinos need to learn how to network, how to mentor and be mentored, how to engage in conflict effectively, and how to speak up in an authentic way, in addition to finding effective ways to "toot their own horn."
So the challenge for many is to be true to their values and still have others appreciate their contributions. This is where networks, allies, and champions can be effective. If others speak up about my achievements, I can be recognized and compete without becoming cutthroat.
A related issue for many Latinos as they move up the corporate ladder is the challenge of keeping their links to the larger community and supporting those coming up behind them. This is not something that is encouraged or rewarded in many companies. Yet those visionary companies that are supporting this kind of networking and mentoring—for example, through Latino affinity groups—are reaping huge rewards.
If I am a manager, and I'm not Latino, what should I focus on to bring out the best in my Latino colleagues?
I would say not to assume either similarity or difference. Be genuinely curious about their particular experiences and allow for specifics to emerge in dialogue, as you also share aspects of yourself. Take the time to get to know each other and what makes the person tick. When you ask questions, do it in ways that invite them to share their experiences and perspectives from their own point of view, rather than forcing them into your own frameworks or expectations. Also, be responsible for your own learning. And be ready to have your assumptions challenged. Finally, make sure to recognize both blatant and subtle exclusion, and partner with your colleagues to address it.
How do you support Latino leaders' growth in your work?
I would say that the core is giving them permission to know and be themselves, while encouraging them to be as savvy as possible about the people around them and the demands of their environment. To maximize my contribution, I have to be able to know what that unique piece is that I can add to the puzzle that I am building with others in my organization, without confusing my individual piece with the whole puzzle.
Thank you. How can our readers reach you?
My e-mail address is bernardo@ferdmanconsulting.com, and my Web site is http://bernardoferdman.org.
Stereotypes and certain cultural norms have worked against Latinos in Corporate America. Here's advice on overcoming those preconceptions
by Marshall Goldsmith
My friend, Bernardo Ferdman, a professor at Alliant International University, writes about Latino identity, works to develop Latino leaders, and helps organizations hire more Latinos. With Plácida Gallegos, he wrote Identity Orientations of Latinos in the United States: Implications for Leaders and Organizations for The Business Journal of Hispanic Research. We recently talked about issues facing Latino leaders and managers. Edited excerpts of our conversation follow:
You spend a lot of time working with Latino managers to help them develop as leaders. How do they experience the work environment in U.S. organizations? Is their experience different from that of leaders from other backgrounds?
In many ways, Latino leaders appear to be quite similar to non-Latino leaders—they are competent, effective, and focused on producing results. Like competent leaders everywhere, they want to get the job done and to succeed.
Yet that can be deceiving to their non-Latino colleagues, because Latinos often have backgrounds and values that diverge from those of other leaders. For example, many Latinos' values emphasize the importance of smooth and respectful interactions with other people. Ensuring the dignity of all individuals, staying connected with family—including extended family—and engaging with others in ways that avoid negative situations and enhance harmony are all important in Latino cultures.
This can be a great source of strength, but it can also put Latinos at odds with what corporate leaders are sometimes asked to do or how they are asked to be. This means that for many Latinos, the corporate environment can feel cold and unfriendly. Many have to invest a lot of emotional energy, sometimes unwittingly, to succeed. As a result, they can feel isolated both from peers at work and from their families and their roots.
What would you say is the key issue facing Latino managers and executives today?
All Latino and Latina leaders have to deal with figuring out what being Latino means to them and making a connection between that and how they come across at work. In some ways, each of us, no matter our ethnic background, has to find a way to fit who we are and where we come from into our work. For Latinos, this gets complicated by stereotypes and overgeneralizations, which affect how other people see Latinos in general and therefore how they see us as individuals.
Many Latinos in Corporate America have been quite effective at fitting in and submerging their differences. But this means they haven't always been able to deliver their full potential to their organizations. So they need to understand their culture and identity—and be comfortable in their own skin, as it were—and find authentic ways to bring that to work.
Simply assimilating by trying to be the same as everyone else will not add much value. Those who have become clear about where and how they fit in, both as leaders and as Latinos, in ways that capitalize on their individual and cultural strengths have been particularly successful in their careers. Of course, this is much more feasible in those organizations that make special efforts to recognize, support, and include Latinos.
Isn't this different for different individuals?
Sure. The reality is that the term Latino encompasses an extremely diverse group of people. More than 45 million of us are in the U.S.—more than 15% of the population—and no one description fits all of us. Plácida Gallegos and I, in our work on Latino identity orientations, describe at least six different patterns that we've observed. A key for Latinos, and for anyone wanting to benefit fully from Latino talent, is to understand and appreciate the diversity of Latino identity and experience.
In many ways, in spite of the various things that connect us, Latinos are at least as heterogeneous as any American group, and maybe more so. Making assumptions about any individual based on the group is not necessarily helpful. At the same time, it's even worse to assume that Latinos are just like Anglos.
Are there any other career challenges for high-potential Latino leaders?
Many Latinos report that, growing up, they learned to be humble and not to tout their strengths and accomplishments in overt ways. Their families and friends told them that if they simply worked hard, others would recognize and reward their achievements. Yet this advice has not always served them well in Corporate America. Many Latinos need to learn how to network, how to mentor and be mentored, how to engage in conflict effectively, and how to speak up in an authentic way, in addition to finding effective ways to "toot their own horn."
So the challenge for many is to be true to their values and still have others appreciate their contributions. This is where networks, allies, and champions can be effective. If others speak up about my achievements, I can be recognized and compete without becoming cutthroat.
A related issue for many Latinos as they move up the corporate ladder is the challenge of keeping their links to the larger community and supporting those coming up behind them. This is not something that is encouraged or rewarded in many companies. Yet those visionary companies that are supporting this kind of networking and mentoring—for example, through Latino affinity groups—are reaping huge rewards.
If I am a manager, and I'm not Latino, what should I focus on to bring out the best in my Latino colleagues?
I would say not to assume either similarity or difference. Be genuinely curious about their particular experiences and allow for specifics to emerge in dialogue, as you also share aspects of yourself. Take the time to get to know each other and what makes the person tick. When you ask questions, do it in ways that invite them to share their experiences and perspectives from their own point of view, rather than forcing them into your own frameworks or expectations. Also, be responsible for your own learning. And be ready to have your assumptions challenged. Finally, make sure to recognize both blatant and subtle exclusion, and partner with your colleagues to address it.
How do you support Latino leaders' growth in your work?
I would say that the core is giving them permission to know and be themselves, while encouraging them to be as savvy as possible about the people around them and the demands of their environment. To maximize my contribution, I have to be able to know what that unique piece is that I can add to the puzzle that I am building with others in my organization, without confusing my individual piece with the whole puzzle.
Thank you. How can our readers reach you?
My e-mail address is bernardo@ferdmanconsulting.com, and my Web site is http://bernardoferdman.org.
CAMPAIGN STRATEGIES TO GET LATINOS
Circling the Sleeping Giant: The Campaigns and the Latino Vote
Despite appearances and poll numbers, neither presidential candidate has a lock on the Latino vote. The National Council of La Raza convention in San Diego, which just ended yesterday (7/15/08), showed that both candidates have to overcome a strong measure of doubt among Latinos -- Obama because of his race and the bitter primary battle, and McCain because of his backtracking on immigration reform.
Obama appeared first, on Sunday, and McCain the next day. They were both well received but not with the same fervor: Obama got a bigger crowd, strongest applause, and two times more press.
By the time McCain came around on Monday, the press corps was diminished greatly, many activists didn't show up for lunch -the overflow room that was full on Sunday was virtually empty on Monday- and the excitement level had noticeably dropped.
It's completely anecdotal evidence, of course, but it shows that the Latino groups and activist crowd that usually attend the NCLR conferences support what the polls are saying. The latest Gallup Poll of Latinos shows a 30 point difference in support between Obama and McCain. Obama is getting close to 60 percent and McCain has about 29 percent.
That is a big advantage, but probably not enough to assure that a strong McCain push won't take him closer to the famed 40% that President Bush got twice, and a chance to win in western states that could prove crucial to him.
In the current environment, where the Republican brand is "damaged" - this was the word used by a McCain person on a panel on Tuesday - a 60% latino vote for Obama is not impressive. He should get closer to the 78% of Latinos that voted Democratic in the primary to really show he's got them, and to approach what Bill Clinton got in '96.
That's why, behind closed doors, campaign operatives for Barack Obama were meeting with activists and other Latino leaders who were previously close to Hillary Clinton to set the scene for the upcoming general election campaign.
Many are already on board, including pollster Sergio Bendixen, who was famous for uttering the phrase, "Latinos have not shown an inclination for supporting Black candidates in the past," when he was working for Hillary. Bendixen is now going to be doing strategy and focus groups with prospective Latino voters to fine tune the Obama message and get those not-so-inclined Latinos that he mentioned before to vote for Obama after all.
On the Republican side, former Bush Latino advertising guru Lionel Sosa is now with the campaign. Sosa was so upset about the tone of the Republican primary campaign -where all were trying to out-Tancredo Colorado congressman Tom Tancredo and his anti-immigrant fervor- that he crossed over to the Democratic side to work with New Mexico Governor - and one time presidential candidate - Bill Richardson. He is now back in the Republican fold doing Spanish-language ads and strategy for McCain.
McCain is walking a tightrope on the issue of immigration. After taking the lead in 2006 to try and pass immigration reform, and taking a step back in 2007, still supporting the issue but not really involved in any negotiations, McCain took a different view during the primaries and in particular, during one Republican debate at the Simi Valley Reagan Library.
Despite appearances and poll numbers, neither presidential candidate has a lock on the Latino vote. The National Council of La Raza convention in San Diego, which just ended yesterday (7/15/08), showed that both candidates have to overcome a strong measure of doubt among Latinos -- Obama because of his race and the bitter primary battle, and McCain because of his backtracking on immigration reform.
Obama appeared first, on Sunday, and McCain the next day. They were both well received but not with the same fervor: Obama got a bigger crowd, strongest applause, and two times more press.
By the time McCain came around on Monday, the press corps was diminished greatly, many activists didn't show up for lunch -the overflow room that was full on Sunday was virtually empty on Monday- and the excitement level had noticeably dropped.
It's completely anecdotal evidence, of course, but it shows that the Latino groups and activist crowd that usually attend the NCLR conferences support what the polls are saying. The latest Gallup Poll of Latinos shows a 30 point difference in support between Obama and McCain. Obama is getting close to 60 percent and McCain has about 29 percent.
That is a big advantage, but probably not enough to assure that a strong McCain push won't take him closer to the famed 40% that President Bush got twice, and a chance to win in western states that could prove crucial to him.
In the current environment, where the Republican brand is "damaged" - this was the word used by a McCain person on a panel on Tuesday - a 60% latino vote for Obama is not impressive. He should get closer to the 78% of Latinos that voted Democratic in the primary to really show he's got them, and to approach what Bill Clinton got in '96.
That's why, behind closed doors, campaign operatives for Barack Obama were meeting with activists and other Latino leaders who were previously close to Hillary Clinton to set the scene for the upcoming general election campaign.
Many are already on board, including pollster Sergio Bendixen, who was famous for uttering the phrase, "Latinos have not shown an inclination for supporting Black candidates in the past," when he was working for Hillary. Bendixen is now going to be doing strategy and focus groups with prospective Latino voters to fine tune the Obama message and get those not-so-inclined Latinos that he mentioned before to vote for Obama after all.
On the Republican side, former Bush Latino advertising guru Lionel Sosa is now with the campaign. Sosa was so upset about the tone of the Republican primary campaign -where all were trying to out-Tancredo Colorado congressman Tom Tancredo and his anti-immigrant fervor- that he crossed over to the Democratic side to work with New Mexico Governor - and one time presidential candidate - Bill Richardson. He is now back in the Republican fold doing Spanish-language ads and strategy for McCain.
McCain is walking a tightrope on the issue of immigration. After taking the lead in 2006 to try and pass immigration reform, and taking a step back in 2007, still supporting the issue but not really involved in any negotiations, McCain took a different view during the primaries and in particular, during one Republican debate at the Simi Valley Reagan Library.
LATINOS AT SHAKESPEARIAN FESTIVAL?
Celebrating Hispanic and Latino cultures
Oregon Shakespeare Festival will host Festival Latino
The music student ensemble Estudiantina de la Universidad de Guanajuato from Guanajuato, Mexico, will be among the performers at OSF’s first Festival Latino.
By Richard Moeschl, Mail Tribune, July 18, 2008
In a first for the Oregon Shakespeare Festival, a five-day series of events paying tribute to the Hispanic/Latino culture is planned Wednesday, July 23, through Sunday, July 27, on the OSF campus.
Festival Latino is the realization of a dream by new Artistic Director Bill Rauch and the OSF company to celebrate Hispanic/Latino culture and to offer open captions in Spanish of OSF performances.
"In the past there had been some simultaneous translations using headsets with actors live in the sound booth," said audience development associate Freda Casillas. "It was really challenging to do. We could deliver more if we went to the open-caption route."
Open caption is similar to the subtitles or supertitles used in opera performances. OSF will be using LED reader boards for certain plays during the festival.
"The impetus was to invite our neighbors and to open to folks who have never been here before," Casillas said.
The OSF plaza will be decorated in festive Latino style. There will be free outdoor performances of music and dance by local and regional artists, as well as performances by students from Guanajuato, Ashland's sister city in Mexico.
A number of educational events will be offered in both English and Spanish. These events include Park Talks, a lecture by playwright Luis Alfaro and a midnight performance of Alfaro's work, prefaces to the plays, backstage tours and workshops. Bilingual materials will be available and Spanish-speaking volunteers will be on hand. Food will be for sale from the Tacos El Gallo food van.
Event sponsors include the National Endowment for the Arts, the Oregon Arts Commission, the Ford Foundation and local community partner La Clinica del Valle.
For more information about Festival Latino, call Freda Casillas at 482-2111, ext. 242, or e-mail fredac@osfashland.org or call 482-4331.
Festival Latino schedule:
All events are free unless otherwise noted. If needed, tickets are available at the box office. The Green Show events take place on the courtyard bricks. Sometimes inclement weather that might endanger the performers or equipment may require OSF to cancel, adjust or stop a performance. The decision to cancel will be made approximately an hour before a scheduled show.
Oregon Shakespeare Festival will host Festival Latino
The music student ensemble Estudiantina de la Universidad de Guanajuato from Guanajuato, Mexico, will be among the performers at OSF’s first Festival Latino.
By Richard Moeschl, Mail Tribune, July 18, 2008
In a first for the Oregon Shakespeare Festival, a five-day series of events paying tribute to the Hispanic/Latino culture is planned Wednesday, July 23, through Sunday, July 27, on the OSF campus.
Festival Latino is the realization of a dream by new Artistic Director Bill Rauch and the OSF company to celebrate Hispanic/Latino culture and to offer open captions in Spanish of OSF performances.
"In the past there had been some simultaneous translations using headsets with actors live in the sound booth," said audience development associate Freda Casillas. "It was really challenging to do. We could deliver more if we went to the open-caption route."
Open caption is similar to the subtitles or supertitles used in opera performances. OSF will be using LED reader boards for certain plays during the festival.
"The impetus was to invite our neighbors and to open to folks who have never been here before," Casillas said.
The OSF plaza will be decorated in festive Latino style. There will be free outdoor performances of music and dance by local and regional artists, as well as performances by students from Guanajuato, Ashland's sister city in Mexico.
A number of educational events will be offered in both English and Spanish. These events include Park Talks, a lecture by playwright Luis Alfaro and a midnight performance of Alfaro's work, prefaces to the plays, backstage tours and workshops. Bilingual materials will be available and Spanish-speaking volunteers will be on hand. Food will be for sale from the Tacos El Gallo food van.
Event sponsors include the National Endowment for the Arts, the Oregon Arts Commission, the Ford Foundation and local community partner La Clinica del Valle.
For more information about Festival Latino, call Freda Casillas at 482-2111, ext. 242, or e-mail fredac@osfashland.org or call 482-4331.
Festival Latino schedule:
All events are free unless otherwise noted. If needed, tickets are available at the box office. The Green Show events take place on the courtyard bricks. Sometimes inclement weather that might endanger the performers or equipment may require OSF to cancel, adjust or stop a performance. The decision to cancel will be made approximately an hour before a scheduled show.
MCCAIN AND OBAMA WILL STRUGGLE WITH LATINOS
Latino Woes Curtail McCain's Wooing
By Marcela Sanchez, Special to washingtonpost.com July 18, 2008;
WASHINGTON -- In a candid moment during his speech this week at the National Council of La Raza's annual convention, John McCain acknowledged he was addressing a largely skeptical audience. "I know many of you are Democrats, and many of you would usually vote for the presidential candidate of that party," he said. "I know I must work hard to win your votes."
He was right on all counts.
For months now, polls have shown that Latinos are favoring Barack Obama over McCain by margins of 2-1 or better. Latinos, who largely favored Hillary Clinton during the primaries, have apparently had little difficulty switching loyalties now that Obama has sealed the nomination.
McCain is saddled with his association with President Bush, and while that might have been a plus in the past -- Bush's conservative social agenda attracted Latinos at historic levels in 2004 -- the national economy, and particularly the state of jobs and housing, will make it hard for McCain to win those Latino votes.
Unemployment, for example, is disproportionately affecting Latinos. According to the Pew Hispanic Center, Hispanic unemployment rose to 6.5 percent in the first quarter of 2008, well above the 4.7 percent rate for all non-Hispanics.
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Housing advocates say the subprime mortgage crisis is also likely to affect Latinos more than any other group other than African-Americans. In 2006, more than 45 percent of all home loans to Hispanic families were subprime loans, the type that has led to mass foreclosures. The five states most affected by foreclosures -- Nevada, California, Arizona, Florida and Colorado -- have high percentages of Latinos in their populations.
In this economic climate, McCain needs to throw some punches. But instead his proposals, as reflected in his speech at La Raza's conference -- his third pitch in three weeks to the coveted Latino vote -- are boilerplate conservative. Regardless of whether they make for sound economic policy, McCain's message won't help him capture the imagination of Hispanics.
He pledged to make it "easier for ... (small businesses) to grow and create more jobs" by keeping taxes low, part of his overall philosophy that raising taxes during an economic downturn is a "terrible mistake." The problem, said Eric Rodriguez, deputy vice president for public policy at La Raza, is that the majority of Latinos haven't earned enough each year to qualify for the Bush tax breaks.
If anything, those tax cuts have too often been blamed for the lack of funding for programs that could have benefited Latinos directly, said Rodriguez. He welcomed McCain's proposal to help small business owners, but expressed "real concerns about relying too much on taxes just given their track record."
To the extent that McCain is associated with the Bush administration, he stands to suffer from the widespread perception that the White House arrived late at understanding the magnitude of the housing problem. Nor does he benefit from the view, as described by Rodriguez, that in response to the crisis, the "government has been bailing out banks and investors while doing nothing for homeowners."
In contrast, Obama's plan to increase taxes among those making more than $250,000 a year is seen as a welcome change for the large majority of Latinos who make less. Also welcome are his initiatives to invest on infrastructure and green technology that could create new jobs in construction and manufacturing.
In many respects, this year's election may be a case in which Obama's economic and other domestic proposals, even if they involved sending the first kangaroo to the moon, would still win broad support among Latinos. And in that context, Obama could continue to ignore his vulnerabilities, particularly when it comes to trade and engagement with Latin America.
He did not mention either issue in his own speech to La Raza's conference, the day before McCain's. And Obama, who is about to embark on a much-hyped photo-op tour of Europe and the Middle East, has never traveled to Latin America and apparently has no plans to do so during the campaign. Also, despite admitting recently that his previous anti-trade rhetoric had been "overheated," he has too often linked trade to problems rather than solutions to the economic downturn.
But as Harvard economics professor Jeffrey Frankel told me, the one engine that has kept the U.S. economy going is trade. It is the same engine that has helped incomes grow in Mexico, Brazil and China, countries becoming major markets for U.S. goods. Two more reasons for Obama to be grateful.
Marcela Sanchez's e-mail address is desdewash@washpost.com.
By Marcela Sanchez, Special to washingtonpost.com July 18, 2008;
WASHINGTON -- In a candid moment during his speech this week at the National Council of La Raza's annual convention, John McCain acknowledged he was addressing a largely skeptical audience. "I know many of you are Democrats, and many of you would usually vote for the presidential candidate of that party," he said. "I know I must work hard to win your votes."
He was right on all counts.
For months now, polls have shown that Latinos are favoring Barack Obama over McCain by margins of 2-1 or better. Latinos, who largely favored Hillary Clinton during the primaries, have apparently had little difficulty switching loyalties now that Obama has sealed the nomination.
McCain is saddled with his association with President Bush, and while that might have been a plus in the past -- Bush's conservative social agenda attracted Latinos at historic levels in 2004 -- the national economy, and particularly the state of jobs and housing, will make it hard for McCain to win those Latino votes.
Unemployment, for example, is disproportionately affecting Latinos. According to the Pew Hispanic Center, Hispanic unemployment rose to 6.5 percent in the first quarter of 2008, well above the 4.7 percent rate for all non-Hispanics.
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Housing advocates say the subprime mortgage crisis is also likely to affect Latinos more than any other group other than African-Americans. In 2006, more than 45 percent of all home loans to Hispanic families were subprime loans, the type that has led to mass foreclosures. The five states most affected by foreclosures -- Nevada, California, Arizona, Florida and Colorado -- have high percentages of Latinos in their populations.
In this economic climate, McCain needs to throw some punches. But instead his proposals, as reflected in his speech at La Raza's conference -- his third pitch in three weeks to the coveted Latino vote -- are boilerplate conservative. Regardless of whether they make for sound economic policy, McCain's message won't help him capture the imagination of Hispanics.
He pledged to make it "easier for ... (small businesses) to grow and create more jobs" by keeping taxes low, part of his overall philosophy that raising taxes during an economic downturn is a "terrible mistake." The problem, said Eric Rodriguez, deputy vice president for public policy at La Raza, is that the majority of Latinos haven't earned enough each year to qualify for the Bush tax breaks.
If anything, those tax cuts have too often been blamed for the lack of funding for programs that could have benefited Latinos directly, said Rodriguez. He welcomed McCain's proposal to help small business owners, but expressed "real concerns about relying too much on taxes just given their track record."
To the extent that McCain is associated with the Bush administration, he stands to suffer from the widespread perception that the White House arrived late at understanding the magnitude of the housing problem. Nor does he benefit from the view, as described by Rodriguez, that in response to the crisis, the "government has been bailing out banks and investors while doing nothing for homeowners."
In contrast, Obama's plan to increase taxes among those making more than $250,000 a year is seen as a welcome change for the large majority of Latinos who make less. Also welcome are his initiatives to invest on infrastructure and green technology that could create new jobs in construction and manufacturing.
In many respects, this year's election may be a case in which Obama's economic and other domestic proposals, even if they involved sending the first kangaroo to the moon, would still win broad support among Latinos. And in that context, Obama could continue to ignore his vulnerabilities, particularly when it comes to trade and engagement with Latin America.
He did not mention either issue in his own speech to La Raza's conference, the day before McCain's. And Obama, who is about to embark on a much-hyped photo-op tour of Europe and the Middle East, has never traveled to Latin America and apparently has no plans to do so during the campaign. Also, despite admitting recently that his previous anti-trade rhetoric had been "overheated," he has too often linked trade to problems rather than solutions to the economic downturn.
But as Harvard economics professor Jeffrey Frankel told me, the one engine that has kept the U.S. economy going is trade. It is the same engine that has helped incomes grow in Mexico, Brazil and China, countries becoming major markets for U.S. goods. Two more reasons for Obama to be grateful.
Marcela Sanchez's e-mail address is desdewash@washpost.com.
POCKET TRANSLATORS TO TALK TO HISPANIC WORKERS
Trio comes up with tool to help construction workers talk with Hispanic employees
By Josh Flory, KNOXVILLE, TENN July 18, 2008
Think fast: How do you say flat-head screwdriver in Spanish?
When a contractor is racing to wrap up a job, the last thing they need is a lengthy caucus to differentiate between a destornillador with a cabeza plana or a cabeza Phillips. With that in mind, former roommates at the University of Tennessee have created a translation tool aimed at bridging the gap between Spanish- and English-speakers in the construction industry.
Jeremy Watson and Kevin Buchmeier, both 26, along with Ann Elizabeth Lyon, Buchmeier's wife, have teamed up to create Working Translations, a start-up business that has produced a pocket-sized, waterproof translation guide for local contractors. The idea is to market guides tailored to various construction specialties, and the trio is eventually hoping to branch out into other industries, such as the food service or janitorial fields.
Buchmeier said the idea grew out of his time as a foreman on a landscaping crew in Charleston, S.C., when most of the people he dealt with spoke Spanish. Communication, he said, was very minimal and tasks often had to be redone.
The entrepreneurs initially aimed for a fold-out translation guide that would snap closed, but found that idea wasn't practical. Instead, they went with the pocket-sized guides that have approximately 600 words apiece. Although none of the partners speaks fluent Spanish, Watson said they got assistance with the translations, including aid from a friend who worked at Home Depot with an employee from Guatemala.
While the construction industry is a prime market for Spanish-English tools, the current trends may not be so encouraging. According to a June report from the Pew Hispanic Center, construction was a linchpin of Hispanic job growth in recent years, particularly for immigrants. But the same study reported that a construction slump has hit the Hispanic community hard, with the number of foreign-born Hispanics working in construction falling from 2.3 million in the first quarter of 2007 to 2 million in 2008.
Lourdes Perez, director of the Hispanic Ministry office for the Catholic Diocese of Knoxville, said one impact she has seen is workers being sent to jobs in other communities. "They're being moved around and they're being placed where they're needed, but it's not locally," she said.
Perez said a heightened focus on immigration enforcement has also had an impact.
"People that have been here a long time waiting for adjustment on their status or who have been here working, some of them 10, 12 years … now that's all up in the air for anybody that doesn't have the proper documentation," she said.
Business writer Josh Flory may be reached at 865-342-6994.
By Josh Flory, KNOXVILLE, TENN July 18, 2008
Think fast: How do you say flat-head screwdriver in Spanish?
When a contractor is racing to wrap up a job, the last thing they need is a lengthy caucus to differentiate between a destornillador with a cabeza plana or a cabeza Phillips. With that in mind, former roommates at the University of Tennessee have created a translation tool aimed at bridging the gap between Spanish- and English-speakers in the construction industry.
Jeremy Watson and Kevin Buchmeier, both 26, along with Ann Elizabeth Lyon, Buchmeier's wife, have teamed up to create Working Translations, a start-up business that has produced a pocket-sized, waterproof translation guide for local contractors. The idea is to market guides tailored to various construction specialties, and the trio is eventually hoping to branch out into other industries, such as the food service or janitorial fields.
Buchmeier said the idea grew out of his time as a foreman on a landscaping crew in Charleston, S.C., when most of the people he dealt with spoke Spanish. Communication, he said, was very minimal and tasks often had to be redone.
The entrepreneurs initially aimed for a fold-out translation guide that would snap closed, but found that idea wasn't practical. Instead, they went with the pocket-sized guides that have approximately 600 words apiece. Although none of the partners speaks fluent Spanish, Watson said they got assistance with the translations, including aid from a friend who worked at Home Depot with an employee from Guatemala.
While the construction industry is a prime market for Spanish-English tools, the current trends may not be so encouraging. According to a June report from the Pew Hispanic Center, construction was a linchpin of Hispanic job growth in recent years, particularly for immigrants. But the same study reported that a construction slump has hit the Hispanic community hard, with the number of foreign-born Hispanics working in construction falling from 2.3 million in the first quarter of 2007 to 2 million in 2008.
Lourdes Perez, director of the Hispanic Ministry office for the Catholic Diocese of Knoxville, said one impact she has seen is workers being sent to jobs in other communities. "They're being moved around and they're being placed where they're needed, but it's not locally," she said.
Perez said a heightened focus on immigration enforcement has also had an impact.
"People that have been here a long time waiting for adjustment on their status or who have been here working, some of them 10, 12 years … now that's all up in the air for anybody that doesn't have the proper documentation," she said.
Business writer Josh Flory may be reached at 865-342-6994.
Thursday, July 17, 2008
BLACK-HISPANIC RELATIONS GOOD
Poll: Black-Hispanic relations good
PRINCETON, N.J., July 17 (UPI) -- More blacks and Hispanics than whites believe relations are good between blacks and Hispanics in the United States, a Gallup poll indicates.
Less than half of the white adults polled indicated they thought black-Hispanic relations were good, compared to 60 percent of Hispanics and about two-thirds of blacks surveyed, the Gallup's Minority Rights and Relations poll indicated.
Because of the less-than-positive perspective of whites surveyed, 49 percent of those asked said they thought black-Hispanic were good, while 40 percent perceived them as bad, the Princeton, N.J., polling agency said. Forty-three percent of whites said black-Hispanic relations were bad, compared to 29 percent of blacks and 36 percent of Hispanics.
Results are based on telephone interviews June 5-July 6 with 1,935 adults, including oversamples of blacks and Hispanics weighted to reflect their proportions in the general population. The total sampling has a margin of error of 4 percentage points. The oversamplings have margins of error of 5-6 percentage points.
PRINCETON, N.J., July 17 (UPI) -- More blacks and Hispanics than whites believe relations are good between blacks and Hispanics in the United States, a Gallup poll indicates.
Less than half of the white adults polled indicated they thought black-Hispanic relations were good, compared to 60 percent of Hispanics and about two-thirds of blacks surveyed, the Gallup's Minority Rights and Relations poll indicated.
Because of the less-than-positive perspective of whites surveyed, 49 percent of those asked said they thought black-Hispanic were good, while 40 percent perceived them as bad, the Princeton, N.J., polling agency said. Forty-three percent of whites said black-Hispanic relations were bad, compared to 29 percent of blacks and 36 percent of Hispanics.
Results are based on telephone interviews June 5-July 6 with 1,935 adults, including oversamples of blacks and Hispanics weighted to reflect their proportions in the general population. The total sampling has a margin of error of 4 percentage points. The oversamplings have margins of error of 5-6 percentage points.
N HMA AND NEW YORK ACADEMY DISCUSS POLICY BRIEFINGS
The National Hispanic Medical Association and The New York Academy of Medicine Showcased Health Care Reform for Minority Communities at Policy Briefing July 15
NEW YORK, July 16, 2008 /PRNewswire-USNewswire via COMTEX/ -- Amid skyrocketing gas and food prices, communities across the nation are also concerned with the rising costs fueled by health disparities, said the National Hispanic Medical Association in a policy briefing on July 15.
That is the issue top leaders discussed when the National Hispanic Medical Association (NHMA) and The New York Academy of Medicine (NYAM) presented a policy briefing on "Health Care Reform and Health Disparities." The event was held on July 15, from 6:00 to 8:30 p.m. at The New York Academy of Medicine, 1216 5th Ave. at 103rd St., Room 21, in Manhattan, New York.
"Despite all the worsening economic news we are hearing -- from the housing slump, to gas surpassing $4 a gallon, to food prices tripling, to unemployment surging to 5.5 percent last month -- there is some light. We do not have to face a darker economic outlook in health care if we properly address health disparities. That's a cost we can and should control," said Elena Rios, MD, MSPH, President and CEO of NHMA, a nonprofit group based in Washington, DC, that represents Hispanic physicians in the U.S.
The policy briefing showcased national health care reform efforts, focusing on the health care platforms of the presidential candidates Barack Obama and John McCain and how to eliminate disparities and improve the health of Hispanic populations.
"Communities of color continue to face numerous barriers when trying to make healthy choices about their lifestyles and when seeking medical care. Serious attention to the action steps needed to remove these barriers are crucial to our country's health, and including attention to the health of these populations in the presidential candidates' platforms is a major step in the right direction," said Jo Ivey Boufford, M.D., President of The New York Academy of Medicine. "As we move forward toward national health reform, we must not leave behind our most vulnerable and underserved communities."
The speakers included Joseph R. Betancourt, M.D., M.P.H., Health Care Policy Advisor, Obama for America Campaign; U.S. Congressman Michael C. Burgess, MD, R.-Texas, John McCain 2008 Campaign; and Elizabeth Lee-Rey, MD, MPH, Assistant Professor of Family and Social Medicine, Co-Director, Hispanic Center of Excellence, Albert Einstein College of Medicine of Yeshiva University.
Obesity, diabetes, stroke and cancer are among the conditions that plague Hispanics, African Americans, Native Americans and Asian Americans. As those groups grow -- minorities will make up nearly 50 percent of the U.S. population in the coming years -- so will the associated costs of health disparities.
According to the National Center on Minority Health and Health Disparities, if the health disparities trend continues unchecked, the U.S. will face a resource-strained health care system where the majority of the population and the workforce are in poor health.
Health disparities are costly. Hispanics are twice more likely to die from heart disease than whites, and black women die of diabetes twice as often as white women.
"People have a responsibility for making healthy choices, but we as a nation have a responsibility to address the causes of disparities and make healthy choices available to all people, regardless of race, income or education," Rios said.
The New York Academy of Medicine (NYAM) has been advancing the health of people in cities since 1847. An independent organization, NYAM addresses the health challenges facing the world's urban populations through interdisciplinary approaches to policy leadership, education, community engagement and innovative research. Drawing on the expertise of diverse partners worldwide and more than 2,000 elected Fellows from across the professions, our current priorities are to create environments in cities that support healthy aging; to strengthen systems that prevent disease and promote the public's health; and to implement interventions that eliminate health disparities.
Established in 1994 in Washington, DC, NHMA is a nonprofit association that represents licensed Hispanic physicians in the U.S. in its mission to improve health care for Hispanics and the underserved. For more information, visit http://www.nhmamd.org.
SOURCE National Hispanic Health Foundation
NEW YORK, July 16, 2008 /PRNewswire-USNewswire via COMTEX/ -- Amid skyrocketing gas and food prices, communities across the nation are also concerned with the rising costs fueled by health disparities, said the National Hispanic Medical Association in a policy briefing on July 15.
That is the issue top leaders discussed when the National Hispanic Medical Association (NHMA) and The New York Academy of Medicine (NYAM) presented a policy briefing on "Health Care Reform and Health Disparities." The event was held on July 15, from 6:00 to 8:30 p.m. at The New York Academy of Medicine, 1216 5th Ave. at 103rd St., Room 21, in Manhattan, New York.
"Despite all the worsening economic news we are hearing -- from the housing slump, to gas surpassing $4 a gallon, to food prices tripling, to unemployment surging to 5.5 percent last month -- there is some light. We do not have to face a darker economic outlook in health care if we properly address health disparities. That's a cost we can and should control," said Elena Rios, MD, MSPH, President and CEO of NHMA, a nonprofit group based in Washington, DC, that represents Hispanic physicians in the U.S.
The policy briefing showcased national health care reform efforts, focusing on the health care platforms of the presidential candidates Barack Obama and John McCain and how to eliminate disparities and improve the health of Hispanic populations.
"Communities of color continue to face numerous barriers when trying to make healthy choices about their lifestyles and when seeking medical care. Serious attention to the action steps needed to remove these barriers are crucial to our country's health, and including attention to the health of these populations in the presidential candidates' platforms is a major step in the right direction," said Jo Ivey Boufford, M.D., President of The New York Academy of Medicine. "As we move forward toward national health reform, we must not leave behind our most vulnerable and underserved communities."
The speakers included Joseph R. Betancourt, M.D., M.P.H., Health Care Policy Advisor, Obama for America Campaign; U.S. Congressman Michael C. Burgess, MD, R.-Texas, John McCain 2008 Campaign; and Elizabeth Lee-Rey, MD, MPH, Assistant Professor of Family and Social Medicine, Co-Director, Hispanic Center of Excellence, Albert Einstein College of Medicine of Yeshiva University.
Obesity, diabetes, stroke and cancer are among the conditions that plague Hispanics, African Americans, Native Americans and Asian Americans. As those groups grow -- minorities will make up nearly 50 percent of the U.S. population in the coming years -- so will the associated costs of health disparities.
According to the National Center on Minority Health and Health Disparities, if the health disparities trend continues unchecked, the U.S. will face a resource-strained health care system where the majority of the population and the workforce are in poor health.
Health disparities are costly. Hispanics are twice more likely to die from heart disease than whites, and black women die of diabetes twice as often as white women.
"People have a responsibility for making healthy choices, but we as a nation have a responsibility to address the causes of disparities and make healthy choices available to all people, regardless of race, income or education," Rios said.
The New York Academy of Medicine (NYAM) has been advancing the health of people in cities since 1847. An independent organization, NYAM addresses the health challenges facing the world's urban populations through interdisciplinary approaches to policy leadership, education, community engagement and innovative research. Drawing on the expertise of diverse partners worldwide and more than 2,000 elected Fellows from across the professions, our current priorities are to create environments in cities that support healthy aging; to strengthen systems that prevent disease and promote the public's health; and to implement interventions that eliminate health disparities.
Established in 1994 in Washington, DC, NHMA is a nonprofit association that represents licensed Hispanic physicians in the U.S. in its mission to improve health care for Hispanics and the underserved. For more information, visit http://www.nhmamd.org.
SOURCE National Hispanic Health Foundation
16 HISPANIC COPS FILE DISCRIMINATION
Hispanic cops file suit against Denver Police Department
Ed Sealover , July 17, 2008
Hispanic officers in the Denver Police Department have been subjected to racial epithets during training for years, and one officer who complained about discrimination had a fake bomb placed in his desk in 2004, according to a lawsuit filed Wednesday.
Sixteen current and former officers, all Hispanic, filed the suit alleging systemic departmental discrimination that keeps minorities from getting hired or promoted and creates a hostile work environment.
The suit seeks damages for emotional distress and economic loss and asks that a judge order the department to eradicate effects of unlawful employment practices.
"We're always concerned when the lawsuit is filed," Denver Manager of Safety Al LaCabe said. "However, we do not believe that the lawsuit has any substance."
At a news conference at Civic Center Park, Sgt. Leonard Mares, a 17-year officer, played an audio recording from a 1979 training session to illustrate the attitude that was taught to officers who now are among the department's leaders.
In the recording, taken from the department library, a sergeant refers to minority recruits as beaner, Mexican liar and chimpanzee and screams stereotypes about black recruits eating watermelon and tap dancing.
Ed Sealover , July 17, 2008
Hispanic officers in the Denver Police Department have been subjected to racial epithets during training for years, and one officer who complained about discrimination had a fake bomb placed in his desk in 2004, according to a lawsuit filed Wednesday.
Sixteen current and former officers, all Hispanic, filed the suit alleging systemic departmental discrimination that keeps minorities from getting hired or promoted and creates a hostile work environment.
The suit seeks damages for emotional distress and economic loss and asks that a judge order the department to eradicate effects of unlawful employment practices.
"We're always concerned when the lawsuit is filed," Denver Manager of Safety Al LaCabe said. "However, we do not believe that the lawsuit has any substance."
At a news conference at Civic Center Park, Sgt. Leonard Mares, a 17-year officer, played an audio recording from a 1979 training session to illustrate the attitude that was taught to officers who now are among the department's leaders.
In the recording, taken from the department library, a sergeant refers to minority recruits as beaner, Mexican liar and chimpanzee and screams stereotypes about black recruits eating watermelon and tap dancing.
OKLAHOMA HISPANICS REGISTER VOTERS
State Hispanics may play key role at polls
Related Information
By Devona Walker, Staff Writer
Hispanic advocates have turned their attention to registering voters in Oklahoma and across the nation, following unprecedented immigration enforcement measures.
New York-based Nuestra America began its national Hispanic voter registration drive July 4. The purpose is to shore up the Hispanic voting block and ensure Hispanic Americans have a seat at the political table next year.
The National Coalition of Latino Clergy and Religious Leaders, which sued Oklahoma last year over its immigration enforcement statute, also plans a statewide voter registration campaign.
Making a difference
In Oklahoma, efforts are under way to register and mobilize Hispanic voters.
"Up until now, Hispanics have not been taken seriously at all either at the national, state, county or local levels,” said the Rev. Victor Orta, a Hispanic activist in Tulsa.
"This is the year that we make a difference. We are going to intensify, and we're going to mobilize. You will see more Hispanics going to the polls than ever before in Oklahoma.”
Hispanics learned many painful lessons in Oklahoma last year, Orta said.
"(House Bill) 1804 taught us that Hispanics need to get their act together. We need to work together and think about the welfare of the people. We need to get organized. We need a strategy and we need to connect with our elected leaders,” Orta said.
"We need to know their voting record. We need to be more visible at the state Capitol. If we had done all this before, we would have been more prepared to fight 1804. And we would have been more knowledgeable about the consequences of 1804.”
A national effort
The importance of the Hispanic vote nationally has led both presidential hopefuls to spend the past few weeks trying to win that voting block. Adam Alonzo, the executive director of Nuestra America, which means Our America, said the importance of the Hispanic vote has intensified this election cycle.
"If you picture a nucleus breaking off, creating many different nuclei, that's the Latino population. We are no longer just concentrated in a few cities where we cannot make a huge impact. We are now in many cities. In some cases, the Latino population has increased by 200 percent,” Alonso said.
"We are playing a larger role in the national elections, but not just the national elections. We are going to be an important voting block in local elections too. We will make up about 10 percent of the electorate this year.”
A language barrier
Hispanics historically have had lower voter registration numbers than other minority groups. Some argue the reason behind that is the language barrier.
There is also a measurable chunk of the Hispanic elector which is not currently naturalized even though they are eligible to do so, Alonso said. Hispanics, like many other minority groups, have been marginalized, he said.
"It is going to take multiple election cycles to get to the point where the Latinos need to be politically, and getting there over the next several election cycles will be paramount,” Alonso said. "The ultimate goal is to have an impact on policy. The more Latinos register to vote determine how good of a seat we get at the table.”
Related Information
By Devona Walker, Staff Writer
Hispanic advocates have turned their attention to registering voters in Oklahoma and across the nation, following unprecedented immigration enforcement measures.
New York-based Nuestra America began its national Hispanic voter registration drive July 4. The purpose is to shore up the Hispanic voting block and ensure Hispanic Americans have a seat at the political table next year.
The National Coalition of Latino Clergy and Religious Leaders, which sued Oklahoma last year over its immigration enforcement statute, also plans a statewide voter registration campaign.
Making a difference
In Oklahoma, efforts are under way to register and mobilize Hispanic voters.
"Up until now, Hispanics have not been taken seriously at all either at the national, state, county or local levels,” said the Rev. Victor Orta, a Hispanic activist in Tulsa.
"This is the year that we make a difference. We are going to intensify, and we're going to mobilize. You will see more Hispanics going to the polls than ever before in Oklahoma.”
Hispanics learned many painful lessons in Oklahoma last year, Orta said.
"(House Bill) 1804 taught us that Hispanics need to get their act together. We need to work together and think about the welfare of the people. We need to get organized. We need a strategy and we need to connect with our elected leaders,” Orta said.
"We need to know their voting record. We need to be more visible at the state Capitol. If we had done all this before, we would have been more prepared to fight 1804. And we would have been more knowledgeable about the consequences of 1804.”
A national effort
The importance of the Hispanic vote nationally has led both presidential hopefuls to spend the past few weeks trying to win that voting block. Adam Alonzo, the executive director of Nuestra America, which means Our America, said the importance of the Hispanic vote has intensified this election cycle.
"If you picture a nucleus breaking off, creating many different nuclei, that's the Latino population. We are no longer just concentrated in a few cities where we cannot make a huge impact. We are now in many cities. In some cases, the Latino population has increased by 200 percent,” Alonso said.
"We are playing a larger role in the national elections, but not just the national elections. We are going to be an important voting block in local elections too. We will make up about 10 percent of the electorate this year.”
A language barrier
Hispanics historically have had lower voter registration numbers than other minority groups. Some argue the reason behind that is the language barrier.
There is also a measurable chunk of the Hispanic elector which is not currently naturalized even though they are eligible to do so, Alonso said. Hispanics, like many other minority groups, have been marginalized, he said.
"It is going to take multiple election cycles to get to the point where the Latinos need to be politically, and getting there over the next several election cycles will be paramount,” Alonso said. "The ultimate goal is to have an impact on policy. The more Latinos register to vote determine how good of a seat we get at the table.”