The Hispanic vote: Many believe that their votes don’t matter, or that politicians
madeline lewismlewis@vicad.com October 29, 2008
Ashley Chacon wasn’t pleased when her 19-year-old sister expressed disinterest in upcoming presidential election.
“What? How can you not know what’s going on?” she remembered asking. “This is going in the history books.” The Victoria College student registered to vote and encouraged others to follow her lead. She is one of an increasing number of Texas Hispanics to register in recent years.
Hispanic voter registration increased by 17.1 percent statewide between 2000 and 2006 and by 23.21 percent in Texas House District 30, according to the Texas Legislative Council. District 30 encompasses Victoria, Refugio, Lavaca, DeWitt and Jackson counties.
“This, by far, it’s one of the most important elections in recent memory and Latinos are registering in large numbers around the country,” said Michael Bustamante, spokesperson for the William C. Velasquez Institute, a non-profit public analysis organization. “We believe we’ll see a tremendous increase in the number of Latinos that will cast a ballot in this election cycle.”
However, the percentage of eligible Hispanic voters who have registered in Victoria County still lags behind that of eligible Anglo voters.
The county election administrator does not monitor the ethnicities of registered voters. But the range of registration rates in the 10 precincts with the highest percentage of Hispanics – and the 10 precincts with the highest percentage of Anglos – reveals a difference.
More Anglos than Hispanics register to vote. In 2008, the range of registration rates in the predominately Anglo precincts was 58 to 82 percent. In the predominately Hispanic, the rate ranged from 45 to 64 percent.
This disparity isn’t confined to Victoria. Two years ago, the registration rates of eligible Caucasian and Hispanic voters in Texas were 73 and 58 percent, respectively, according to the US Census Bureau.
Voters, community activists and political leaders offer a variety of explanations for the comparatively low registration rates among Victoria Hispanics. One prevailing argument is that many Hispanics doubt the significance of their vote.
“I don’t know if it’s apathy,” said Maria Núñez, a Victoria attorney who is Hispanic. “You hear so much from people, ‘It makes no difference if I vote. It’s not going to change.’”
The 21-year-old Chacon registered for the first time this year. When she became eligible to vote three years ago, she felt disenchanted because ballots included few non-white candidates.
“It doesn’t matter because it’s two white men fighting for office,” she said.
The 2008 election is different because of Sen. Barack Obama, an African-American candidate, she said.
“Previous candidates, they have nothing in common with me whatsoever,” she said. “My opinions, they don’t count. Now, I feel like I have someone who will listen.”
Eligible voters like Chacon become inspired to vote when they find role models they can support on the ballot, said John Griffin, the former chairman of the Victoria County Democratic Party.
“We need role models for voters, whether they be Hispanic voters, women voters, African-American voters,” he said. “That kind of leadership is key to increasing turnout among Hispanic voters.”
Unlike Chacon, Isabel Garcia expressed little enthusiasm about the election. The Victoria woman first said she did not register to vote this year because she had a very busy schedule, but later added that neither of the major party candidates inspired her.
Griffin believes that one of the reasons fewer Hispanics register to vote in Victoria is because the county does not have enough elected officials who are Hispanic. No Hispanics are on the city council, he noted.
“It would be a better picture for our community if it was more representative of the city that it serves,” he said.
The 2008 county precinct elections feature Hispanic contenders for constable and commissioner – candidates such as Allan Ramirez. The Republican candidate for commissioner of Precinct 1, a largely Hispanic precinct, has witnessed high voter enthusiasm this year.
“Often when I walked through the neighborhood, I asked people if they were registered and they said, yes, they were,” he said.
Ashley Briones and Gloria Salazar, both Hispanic women from Victoria, could not think of anyone they knew who wasn’t registered.
“I registered to vote because if you don’t register to vote and you don’t vote, you can’t complain about anything later,” Briones said.
Briones believes government impacts people’s lives.
Not every eligible voter in Victoria has come to the same conclusion, said Clara Ramos, a longtime community activist.
“It’s amazing what you hear out there when you’re trying to register people,” she said, adding. “There are a lot of people that don’t understand. They don’t understand government.”
Some may also have misperceptions and fears about what voter registration entails, said Bobby Trevino. In the past, the former president of the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce in Victoria has heard some Hispanics express concern that the government would give them jury duty or question their immigration statuses if they registered.
Others may also be confused about when and how to register. More than two weeks after voter registration ended in Victoria, some believed registration was still open.
“I thought I had a little more time left,” Jonathan Fuentez of Victoria said.
Friday, October 31, 2008
Number of Hispanic undergraduates higher
Hispanic student populations exceed national averages
The Olympian October 30, 2008
Locally, the percentage of undergraduates of Hispanic ethnicity has hovered around 5 percent in the past few years. Both The Evergreen State College and Saint Martin's University had higher percentages than the four-year college population as a whole, which in 2005 was 4.3 percent for public colleges and 4.7 percent at private colleges.
At South Puget Sound Community College, more than 7 percent of the students enrolled in fall 2007 were of Hispanic ethnicity, about the same as the previous year. That exceeds the U.S. Census Bureau's estimate of the percentage of the Thurston County population who is of Hispanic descent.
The U.S. Census Bureau estimated that in 2006, about 5.5 percent Thurston County's population was Hispanic.
Sources: Saint Martin's University And The Evergreen State College Common Data Sets; Stephen Mcglone, Saint Martin's University; Jason Wettstein, The Evergreen State College; Kellie Purce Braseth, South Puget Sound Community College; U.s. Census Bureau
The Olympian October 30, 2008
Locally, the percentage of undergraduates of Hispanic ethnicity has hovered around 5 percent in the past few years. Both The Evergreen State College and Saint Martin's University had higher percentages than the four-year college population as a whole, which in 2005 was 4.3 percent for public colleges and 4.7 percent at private colleges.
At South Puget Sound Community College, more than 7 percent of the students enrolled in fall 2007 were of Hispanic ethnicity, about the same as the previous year. That exceeds the U.S. Census Bureau's estimate of the percentage of the Thurston County population who is of Hispanic descent.
The U.S. Census Bureau estimated that in 2006, about 5.5 percent Thurston County's population was Hispanic.
Sources: Saint Martin's University And The Evergreen State College Common Data Sets; Stephen Mcglone, Saint Martin's University; Jason Wettstein, The Evergreen State College; Kellie Purce Braseth, South Puget Sound Community College; U.s. Census Bureau
Kansas University recruiting Hispanic students
KU looks to attract Hispanic students
By Shajia Ahmad The Garden City Telegram, Kan.
Oct. 29--When University of Kansas alumna Dana Nanninga was going to college in the 1990s, she made few if any Latino acquaintances on the Lawrence campus.
''Adjustment is difficult when you're from any rural place, but it's even more difficult when you're from a rural place and you don't see many Latino faces," the Garden City resident said.
Nanninga is one of several members of the KU Latino Vision Council, which formed earlier this spring and works to increase the accessibility of a four-year university education to the state's increasing number of Latino students and their families.
The numbers are staggering: The U.S. Census Bureau predicts Hispanic graduates in Kansas will more than double in the next few decades as Hispanics, who make up about 2,000 public high school graduates today, is projected to grow to more than 4,250 in 2022.
Nanninga, Vision council member and Garden city resident Dolores Morales and KU Vice Provost Danny Anderson spoke with area community organizers and school administrators Tuesday to exchange information about the needs of students in this community and glean advice concerning the university's approaches to increasing enrollment.
''You guys are the vision," said Morales, as she addressed the small crowd of 20 from groups such as Garden City USd 457, League of United Latin American Citizens and a few area radio stations. "You guys know the students, and you are the messengers."
Already, the council has taken steps to encourage the institution to hire more university recruiters who speak Spanish, increase the dissemination of Spanish-translated tabular materials through schools and continue sending representatives throughout the state to build connections with smaller communities.
Provost Anderson, who also is a professor of Spanish and teaches Mexican literature courses, said that one of the university's primary concerns is that prospective students of Hispanic and Latino communities are generally first-generation college students.
The provost also added that while the university is working on conveying to families that it is a welcoming institution, Anderson sought input on ways the university can work with communities to better prepare and instill ideas about college to students and help family members familiarize themselves with the system of higher-education.
One of the major concerns expressed by area organizers gathered Tuesday was the financial barriers that face prospective students.
Itzel Rodriguez, representing LULAC and who also works as a staff member at Garden City Community College, said that without full or near-full tuition assistance for students, the costs associated with a four-year degree often are too much of a financial burden for families to seriously consider the option. Rodriguez's hope was that more programs, such as Kansas Bridges to the Future or Project Advocate, could be made available for students. Bridges entitles academically motivated students of underrepresented groups at Kansas State University who are interested in the biomedical sciences to full-tuition assistance, and Advocate provides merit-based financial support to bilingual students committed to studies in education and teaching.
During the dialogue, Anderson also specified to locals that misinformation concerning undocumented students is a concern. Undocumented students are allowed to enroll at KU without objection to their status, though their access to financial aid is limited because they cannot apply for government aid. For highly-qualified students, however, Anderson said university scholarships are available.
Another major concern of both university officials and members of the community were generational gaps between students and their parents.
''Going to GCCC is one thing, but leaving to go to college is another thing," said Nanninga, adding that for students belonging to especially tight-knit Latino families, it is difficult for parents to imagine or encourage their children to move far away to pursue higher studies.
''Parents often aren't familiar with the system and that can create a huge fear for both them and for students," she added.
That is why one of the needs Nanninga said her council is working on is increasing communication with parents about financial aid forms, the college application processes, standardized tests and more.
Parties from both ends agreed to keep the communication lines open.
''This is just an initial meeting," Morales said to the group. "From here, the dialogue must grow."
By Shajia Ahmad The Garden City Telegram, Kan.
Oct. 29--When University of Kansas alumna Dana Nanninga was going to college in the 1990s, she made few if any Latino acquaintances on the Lawrence campus.
''Adjustment is difficult when you're from any rural place, but it's even more difficult when you're from a rural place and you don't see many Latino faces," the Garden City resident said.
Nanninga is one of several members of the KU Latino Vision Council, which formed earlier this spring and works to increase the accessibility of a four-year university education to the state's increasing number of Latino students and their families.
The numbers are staggering: The U.S. Census Bureau predicts Hispanic graduates in Kansas will more than double in the next few decades as Hispanics, who make up about 2,000 public high school graduates today, is projected to grow to more than 4,250 in 2022.
Nanninga, Vision council member and Garden city resident Dolores Morales and KU Vice Provost Danny Anderson spoke with area community organizers and school administrators Tuesday to exchange information about the needs of students in this community and glean advice concerning the university's approaches to increasing enrollment.
''You guys are the vision," said Morales, as she addressed the small crowd of 20 from groups such as Garden City USd 457, League of United Latin American Citizens and a few area radio stations. "You guys know the students, and you are the messengers."
Already, the council has taken steps to encourage the institution to hire more university recruiters who speak Spanish, increase the dissemination of Spanish-translated tabular materials through schools and continue sending representatives throughout the state to build connections with smaller communities.
Provost Anderson, who also is a professor of Spanish and teaches Mexican literature courses, said that one of the university's primary concerns is that prospective students of Hispanic and Latino communities are generally first-generation college students.
The provost also added that while the university is working on conveying to families that it is a welcoming institution, Anderson sought input on ways the university can work with communities to better prepare and instill ideas about college to students and help family members familiarize themselves with the system of higher-education.
One of the major concerns expressed by area organizers gathered Tuesday was the financial barriers that face prospective students.
Itzel Rodriguez, representing LULAC and who also works as a staff member at Garden City Community College, said that without full or near-full tuition assistance for students, the costs associated with a four-year degree often are too much of a financial burden for families to seriously consider the option. Rodriguez's hope was that more programs, such as Kansas Bridges to the Future or Project Advocate, could be made available for students. Bridges entitles academically motivated students of underrepresented groups at Kansas State University who are interested in the biomedical sciences to full-tuition assistance, and Advocate provides merit-based financial support to bilingual students committed to studies in education and teaching.
During the dialogue, Anderson also specified to locals that misinformation concerning undocumented students is a concern. Undocumented students are allowed to enroll at KU without objection to their status, though their access to financial aid is limited because they cannot apply for government aid. For highly-qualified students, however, Anderson said university scholarships are available.
Another major concern of both university officials and members of the community were generational gaps between students and their parents.
''Going to GCCC is one thing, but leaving to go to college is another thing," said Nanninga, adding that for students belonging to especially tight-knit Latino families, it is difficult for parents to imagine or encourage their children to move far away to pursue higher studies.
''Parents often aren't familiar with the system and that can create a huge fear for both them and for students," she added.
That is why one of the needs Nanninga said her council is working on is increasing communication with parents about financial aid forms, the college application processes, standardized tests and more.
Parties from both ends agreed to keep the communication lines open.
''This is just an initial meeting," Morales said to the group. "From here, the dialogue must grow."
Latinos question handling of arrests
San Jose police chief defends police handling of suspected drunks
By Sean Webby Mercury News 10/30/2008
San Jose Police Chief Rob Davis insisted Thursday that police were not treating dangerously drunk people differently than other places, nor were they targeting Latinos.
"We are within the norm," the chief said, after a news conference where he was flanked by the mayor and Latino community leaders.
But Davis acknowledged that other cities throughout the state are diverting suspects they arrest on suspicion of being drunk in public into sobering centers, rather than prosecuting them, as is done in San Jose. The news conference follows a Mercury News article last week that reported San Jose police arrested more people who were charged with public drunkenness than any other agency in the state, according to the Attorney General's Office. The charges are highly discretionary — no test is given, and the arrest is largely up to the officer to determine whether a suspect appears drunk.
More than 57 percent of those arrested in San Jose are Hispanic, figures compiled by the state attorney general show, even though Hispanics make up only 32 percent of the city's population.
That disparity is strikingly higher than elsewhere in the state; roughly 36 percent of the state's population is Hispanic, and 37 percent of those arrested statewide for public drunkenness were listed as Hispanic in state statistics.
Davis insisted that the police target illegal behavior — not Hispanics, and said — despite the state statistics that the ethnic background of those arrested was matched in many other cities.
But the difference has caused deep concern throughout the Hispanic community, prompting the news conference at which Davis, Mayor Chuck Reed, Vice Mayor David Cortese and leaders of the La Raza Roundtable organization agreed to examine ways that the city enforces the state law on public drunkenness.
Reed said the city council will be holding a public hearing on the arrest practices in coming weeks. "It's not just about the statistics," Reed said. "It's about whether arresting people and prosecuting them may not be the best way to deal with public drunkenness. If people are feeling persecuted, that concerns us."
The mayor said the city would consider other ways to deal with public drunkenness, including reopening the sobering station, which was closed four years ago.
Davis' assurances that the department's arrest practices were "something we are finding across the state" were met with skepticism from several community members who attended the news conference and felt the city was too quick to blame the conduct of offenders.
"You are going to explore how to change the behavior of the community, but what ideas are you going to explore that will change the behavior of the police department?" asked Raj Jayadev, a community activist, who related one conversation in which he said an officer defined public intoxication as suspects who annoy police officers.
He was among those who appeared unconvinced that Davis and city leaders understood that the department may be misusing the law and arresting innocent people. The city is facing a federal lawsuit, filed last month by three men who said they were wrongly charged with public drunkenness.
Davis said he would consider enhancing officer training. But he also said that 60 percent of the public intoxication arrests were responses to complaints, which he said suggested that the arrests were not arbitrary.
The police decide which cases to refer to the district attorney, whose office formally files charges. In San Jose, almost all public drunkenness suspects are charged; many are offered their freedom, after a night in jail, if they plead guilty to the misdemeanor. Some prosecutors and judges have complained that the charges overload the court system locally.
Reed and Davis defended the police, while at the same time saying they want to work with community members to address the concerns.
La Raza chief Victor Garza, who hosted the news conference, announced his group was organizing a summit to consider issues involving police interactions with Latinos, including arrests for public drunkenness. Garza said the summit is one of several measures he is planning to address the problem.
But some community leaders expressed concern that they were left out of the discussions, characterizing the talks between city officials and La Raza Roundtable as a backroom deal.
City Councilwoman Nora Campos, who was not at the meeting, said she still had many unanswered questions about the matter and the process to determine whether change was needed.
"I am concerned by the fact that the mayor did not take an inclusive approach by inviting all interested stakeholders to the table to discuss a matter that affects the entire city," Campos said. "By not having a public process you are sending a message that our city's commitment to transparency and open government is being bypassed."
By Sean Webby Mercury News 10/30/2008
San Jose Police Chief Rob Davis insisted Thursday that police were not treating dangerously drunk people differently than other places, nor were they targeting Latinos.
"We are within the norm," the chief said, after a news conference where he was flanked by the mayor and Latino community leaders.
But Davis acknowledged that other cities throughout the state are diverting suspects they arrest on suspicion of being drunk in public into sobering centers, rather than prosecuting them, as is done in San Jose. The news conference follows a Mercury News article last week that reported San Jose police arrested more people who were charged with public drunkenness than any other agency in the state, according to the Attorney General's Office. The charges are highly discretionary — no test is given, and the arrest is largely up to the officer to determine whether a suspect appears drunk.
More than 57 percent of those arrested in San Jose are Hispanic, figures compiled by the state attorney general show, even though Hispanics make up only 32 percent of the city's population.
That disparity is strikingly higher than elsewhere in the state; roughly 36 percent of the state's population is Hispanic, and 37 percent of those arrested statewide for public drunkenness were listed as Hispanic in state statistics.
Davis insisted that the police target illegal behavior — not Hispanics, and said — despite the state statistics that the ethnic background of those arrested was matched in many other cities.
But the difference has caused deep concern throughout the Hispanic community, prompting the news conference at which Davis, Mayor Chuck Reed, Vice Mayor David Cortese and leaders of the La Raza Roundtable organization agreed to examine ways that the city enforces the state law on public drunkenness.
Reed said the city council will be holding a public hearing on the arrest practices in coming weeks. "It's not just about the statistics," Reed said. "It's about whether arresting people and prosecuting them may not be the best way to deal with public drunkenness. If people are feeling persecuted, that concerns us."
The mayor said the city would consider other ways to deal with public drunkenness, including reopening the sobering station, which was closed four years ago.
Davis' assurances that the department's arrest practices were "something we are finding across the state" were met with skepticism from several community members who attended the news conference and felt the city was too quick to blame the conduct of offenders.
"You are going to explore how to change the behavior of the community, but what ideas are you going to explore that will change the behavior of the police department?" asked Raj Jayadev, a community activist, who related one conversation in which he said an officer defined public intoxication as suspects who annoy police officers.
He was among those who appeared unconvinced that Davis and city leaders understood that the department may be misusing the law and arresting innocent people. The city is facing a federal lawsuit, filed last month by three men who said they were wrongly charged with public drunkenness.
Davis said he would consider enhancing officer training. But he also said that 60 percent of the public intoxication arrests were responses to complaints, which he said suggested that the arrests were not arbitrary.
The police decide which cases to refer to the district attorney, whose office formally files charges. In San Jose, almost all public drunkenness suspects are charged; many are offered their freedom, after a night in jail, if they plead guilty to the misdemeanor. Some prosecutors and judges have complained that the charges overload the court system locally.
Reed and Davis defended the police, while at the same time saying they want to work with community members to address the concerns.
La Raza chief Victor Garza, who hosted the news conference, announced his group was organizing a summit to consider issues involving police interactions with Latinos, including arrests for public drunkenness. Garza said the summit is one of several measures he is planning to address the problem.
But some community leaders expressed concern that they were left out of the discussions, characterizing the talks between city officials and La Raza Roundtable as a backroom deal.
City Councilwoman Nora Campos, who was not at the meeting, said she still had many unanswered questions about the matter and the process to determine whether change was needed.
"I am concerned by the fact that the mayor did not take an inclusive approach by inviting all interested stakeholders to the table to discuss a matter that affects the entire city," Campos said. "By not having a public process you are sending a message that our city's commitment to transparency and open government is being bypassed."
Non-citizen Hispanics volunteer for campaigns
Unable to vote, noncitizen immigrants volunteer
By JULIANA BARBASSA
From Florida to California, they're working hard on the upcoming election — knocking on doors in ethnic neighborhoods, manning the phones in myriad languages and distributing political flyers. But come Tuesday, they won't vote. They can't: They're not citizens.
The excitement that has made American voter registration numbers soar has trickled deep into the country's immigrant population. But almost two-thirds of the 37.5 million foreign-born people in the United States have not taken the oath of allegiance, and are shut out from casting a ballot.
Non-citizen immigrants, legal or not, are putting their time and their effort where their vote would be.
"There are a lot of people who want to be voters one day, but it can take a lot of time," said Kishan Putta, national director of Indians for McCain. "They do want to get involved. They're calling, wanting to participate."
There have been no efforts to monitor how many volunteers in union halls, ethnic organizations, campaign offices are not citizens. But leaders of immigration advocacy organizations say this population is stepping up.
"There are millions out there who have not yet become citizens, who need somewhere to plug in, to become part of the process that gets those who can out to vote," said Efrain Escobedo, director of voter engagement for the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials Educational Fund, which has used non-citizens to turn out new voters in states where Hispanics could have a big say in the presidential contest.
There are approximately 12.1 million legal permanent residents and 11.8 illegal immigrants in the country. The concerns that are driving some of them to do election work are largely the same ones energizing Americans — the sagging economy, fear of unemployment, worries about health care and the quality of schools.
"These are things that keep you up at night," said Hernan Cortez, 30, a Salvadoran who has been knocking on doors to get out the vote in Aurora, Colo.
Cortez has two children, a wife who works nights at a hospital, and mortgage payments that ballooned from $1000 a month to $1,300 in January. He is not a citizen — the nearly $1,400 in fees that he would have to pay for himself and his wife put naturalization beyond his means.
"I wish I could go out to vote," he said. "Instead I talk to people about how this election is going to affect our community."
Since much of their energy is focused on other recent immigrants — a fast-growing population that has added hundreds of thousands of new voters in swing states — non-citizens are in a position to make a difference, experts say.
When McCain supporter Ai Thien Le, 57, takes her seat at a Virginia phonebank to encourage other Vietnamese immigrants to cast a ballot, she knows every call can help tip the numbers in this battleground state. "It's the only way our voices can be heard and our issues addressed," said Le, who has been living in the United States since 2004 — not long enough to qualify for citizenship.
Foreign nationals who are not legal permanent residents are forbidden from making contributions, but there are no laws against non-citizens volunteering in political campaigns, said Robert Stern, president of the Center for Governmental Studies in Los Angeles. And the campaigns welcome the help.
"We don't ask if volunteers are citizens or not," said Hessy Fernandez, a spokeswoman for the McCain campaign. "Our door is open to everyone who wants to be part of the work."
The non-citizens' desires to influence the outcome of the election draws little opposition from advocates of immigration control, as long as they do not vote.
"It is teaching them about democracy without giving them rights that should be exclusive to citizens," said Mark Krikorian, executive director of the Center for Immigration Studies, which favors tighter immigration control.
But some say that immigrants who entered the country illegally should be kept out of the political process. "They start out with a lack of legitimacy," said Stanley Renshon, a fellow at the center and a political scientist at the City University of New York's Graduate Center.
Non-citizen volunteers make powerful advocates because they identify with the voters on their rosters.
Candida Garcia, a Nicaraguan immigrant and legal permanent resident who cleans hallways at the University of Miami, has been putting her rapid-fire Spanish to work for Sen. Barack Obama, knocking on doors to get out the Latino vote in Miami.
Her husband's hours at a kitchen cabinet factory have been slashed, and her 13-year-old daughter, born in the U.S., has no health insurance. "We need a radical change in this country," she said.
Many hope their work will counteract the lack of participation that has undercut their community's electoral clout.
Ana Herrera goes door to door in the farmworker community of Avenal, Calif., where she is applying for residency. "People say, 'Why?' They say, 'What difference will it make?' They say, 'I have no time,'" said Herrera, walking past whole blocks where there are no registered voters.
"I tell them, if we don't help make the decisions, we're going to always be living with decisions made by others," she said.
By JULIANA BARBASSA
From Florida to California, they're working hard on the upcoming election — knocking on doors in ethnic neighborhoods, manning the phones in myriad languages and distributing political flyers. But come Tuesday, they won't vote. They can't: They're not citizens.
The excitement that has made American voter registration numbers soar has trickled deep into the country's immigrant population. But almost two-thirds of the 37.5 million foreign-born people in the United States have not taken the oath of allegiance, and are shut out from casting a ballot.
Non-citizen immigrants, legal or not, are putting their time and their effort where their vote would be.
"There are a lot of people who want to be voters one day, but it can take a lot of time," said Kishan Putta, national director of Indians for McCain. "They do want to get involved. They're calling, wanting to participate."
There have been no efforts to monitor how many volunteers in union halls, ethnic organizations, campaign offices are not citizens. But leaders of immigration advocacy organizations say this population is stepping up.
"There are millions out there who have not yet become citizens, who need somewhere to plug in, to become part of the process that gets those who can out to vote," said Efrain Escobedo, director of voter engagement for the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials Educational Fund, which has used non-citizens to turn out new voters in states where Hispanics could have a big say in the presidential contest.
There are approximately 12.1 million legal permanent residents and 11.8 illegal immigrants in the country. The concerns that are driving some of them to do election work are largely the same ones energizing Americans — the sagging economy, fear of unemployment, worries about health care and the quality of schools.
"These are things that keep you up at night," said Hernan Cortez, 30, a Salvadoran who has been knocking on doors to get out the vote in Aurora, Colo.
Cortez has two children, a wife who works nights at a hospital, and mortgage payments that ballooned from $1000 a month to $1,300 in January. He is not a citizen — the nearly $1,400 in fees that he would have to pay for himself and his wife put naturalization beyond his means.
"I wish I could go out to vote," he said. "Instead I talk to people about how this election is going to affect our community."
Since much of their energy is focused on other recent immigrants — a fast-growing population that has added hundreds of thousands of new voters in swing states — non-citizens are in a position to make a difference, experts say.
When McCain supporter Ai Thien Le, 57, takes her seat at a Virginia phonebank to encourage other Vietnamese immigrants to cast a ballot, she knows every call can help tip the numbers in this battleground state. "It's the only way our voices can be heard and our issues addressed," said Le, who has been living in the United States since 2004 — not long enough to qualify for citizenship.
Foreign nationals who are not legal permanent residents are forbidden from making contributions, but there are no laws against non-citizens volunteering in political campaigns, said Robert Stern, president of the Center for Governmental Studies in Los Angeles. And the campaigns welcome the help.
"We don't ask if volunteers are citizens or not," said Hessy Fernandez, a spokeswoman for the McCain campaign. "Our door is open to everyone who wants to be part of the work."
The non-citizens' desires to influence the outcome of the election draws little opposition from advocates of immigration control, as long as they do not vote.
"It is teaching them about democracy without giving them rights that should be exclusive to citizens," said Mark Krikorian, executive director of the Center for Immigration Studies, which favors tighter immigration control.
But some say that immigrants who entered the country illegally should be kept out of the political process. "They start out with a lack of legitimacy," said Stanley Renshon, a fellow at the center and a political scientist at the City University of New York's Graduate Center.
Non-citizen volunteers make powerful advocates because they identify with the voters on their rosters.
Candida Garcia, a Nicaraguan immigrant and legal permanent resident who cleans hallways at the University of Miami, has been putting her rapid-fire Spanish to work for Sen. Barack Obama, knocking on doors to get out the Latino vote in Miami.
Her husband's hours at a kitchen cabinet factory have been slashed, and her 13-year-old daughter, born in the U.S., has no health insurance. "We need a radical change in this country," she said.
Many hope their work will counteract the lack of participation that has undercut their community's electoral clout.
Ana Herrera goes door to door in the farmworker community of Avenal, Calif., where she is applying for residency. "People say, 'Why?' They say, 'What difference will it make?' They say, 'I have no time,'" said Herrera, walking past whole blocks where there are no registered voters.
"I tell them, if we don't help make the decisions, we're going to always be living with decisions made by others," she said.
Texas Latino voters still undecided with four days to go
Many Texas Latino voters still undecided in presidential race
By Brandi Grissom / Austin Bureau 10/30/2008
AUSTIN - About 10 percent of Texas Latino voters still haven't made up their minds about whether Democrat Barack Obama or Republican John McCain would be a better leader for the nation, according to a poll released Thursday by the Texas Politics Project and Department of Government at The University of Texas at Austin.
The poll sought to gauge Texans' feelings about the presidential candidates, about Texas candidates for the U.S. Senate and about the nation's economic outlook. The poll surveyed 550 registered voters in Texas Oct. 15-22, and had a margin of error of 4.2 percent.
"Republican candidates continue to hold an advantage in Texas, but our results show that the electorate is unsettled by the economic situation and disapproval of existing political leadership," Jim Henson, director of the Texas Politics Project, said. "With only five days to go before the election, there are still pockets of undecided voters in the state, especially in the U.S. Senate race."
The results showed that 51 percent of Texans favored McCain for president, compared to 40 percent who preferred Obama.
Among Latino voters Obama was leading McCain 51 percent to 39 percent. But 10 percent remained undecided, the highest percentage among the ethnic subgroups who responded to the poll.
U.S. Sen. Hillary Clinton enjoyed wide support among Texas Latino voters during the March primary election, especially in El Paso, where she received nearly 70 percent of the Democratic vote. Even after the Democratic National Convention this summer, some El Paso Democrats were reticent to support Obama, expressing disappointment that he didn't choose Clinton as his running mate.
The poll showed McCain leading among white Texas voters by a margin of 68 percent to 23.5 percent, and 6.5 percent were undecided.
Black voters in Texas aligned with the national trend, 92 percent supporting Obama and 3 percent supporting McCain. Just 5 percent of black voters said they were undecided.
By Brandi Grissom / Austin Bureau 10/30/2008
AUSTIN - About 10 percent of Texas Latino voters still haven't made up their minds about whether Democrat Barack Obama or Republican John McCain would be a better leader for the nation, according to a poll released Thursday by the Texas Politics Project and Department of Government at The University of Texas at Austin.
The poll sought to gauge Texans' feelings about the presidential candidates, about Texas candidates for the U.S. Senate and about the nation's economic outlook. The poll surveyed 550 registered voters in Texas Oct. 15-22, and had a margin of error of 4.2 percent.
"Republican candidates continue to hold an advantage in Texas, but our results show that the electorate is unsettled by the economic situation and disapproval of existing political leadership," Jim Henson, director of the Texas Politics Project, said. "With only five days to go before the election, there are still pockets of undecided voters in the state, especially in the U.S. Senate race."
The results showed that 51 percent of Texans favored McCain for president, compared to 40 percent who preferred Obama.
Among Latino voters Obama was leading McCain 51 percent to 39 percent. But 10 percent remained undecided, the highest percentage among the ethnic subgroups who responded to the poll.
U.S. Sen. Hillary Clinton enjoyed wide support among Texas Latino voters during the March primary election, especially in El Paso, where she received nearly 70 percent of the Democratic vote. Even after the Democratic National Convention this summer, some El Paso Democrats were reticent to support Obama, expressing disappointment that he didn't choose Clinton as his running mate.
The poll showed McCain leading among white Texas voters by a margin of 68 percent to 23.5 percent, and 6.5 percent were undecided.
Black voters in Texas aligned with the national trend, 92 percent supporting Obama and 3 percent supporting McCain. Just 5 percent of black voters said they were undecided.
Cereal company targets Latinos with healthy eating campaign
General Mills, Inc. Launches One-Of-A-Kind Grassroots Health and Nutrition Initiative Designed to Help Hispanic Families Eat Better
Bell Institute of Health and Nutrition, Latino Nutrition Coalition are Partners in Endeavor
Market Watch
MINNEAPOLIS, Oct 30, 2008 /PRNewswire via COMTEX/ -- General Mills, Inc. (GMI), today announced the launch of a unique, three-year, grassroots program especially developed to encourage Hispanic families and children to share tasty, healthy and nutritious food as part of their daily routine. Called Mente Sana en Cuerpo Sano (Sound Body, Sound Mind), it involves a 10-session curriculum created by The Bell Institute of Health and Nutrition.
The community-relations initiative was developed in conjunction with the Boston-based Latino Nutrition Coalition, part of Oldways, and General Mills' Bell Institute of Health and Nutrition. It is being spearheaded by the company's Hispanic marketing platform, Que Rica Vida. Together, they have created practical, culturally-relevant materials in Spanish and English, designed to show Hispanics how to combine the best of their healthy food traditions with the realities of modern American life. The program will be launched this month by 14 community-based organizations (CBOs) throughout Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles and Northern California.
"As far as we're aware, Mente Sana en Cuerpo Sano is a one-of-a-kind, comprehensive Health and Nutrition program especially tailored for the Latino community," noted General Mills' Community Relations Manager, Kimberley Bow Sundy. "We are thrilled to be partnering with numerous CBOs, most of which are affiliated to the National Council of La Raza, which General Mills has been supporting over the past 25-years."
Last month, the Mente Sana en Cuerpo Sano partner CBO representatives were invited to an all-expense paid Train the Trainer session at GMI's corporate headquarters in Minneapolis, where they were taught the program fundamentals over a three-day period; they in turn, will implement the initiative in their respective communities, with the aim of reaching 10,000 individuals in the first year of the program's three-year initiative.
The Mente Sana en Cuerpo Sano program has been developed as a 10-session course, each of which presents either 30-minute or 60-minute curriculum options for instructors. The lessons include sessions called: How to Be a Better Grocery Shopper; Get Heart Healthy; The Skinny on Breakfast; and, Feeling Good Inside and Out - Digestive Health. As a part of the curriculum, participants will additionally receive copies of The Traditional Healthy Latin American Pyramid and Camino Magico booklets, which are distributed by the LNC.
"General Mills' Nourishing Lives initiative has favorably impacted the lives of thousands of consumers; we're also delighted to be breaking new ground on that front with the Latino community, which currently faces numerous health challenges as a direct consequence of their eating habits," said GMI Multicultural Marketing Director Rudy Rodriguez. "At General Mills, we're committed to developing this Latino targeted program as a best practice initiative, and to empowering the Hispanic community with valuable and practical information to positively affect the daily lives of their families; this is a natural extension of our Que Rica Vida mission."
The MSCS program additionally features a series of healthy and nutritious recipes especially developed by General Mills Executive Chef and Senior Test Kitchen Expert Adriana Amione, who is also the founder of the Hispanic Kitchen within General Mills' iconic Betty Crocker Kitchens, and its Latin face since 2004.
About Que Rica Vida
Now in its third year, the Que Rica Vida initiative is an important resource designed to provide Latina moms with culturally relevant lifestyle information and expert advice on Education, Holiday Occasions, Health & Wellness and Family - issues of great importance to Hispanic families in America. The program was developed by General Mills to help the Hispanic mother succeed in creating a healthier, easier, richer life for her and her family. The cornerstone of the Que Rica Vida initiative is its free quarterly lifestyle magazine and website of the same name, www.quericavida.com
Bell Institute of Health and Nutrition, Latino Nutrition Coalition are Partners in Endeavor
Market Watch
MINNEAPOLIS, Oct 30, 2008 /PRNewswire via COMTEX/ -- General Mills, Inc. (GMI), today announced the launch of a unique, three-year, grassroots program especially developed to encourage Hispanic families and children to share tasty, healthy and nutritious food as part of their daily routine. Called Mente Sana en Cuerpo Sano (Sound Body, Sound Mind), it involves a 10-session curriculum created by The Bell Institute of Health and Nutrition.
The community-relations initiative was developed in conjunction with the Boston-based Latino Nutrition Coalition, part of Oldways, and General Mills' Bell Institute of Health and Nutrition. It is being spearheaded by the company's Hispanic marketing platform, Que Rica Vida. Together, they have created practical, culturally-relevant materials in Spanish and English, designed to show Hispanics how to combine the best of their healthy food traditions with the realities of modern American life. The program will be launched this month by 14 community-based organizations (CBOs) throughout Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles and Northern California.
"As far as we're aware, Mente Sana en Cuerpo Sano is a one-of-a-kind, comprehensive Health and Nutrition program especially tailored for the Latino community," noted General Mills' Community Relations Manager, Kimberley Bow Sundy. "We are thrilled to be partnering with numerous CBOs, most of which are affiliated to the National Council of La Raza, which General Mills has been supporting over the past 25-years."
Last month, the Mente Sana en Cuerpo Sano partner CBO representatives were invited to an all-expense paid Train the Trainer session at GMI's corporate headquarters in Minneapolis, where they were taught the program fundamentals over a three-day period; they in turn, will implement the initiative in their respective communities, with the aim of reaching 10,000 individuals in the first year of the program's three-year initiative.
The Mente Sana en Cuerpo Sano program has been developed as a 10-session course, each of which presents either 30-minute or 60-minute curriculum options for instructors. The lessons include sessions called: How to Be a Better Grocery Shopper; Get Heart Healthy; The Skinny on Breakfast; and, Feeling Good Inside and Out - Digestive Health. As a part of the curriculum, participants will additionally receive copies of The Traditional Healthy Latin American Pyramid and Camino Magico booklets, which are distributed by the LNC.
"General Mills' Nourishing Lives initiative has favorably impacted the lives of thousands of consumers; we're also delighted to be breaking new ground on that front with the Latino community, which currently faces numerous health challenges as a direct consequence of their eating habits," said GMI Multicultural Marketing Director Rudy Rodriguez. "At General Mills, we're committed to developing this Latino targeted program as a best practice initiative, and to empowering the Hispanic community with valuable and practical information to positively affect the daily lives of their families; this is a natural extension of our Que Rica Vida mission."
The MSCS program additionally features a series of healthy and nutritious recipes especially developed by General Mills Executive Chef and Senior Test Kitchen Expert Adriana Amione, who is also the founder of the Hispanic Kitchen within General Mills' iconic Betty Crocker Kitchens, and its Latin face since 2004.
About Que Rica Vida
Now in its third year, the Que Rica Vida initiative is an important resource designed to provide Latina moms with culturally relevant lifestyle information and expert advice on Education, Holiday Occasions, Health & Wellness and Family - issues of great importance to Hispanic families in America. The program was developed by General Mills to help the Hispanic mother succeed in creating a healthier, easier, richer life for her and her family. The cornerstone of the Que Rica Vida initiative is its free quarterly lifestyle magazine and website of the same name, www.quericavida.com
Hispanics feel targeted by police
Latino group will demonstrate at Gaylord City Hall
Gaylord Hub October 30th, 2008
A demonstration targeting a Gaylord Police Department officer is scheduled to be held in front of City Hall on Thursday.
Centro Campesino Inc. announced that it will conduct a “public-peaceful” demonstration targeting the law enforcement tactics of officer Eric Boon. According to Centro Campesino, Latinos in the City of Gaylord feel they have been targeted by the officer.
A similar demonstration was held by this group last month. Following an investigation, the City of Gaylord reported that the complaints against Boon were found to be unsubstantiated.
Centro Campesino is a migrant farm worker and rural Latino membership organization started in 1998
Gaylord Hub October 30th, 2008
A demonstration targeting a Gaylord Police Department officer is scheduled to be held in front of City Hall on Thursday.
Centro Campesino Inc. announced that it will conduct a “public-peaceful” demonstration targeting the law enforcement tactics of officer Eric Boon. According to Centro Campesino, Latinos in the City of Gaylord feel they have been targeted by the officer.
A similar demonstration was held by this group last month. Following an investigation, the City of Gaylord reported that the complaints against Boon were found to be unsubstantiated.
Centro Campesino is a migrant farm worker and rural Latino membership organization started in 1998
Thursday, October 30, 2008
Hispanic voters shift Washington state's political scape
As Wash state's population shifts, so do politics
By MANUEL VALDES ASSOCIATED PRESS WRITER
SEATTLE -- Even though his chances of winning are slim, 22-year-old Christopher Ramirez is running for a seat in the state Legislature to represent a part of Yakima County.
Ramirez is challenging a better-known Republican incumbent who has more money, but the young law student said that just running for office is an important step for the growing Hispanic community. It needs to realize, Ramirez said, that involvement in politics is possible - if not, the outlook is not pretty.
"We'll continue to be marginalized," Ramirez said.
Ramirez's run for office underlines one of the many shifts - some more gradual than others- in the state's population since the last election.
Washington is now more Hispanic than it has ever been. The state is getting older, with its median age increasing from 35.7 to 36.3 between 2004 and 2008. Following national trends, residents 65 years old and over are growing in number, and so is the number of kids moving into the K-12 school system, according to state estimates.
Migration from other states has waned since 2004, but still brings tens of thousands of people, with the majority from California.
The state's population now stands at 6.6 million, up about 400,000 from four years ago, according to the state Office of Financial Management.
Todd Donovan, a political scientist at Western Washington University, says population changes usually take time to be reflected in the way people vote.
But one of the most striking shifts since 2004 is the solidification of Hispanics' rank as the state's largest minority. Hispanics grew from about 517,000 in 2004 to an estimated 614,000 this year, according to state figures.
Their political clout, though, does not reflect power in numbers.
Asians and African Americans, the second- and third-largest minority groups, have had a bigger impact on politics, be it at the governor's mansion or at the mayor's office in Seattle.
In the Legislature, there are only a few Hispanic lawmakers, and the number may shrink after the election. Rep. Mary Skinner, R-Yakima, retired this year. One of the candidates to replace her - Democrat Vickie Ybarra - is Hispanic, but the race remains close.
Rep. Jamie Herrera, R-Ridgefield, also is up for re-election.
"I think that we'll probably see some gains from 2004 to 2008, in regards to people that register and the people who turn out," said Uriel Iñiguez, executive director of the state Commission on Hispanic Affairs. "This election has been very exciting for everyone. But every election, it's 'the Latino vote, the Latino vote,' and every time is not as high as we'd wanted to be."
Unlike other parts of the country where the Hispanic migration started decades or even centuries ago, the majority of Washington's Hispanics arrived relatively recently, with the biggest increase in the last 20 years.
More than 246,000 of the nearly 611,000 Hispanics in the state are foreign-born, according to U.S. Census Bureau estimates.
It's unclear how many of the foreign-born Hispanics are naturalized citizens, permanent residents or in the country illegally.
But their American children are now getting to be old enough to be politically involved - and to vote.
"We're coming of age with the community," Ramirez said. "Increasingly, we're seeing young Hispanics interested in the community. The outcome of the elections in the past has not been affected by Latino voting. The only way to do that is to get participation."
According to a 2007 study by University of Washington political science professor Matt Barreto, 3 percent of all registered voters in Washington were Latino. But his own research found that nearly half of the voting age Latino citizens eligible to vote are registered.
"The data shows, (Hispanics) have a below-average number of voter registrations, the ones eligible are not registering at a similar rate than other minorities," Barreto said.
Some organizations have begun to lay the ground work for more participation, Barreto said.
For Barreto, Hispanics represent a voting bloc that has not been tapped by Republicans or Democrats. He argues that even if the section of the Hispanic population that can't vote is removed, there are still plenty of voters left.
The parties "don't realize it's a two-way street, if you don't feel like you've been invited to the party, you don't feel like showing up," Barreto said.
The immigration debate that dominated politics in 2006 was a rallying a point for many Hispanics, Barreto said. He said Republican opinions on that debate turned many away from the GOP.
"As the Latino population grows, and becomes registered, you'll see Democrats do better," Barreto said. "Ultimately, Yakima County could become a Democratic county."
By MANUEL VALDES ASSOCIATED PRESS WRITER
SEATTLE -- Even though his chances of winning are slim, 22-year-old Christopher Ramirez is running for a seat in the state Legislature to represent a part of Yakima County.
Ramirez is challenging a better-known Republican incumbent who has more money, but the young law student said that just running for office is an important step for the growing Hispanic community. It needs to realize, Ramirez said, that involvement in politics is possible - if not, the outlook is not pretty.
"We'll continue to be marginalized," Ramirez said.
Ramirez's run for office underlines one of the many shifts - some more gradual than others- in the state's population since the last election.
Washington is now more Hispanic than it has ever been. The state is getting older, with its median age increasing from 35.7 to 36.3 between 2004 and 2008. Following national trends, residents 65 years old and over are growing in number, and so is the number of kids moving into the K-12 school system, according to state estimates.
Migration from other states has waned since 2004, but still brings tens of thousands of people, with the majority from California.
The state's population now stands at 6.6 million, up about 400,000 from four years ago, according to the state Office of Financial Management.
Todd Donovan, a political scientist at Western Washington University, says population changes usually take time to be reflected in the way people vote.
But one of the most striking shifts since 2004 is the solidification of Hispanics' rank as the state's largest minority. Hispanics grew from about 517,000 in 2004 to an estimated 614,000 this year, according to state figures.
Their political clout, though, does not reflect power in numbers.
Asians and African Americans, the second- and third-largest minority groups, have had a bigger impact on politics, be it at the governor's mansion or at the mayor's office in Seattle.
In the Legislature, there are only a few Hispanic lawmakers, and the number may shrink after the election. Rep. Mary Skinner, R-Yakima, retired this year. One of the candidates to replace her - Democrat Vickie Ybarra - is Hispanic, but the race remains close.
Rep. Jamie Herrera, R-Ridgefield, also is up for re-election.
"I think that we'll probably see some gains from 2004 to 2008, in regards to people that register and the people who turn out," said Uriel Iñiguez, executive director of the state Commission on Hispanic Affairs. "This election has been very exciting for everyone. But every election, it's 'the Latino vote, the Latino vote,' and every time is not as high as we'd wanted to be."
Unlike other parts of the country where the Hispanic migration started decades or even centuries ago, the majority of Washington's Hispanics arrived relatively recently, with the biggest increase in the last 20 years.
More than 246,000 of the nearly 611,000 Hispanics in the state are foreign-born, according to U.S. Census Bureau estimates.
It's unclear how many of the foreign-born Hispanics are naturalized citizens, permanent residents or in the country illegally.
But their American children are now getting to be old enough to be politically involved - and to vote.
"We're coming of age with the community," Ramirez said. "Increasingly, we're seeing young Hispanics interested in the community. The outcome of the elections in the past has not been affected by Latino voting. The only way to do that is to get participation."
According to a 2007 study by University of Washington political science professor Matt Barreto, 3 percent of all registered voters in Washington were Latino. But his own research found that nearly half of the voting age Latino citizens eligible to vote are registered.
"The data shows, (Hispanics) have a below-average number of voter registrations, the ones eligible are not registering at a similar rate than other minorities," Barreto said.
Some organizations have begun to lay the ground work for more participation, Barreto said.
For Barreto, Hispanics represent a voting bloc that has not been tapped by Republicans or Democrats. He argues that even if the section of the Hispanic population that can't vote is removed, there are still plenty of voters left.
The parties "don't realize it's a two-way street, if you don't feel like you've been invited to the party, you don't feel like showing up," Barreto said.
The immigration debate that dominated politics in 2006 was a rallying a point for many Hispanics, Barreto said. He said Republican opinions on that debate turned many away from the GOP.
"As the Latino population grows, and becomes registered, you'll see Democrats do better," Barreto said. "Ultimately, Yakima County could become a Democratic county."
Missouri educators learn of Hispanic parent involvement
Number of Hispanic students on the rise
By Tonyi Crandell BDN Staff Writer tcrandell@bransondailynews.com
The number of Hispanic children attending Branson and Hollister schools has nearly doubled in the last few years with no sign of slowing down.
In 2003, 49 Hispanic children were enrolled at Hollister Public Schools. As of this month, that number has increased to 85. Hispanic enrollment at Branson schools stands at 353.
Branson educators agree that continual communication with parents and family members of Hispanic students is important.
“We don’t offer bilingual instruction,” said Bradly Allen, director of federal programs for Branson schools. “However, we do offer bilingual support. We are reaching out to the Hispanic community and providing Spanish-speaking families with documents in their native language for better communication.”
Branson schools have translators at parent teacher conferences and currently have two bilingual paraprofessionals.
“The paraprofessional communicates with Spanish-speaking parents, usually on a daily basis,” Allen said. “We feel this communication is critical.”
In November 2007, there were 30,442 Hispanic students enrolled in Missouri public schools. There were 20,265 in 2003, according to the Missouri Department of Elementary and Secondary Education. Local educators and school counselors say they are doing their best to help provide the language and tutoring services needed, although some of the children do not need the additional help.
“We have English as a Second Language Coordinator and teacher Angel Wolf, and her job is to work with students who did not learn to speak English as a first language,” Hollister Elementary School Counselor Julie Mingus said. “She works in all of the buildings in the district, and works closely with the classroom teachers in helping the students have the services they need.”
English-as-a-second-language classes, also known as ESL, help students of all languages learn to communicate in English, but Wolf said that she mostly helps Spanish-speaking children meet their goal of learning English.
“I have classes district-wide in K-12, and I am servicing about 25 Hispanic students right now and another 25 students are on monitoring in case they need help,” Wolf said. “I teach the ESL class in the middle and high schools. This is where students learn English grammar and reading. Most of the students are Hispanic, so we speak both languages to help them learn English. We also have support work with the students in other classes. Usually, the students need help because of the language barrier.”
Wolf also said that although she has been working with some Spanish-speaking families for more than seven years, trust is always an issue.
“I translate information to Spanish-speaking parents and contact them every week,” said Wolf. “I’m there for them and this is about trust. The parents want to do everything they can to help their children succeed, so they are very cooperative. I feel like they really trust me. I really feel Hollister has a good program for Hispanic students.”
By Tonyi Crandell BDN Staff Writer tcrandell@bransondailynews.com
The number of Hispanic children attending Branson and Hollister schools has nearly doubled in the last few years with no sign of slowing down.
In 2003, 49 Hispanic children were enrolled at Hollister Public Schools. As of this month, that number has increased to 85. Hispanic enrollment at Branson schools stands at 353.
Branson educators agree that continual communication with parents and family members of Hispanic students is important.
“We don’t offer bilingual instruction,” said Bradly Allen, director of federal programs for Branson schools. “However, we do offer bilingual support. We are reaching out to the Hispanic community and providing Spanish-speaking families with documents in their native language for better communication.”
Branson schools have translators at parent teacher conferences and currently have two bilingual paraprofessionals.
“The paraprofessional communicates with Spanish-speaking parents, usually on a daily basis,” Allen said. “We feel this communication is critical.”
In November 2007, there were 30,442 Hispanic students enrolled in Missouri public schools. There were 20,265 in 2003, according to the Missouri Department of Elementary and Secondary Education. Local educators and school counselors say they are doing their best to help provide the language and tutoring services needed, although some of the children do not need the additional help.
“We have English as a Second Language Coordinator and teacher Angel Wolf, and her job is to work with students who did not learn to speak English as a first language,” Hollister Elementary School Counselor Julie Mingus said. “She works in all of the buildings in the district, and works closely with the classroom teachers in helping the students have the services they need.”
English-as-a-second-language classes, also known as ESL, help students of all languages learn to communicate in English, but Wolf said that she mostly helps Spanish-speaking children meet their goal of learning English.
“I have classes district-wide in K-12, and I am servicing about 25 Hispanic students right now and another 25 students are on monitoring in case they need help,” Wolf said. “I teach the ESL class in the middle and high schools. This is where students learn English grammar and reading. Most of the students are Hispanic, so we speak both languages to help them learn English. We also have support work with the students in other classes. Usually, the students need help because of the language barrier.”
Wolf also said that although she has been working with some Spanish-speaking families for more than seven years, trust is always an issue.
“I translate information to Spanish-speaking parents and contact them every week,” said Wolf. “I’m there for them and this is about trust. The parents want to do everything they can to help their children succeed, so they are very cooperative. I feel like they really trust me. I really feel Hollister has a good program for Hispanic students.”
Hispanic voters concentrated in non-targeted states
Myth of the Latino vote
By ALONZO YANEZ, Hispanic Link News Service
Aside from passionate political discussions, populist promises and negative campaigns that flirt with libel, presidential elections also have the peculiarity of rediscovering forgotten groups of voters every four years.
Since the number of Hispanics began to increase rapidly in the 1980s, candidates to any elected government position, as well as the news media, started to speculate about the importance of the Latino vote and paid more attention to that electorate.
The myth that the Latino vote is decisive in presidential elections was born.
"(The Latino vote) is completely irrelevant," says Rodolfo de la Garza, a political science professor at Columbia University and vice president-research with the Los Angeles-based Tomas Rivera Policy Institute. "The myth was created by Latino leaders who wanted to convince politicians nationally about how important Latinos were.
"They believed that would make themselves and the Latino more important," he adds. "It was well-intentioned. It was also self-aggrandizing."
Although the Hispanic population has increased from 14 million in 1980 to more than 46 million in 2008, and has gained more political representation at the local and state levels, the Latino vote is still far from being decisive at the national level.
For de la Garza, a low voter turnout and the concentration of Latinos in states that are not competitive, such as California, Illinois, New York or Texas, cause the Latino vote to be less crucial than expected. While 58 percent of the nation's Latinos live in those four states, the Hispanic voter turnout stayed at 47 percent in 2000 and 2004, according to the Census Bureau.
Louis DeSipio, a political science professor at the University of California-Irvine, also considers the Latino vote irrelevant because, he claims, it will not determine victory in any major state or in the Electoral College.
"It reflects ignorance on the part of the media, because it lets them make a story where there isn't one," says DeSipio. "And it's reinforced by campaigns that very tactically want to tell the story about doing well with Latinos here and there."
Both de la Garza and DeSipio remember they began to see stories in the 1980s about how crucial the Latino vote would be. They think that the process of "mythification'' was produced and reinforced by different sectors: the news media, the two dominant political parties and some Latino leaders.
Some in academia, however, don't think it's a myth to say the Latino vote is decisive in presidential elections. Matt Barreto, political science professor at the University of Washington, acknowledges that the Latino electorate in states such as California, Texas or New York will not be decisive because the political inclination is already defined there, but points out that, in that context, the white or black vote will also be irrelevant in the majority of states.
"The states that do matter -- Florida, New Mexico, Colorado and Nevada -- are on almost every list of battleground states, of the states that will cause the election to swing one way or the other, and they all have a very significant Latino population," says Barreto.
While the Latino population's increase has been significant in recent decades, Latinos are not sufficiently involved politically. The majority of them are young, less educated and have a smaller income, according to de la Garza. He says, however, there is another way of thinking about their importance:
"Latinos have changed the tone of American elections. They have created a more sophisticated electorate because they're perceived to be culturally and politically distinct, even if they're not. So it's deliberate and desirable for candidates to speak another language, for a candidate to be cognizant of another language.
"We change the context of the election, but not necessarily influence the outcome of the election," he concludes.
(Alonso Yanez is a contributing columnist with Hispanic Link News Service. E-mail him at alonsoyanez420@gmail.com)
By ALONZO YANEZ, Hispanic Link News Service
Aside from passionate political discussions, populist promises and negative campaigns that flirt with libel, presidential elections also have the peculiarity of rediscovering forgotten groups of voters every four years.
Since the number of Hispanics began to increase rapidly in the 1980s, candidates to any elected government position, as well as the news media, started to speculate about the importance of the Latino vote and paid more attention to that electorate.
The myth that the Latino vote is decisive in presidential elections was born.
"(The Latino vote) is completely irrelevant," says Rodolfo de la Garza, a political science professor at Columbia University and vice president-research with the Los Angeles-based Tomas Rivera Policy Institute. "The myth was created by Latino leaders who wanted to convince politicians nationally about how important Latinos were.
"They believed that would make themselves and the Latino more important," he adds. "It was well-intentioned. It was also self-aggrandizing."
Although the Hispanic population has increased from 14 million in 1980 to more than 46 million in 2008, and has gained more political representation at the local and state levels, the Latino vote is still far from being decisive at the national level.
For de la Garza, a low voter turnout and the concentration of Latinos in states that are not competitive, such as California, Illinois, New York or Texas, cause the Latino vote to be less crucial than expected. While 58 percent of the nation's Latinos live in those four states, the Hispanic voter turnout stayed at 47 percent in 2000 and 2004, according to the Census Bureau.
Louis DeSipio, a political science professor at the University of California-Irvine, also considers the Latino vote irrelevant because, he claims, it will not determine victory in any major state or in the Electoral College.
"It reflects ignorance on the part of the media, because it lets them make a story where there isn't one," says DeSipio. "And it's reinforced by campaigns that very tactically want to tell the story about doing well with Latinos here and there."
Both de la Garza and DeSipio remember they began to see stories in the 1980s about how crucial the Latino vote would be. They think that the process of "mythification'' was produced and reinforced by different sectors: the news media, the two dominant political parties and some Latino leaders.
Some in academia, however, don't think it's a myth to say the Latino vote is decisive in presidential elections. Matt Barreto, political science professor at the University of Washington, acknowledges that the Latino electorate in states such as California, Texas or New York will not be decisive because the political inclination is already defined there, but points out that, in that context, the white or black vote will also be irrelevant in the majority of states.
"The states that do matter -- Florida, New Mexico, Colorado and Nevada -- are on almost every list of battleground states, of the states that will cause the election to swing one way or the other, and they all have a very significant Latino population," says Barreto.
While the Latino population's increase has been significant in recent decades, Latinos are not sufficiently involved politically. The majority of them are young, less educated and have a smaller income, according to de la Garza. He says, however, there is another way of thinking about their importance:
"Latinos have changed the tone of American elections. They have created a more sophisticated electorate because they're perceived to be culturally and politically distinct, even if they're not. So it's deliberate and desirable for candidates to speak another language, for a candidate to be cognizant of another language.
"We change the context of the election, but not necessarily influence the outcome of the election," he concludes.
(Alonso Yanez is a contributing columnist with Hispanic Link News Service. E-mail him at alonsoyanez420@gmail.com)
Connecticut sees huge increase in Latino voter registrations
More than 21,000 latinos become newly registered voters during ¡Tu Voto SI Cuenta! campaign
By Secretary of the State's Office
Secretary of the State Declares Unprecedented Statewide Effort to Provide Voter Education to Latinos a Smashing Success
Secretary of the State Susan Bysiewicz today successfully concluded the first-of-its-kind statewide effort to increase Latino voter registration in Connecticut, showing that since the launch of the 2008 “¡Tu Voto Si Cuenta!” campaign on June 10th, more than 21,000 Latinos became newly registered voters. With the message in Spanish that “Your Vote DOES Count,” the campaign’s goal was to register 10,000 new Latino voters in Connecticut by the October 28th deadline. The campaign more than doubled its goal for the year.
“This is a historic year for Latino voter participation in Connecticut,” said Bysiewicz. “We have succeeded in the ¡Tu Voto Si Cuenta! campaign beyond anyone’s wildest expectations. It is clear that nationally, Latinos are key swing voters in the Presidential election. And it’s my sincere hope that this campaign to register and educate voters about the importance and the ease of casting a ballot will permanently increase civic participation within the Latino community.”
Bysiewicz added, “I am so proud of all the work done by my office and our partners in this effort, especially the volunteers who gave their time in towns and cities across this state and went knocking door-to-door, talking to their neighbors about voting and organized community events and festivals where Latinos could register to vote.”
Secretary Bysiewicz partnered in the “¡Tu Voto Si Cuenta!” campaign with The Latino and Puerto Rican Affairs Commission, which helped to establish volunteer committees in Bridgeport, Danbury, Hartford, Meriden, New Britain, New Haven, New London, Wallingford, Waterbury, and Willimantic.
Results of the campaign showed that a total of 21,570 Latinos became newly registered voters since the ¡Tu Voto Si Cuenta! campaign was launched on June 10th.
There were also communities such as West Haven, West Hartford, Norwich, New London, Hamden and Bristol that each registered more than 300 new Latino voters during the campaign.
“As Connecticut’s top elections official, I have always viewed one of my chief missions as encouraging more participation in the political process,” said Secretary Bysiewicz. “Today I am saying to the more than 125,000 registered Latino voters in Connecticut: your vote does count! Now that you have registered, get out there and vote on November 4th. Latinos are the largest and fastest growing ethnic group in our state and I believe we have an obligation to open the doors of democracy to everyone who is eligible to vote.”
Bysiewicz’s office estimates that about half of the eligible Latino voters in Connecticut are registered to vote. Nationally, it is estimated that nearly 18 million Latinos are eligible to vote, but only 47% of those eligible voted in the 2004 Presidential election. Latinos are an important voting bloc in the Presidential election, in key swing states like Ohio, Florida, New Mexico and Nevada.
The non-partisan “¡Tu Voto Si Cuenta!” mounted an aggressive media campaign(radio, print, and television) targeting the Spanish speaking market to encourage voter participation but also provide significant voter education on how to use paper ballots with the new optical scan voting technology, as well as information on voter rights and proper forms of identification for registering and voting.
“This unique partnership has afforded us a unique opportunity to not just organize the Latino community and educate them on their voting rights,” said Carlos Alvarez, Chairman of the Latino and Puerto Rican Affairs Commission, “but to create a long-term movement towards the civic engagement of Latinos that will yield tangible results in terms of our political representation in civil society.”
To that end, Secretary of the State Susan Bysiewicz office set up an official website to coordinate the “¡Tu Voto Si Cuenta!” campaign. The official website is www.tuvotosicuenta.com
Joining Secretary Bysiewicz and the Latino and Puerto Rican Affairs commission in the effort to educate and register Latino voters are several national Latino organizations that provided staff and technical assistance:
The United States Hispanic Leadership Institute
http://www.ushli.org/
The Hispanic Federation
http://www.hispanicfederation.org/
The NALEO Education Fund
http://www.naleo.org/
Democracia U.S.A.
http://democraciausa.org/
By Secretary of the State's Office
Secretary of the State Declares Unprecedented Statewide Effort to Provide Voter Education to Latinos a Smashing Success
Secretary of the State Susan Bysiewicz today successfully concluded the first-of-its-kind statewide effort to increase Latino voter registration in Connecticut, showing that since the launch of the 2008 “¡Tu Voto Si Cuenta!” campaign on June 10th, more than 21,000 Latinos became newly registered voters. With the message in Spanish that “Your Vote DOES Count,” the campaign’s goal was to register 10,000 new Latino voters in Connecticut by the October 28th deadline. The campaign more than doubled its goal for the year.
“This is a historic year for Latino voter participation in Connecticut,” said Bysiewicz. “We have succeeded in the ¡Tu Voto Si Cuenta! campaign beyond anyone’s wildest expectations. It is clear that nationally, Latinos are key swing voters in the Presidential election. And it’s my sincere hope that this campaign to register and educate voters about the importance and the ease of casting a ballot will permanently increase civic participation within the Latino community.”
Bysiewicz added, “I am so proud of all the work done by my office and our partners in this effort, especially the volunteers who gave their time in towns and cities across this state and went knocking door-to-door, talking to their neighbors about voting and organized community events and festivals where Latinos could register to vote.”
Secretary Bysiewicz partnered in the “¡Tu Voto Si Cuenta!” campaign with The Latino and Puerto Rican Affairs Commission, which helped to establish volunteer committees in Bridgeport, Danbury, Hartford, Meriden, New Britain, New Haven, New London, Wallingford, Waterbury, and Willimantic.
Results of the campaign showed that a total of 21,570 Latinos became newly registered voters since the ¡Tu Voto Si Cuenta! campaign was launched on June 10th.
There were also communities such as West Haven, West Hartford, Norwich, New London, Hamden and Bristol that each registered more than 300 new Latino voters during the campaign.
“As Connecticut’s top elections official, I have always viewed one of my chief missions as encouraging more participation in the political process,” said Secretary Bysiewicz. “Today I am saying to the more than 125,000 registered Latino voters in Connecticut: your vote does count! Now that you have registered, get out there and vote on November 4th. Latinos are the largest and fastest growing ethnic group in our state and I believe we have an obligation to open the doors of democracy to everyone who is eligible to vote.”
Bysiewicz’s office estimates that about half of the eligible Latino voters in Connecticut are registered to vote. Nationally, it is estimated that nearly 18 million Latinos are eligible to vote, but only 47% of those eligible voted in the 2004 Presidential election. Latinos are an important voting bloc in the Presidential election, in key swing states like Ohio, Florida, New Mexico and Nevada.
The non-partisan “¡Tu Voto Si Cuenta!” mounted an aggressive media campaign(radio, print, and television) targeting the Spanish speaking market to encourage voter participation but also provide significant voter education on how to use paper ballots with the new optical scan voting technology, as well as information on voter rights and proper forms of identification for registering and voting.
“This unique partnership has afforded us a unique opportunity to not just organize the Latino community and educate them on their voting rights,” said Carlos Alvarez, Chairman of the Latino and Puerto Rican Affairs Commission, “but to create a long-term movement towards the civic engagement of Latinos that will yield tangible results in terms of our political representation in civil society.”
To that end, Secretary of the State Susan Bysiewicz office set up an official website to coordinate the “¡Tu Voto Si Cuenta!” campaign. The official website is www.tuvotosicuenta.com
Joining Secretary Bysiewicz and the Latino and Puerto Rican Affairs commission in the effort to educate and register Latino voters are several national Latino organizations that provided staff and technical assistance:
The United States Hispanic Leadership Institute
http://www.ushli.org/
The Hispanic Federation
http://www.hispanicfederation.org/
The NALEO Education Fund
http://www.naleo.org/
Democracia U.S.A.
http://democraciausa.org/
Over 11 million Hispanic voter expected to turn out
Eyes on the Hispanic Electorate
American Society
A Migration Information Source analysis by Pew Hispanic Center experts takes a look at the strategic importance of Hispanic voters in the November 4 presidential election. Although Latino voters make up just 9 percent of the electorate, their presence in swing states such as Florida, Colorado, New Mexico, and Nevada make their votes a sought-after prize for candidates.
Hispanic Business features an interview with Southwest Voter Registration Education Project Director Antonio Gonzalez, who predicts that more than 11 million Hispanic voters will turn out to vote compared to 9.3 million in 2004.
While papers and pundits have taken a look how Senators Barack Obama and John McCain reach out to Hispanic voters, the Latin Americanist blog offers a blast from the past: A campaign commercial from nearly five decades ago in which Jackie Kennedy speaks in Spanish, urging Hispanic voters to vote for her husband.
Read previous Weekly Roundup coverage of the Hispanic vote's importance in the 2008 elections.
American Society
A Migration Information Source analysis by Pew Hispanic Center experts takes a look at the strategic importance of Hispanic voters in the November 4 presidential election. Although Latino voters make up just 9 percent of the electorate, their presence in swing states such as Florida, Colorado, New Mexico, and Nevada make their votes a sought-after prize for candidates.
Hispanic Business features an interview with Southwest Voter Registration Education Project Director Antonio Gonzalez, who predicts that more than 11 million Hispanic voters will turn out to vote compared to 9.3 million in 2004.
While papers and pundits have taken a look how Senators Barack Obama and John McCain reach out to Hispanic voters, the Latin Americanist blog offers a blast from the past: A campaign commercial from nearly five decades ago in which Jackie Kennedy speaks in Spanish, urging Hispanic voters to vote for her husband.
Read previous Weekly Roundup coverage of the Hispanic vote's importance in the 2008 elections.
Connecticut Latinos work to better education and health
Latino Philanthropy Gains
by Allan Appel | October 29, 2008
Tuesday evening was the first time that New Haven’s Progreso Latino Fund (PLF) and Hartford’s Latino Endowment Fund collaborated on an event. Billed as “Latinos in Philanthropy: A Community’s Coming of Age,” the forum drew more than 200 people to a reception at the Knights of Columbus Museum. The turnout and its range thrilled Frances Padilla, one of the founders of the PLF.
“There are 250,000 Latinos dispersed all over Connecticut,” Padilla said. “And although we’re in different places tonight there’s a cross-section of all these people from all over the state. We’ve broken geographical barriers. That’s good because we’re all working on the same issues — like education for our kids and affordable housing and health care.”
Luz Gonzales runs Camp Meechumak, a summer sleepover haven for about 80 kids who are from families affected by HIV/AIDS, and she’s a beneficiary of PLF funding. The agency she runs throughout the year in New Haven, Hispanos Unidos, is a substance abuse and mental health organization. Like most Latino organizations, is heavily dependent on grant-to-grant funding, often from government.
Enter the evening’s speaker Dr. Pablo Rodriguez, an early champion of AIDS clients in Rhode Island, community leader, and an advocate of more vigorous and professionalized Latino fundraising. “When Reagan cut the money that was lavished during the War on Poverty,” he said, “everyone went scrambling, and we followed the money, not the mission.”
He praised the magnanimous spirit of giving among Latinos: $67 billion a year, he said, is sent to home countries, for example, a lot of it to build schools and clinics. That’s not even formally counted as philanthropy. Also, more than 40 percent is sent to the church.
For private, modern Latino philanthropies to flourish, especially as a hedge against the vagaries of government funding, Rodriguez urged his colleagues not only to give more but to join boards.
“Currently, nationally, there are .05 percent Latinos on boards. And when I left one, it probably went down by half. We Latinos also don’t value development officers. We need to take our energy,” he said, “and change those things as we re-invent Latino philanthropy.”
The power of philanthropy, he added, is that it can fund research and then that helps frame and even set policy.
Both Connecticut endowment funds use their income to fund organizations serving Latino needs in New Haven and Hartford respectively. The PLF was founded by Frances and John Padilla and others and is administered through the Greater New Haven Community Foundation. The Latino Endowment Fund similarly is administered through the Hartford Foundation for Public Giving (HFPG). Both were established around 2003. They each have upwards of $100,000 in endowed funds, from some 60 or so donors each.
Padilla announced at the evening’s end that an anonymous donor just made a $10,000 gift to the PLF. That’s one of the largest, if not the largest, gifts the PLF has ever received. Whatever you give to the fund will be matched up to a total of $10,000. For more info visit this website or call Angel Fernandez-Chevero at 203-777-7072.
In addition to the two foundations, the forum was sponsored and organized by Arte, the Fair Haven-based Latino arts organization, whose founders Danny Diaz and Dave Greco were principals in organizing the evening.
Other beneficiaries of Arte and the PLF include clarinetist Maria Polvo and trumpeter Kimberly Revolorio and other members of the John Daniels School band, who entertained the philanthropists between speeches.
by Allan Appel | October 29, 2008
Tuesday evening was the first time that New Haven’s Progreso Latino Fund (PLF) and Hartford’s Latino Endowment Fund collaborated on an event. Billed as “Latinos in Philanthropy: A Community’s Coming of Age,” the forum drew more than 200 people to a reception at the Knights of Columbus Museum. The turnout and its range thrilled Frances Padilla, one of the founders of the PLF.
“There are 250,000 Latinos dispersed all over Connecticut,” Padilla said. “And although we’re in different places tonight there’s a cross-section of all these people from all over the state. We’ve broken geographical barriers. That’s good because we’re all working on the same issues — like education for our kids and affordable housing and health care.”
Luz Gonzales runs Camp Meechumak, a summer sleepover haven for about 80 kids who are from families affected by HIV/AIDS, and she’s a beneficiary of PLF funding. The agency she runs throughout the year in New Haven, Hispanos Unidos, is a substance abuse and mental health organization. Like most Latino organizations, is heavily dependent on grant-to-grant funding, often from government.
Enter the evening’s speaker Dr. Pablo Rodriguez, an early champion of AIDS clients in Rhode Island, community leader, and an advocate of more vigorous and professionalized Latino fundraising. “When Reagan cut the money that was lavished during the War on Poverty,” he said, “everyone went scrambling, and we followed the money, not the mission.”
He praised the magnanimous spirit of giving among Latinos: $67 billion a year, he said, is sent to home countries, for example, a lot of it to build schools and clinics. That’s not even formally counted as philanthropy. Also, more than 40 percent is sent to the church.
For private, modern Latino philanthropies to flourish, especially as a hedge against the vagaries of government funding, Rodriguez urged his colleagues not only to give more but to join boards.
“Currently, nationally, there are .05 percent Latinos on boards. And when I left one, it probably went down by half. We Latinos also don’t value development officers. We need to take our energy,” he said, “and change those things as we re-invent Latino philanthropy.”
The power of philanthropy, he added, is that it can fund research and then that helps frame and even set policy.
Both Connecticut endowment funds use their income to fund organizations serving Latino needs in New Haven and Hartford respectively. The PLF was founded by Frances and John Padilla and others and is administered through the Greater New Haven Community Foundation. The Latino Endowment Fund similarly is administered through the Hartford Foundation for Public Giving (HFPG). Both were established around 2003. They each have upwards of $100,000 in endowed funds, from some 60 or so donors each.
Padilla announced at the evening’s end that an anonymous donor just made a $10,000 gift to the PLF. That’s one of the largest, if not the largest, gifts the PLF has ever received. Whatever you give to the fund will be matched up to a total of $10,000. For more info visit this website or call Angel Fernandez-Chevero at 203-777-7072.
In addition to the two foundations, the forum was sponsored and organized by Arte, the Fair Haven-based Latino arts organization, whose founders Danny Diaz and Dave Greco were principals in organizing the evening.
Other beneficiaries of Arte and the PLF include clarinetist Maria Polvo and trumpeter Kimberly Revolorio and other members of the John Daniels School band, who entertained the philanthropists between speeches.
Wednesday, October 29, 2008
Efforts to create trust in system by Latinos underway
City prosecutors plan meeting with Latino community
Baltimore Sun October 28, 2008
The Baltimore State's Attorney's Office plans a meeting Thursday to better serve Spanish-speaking victims of crime.
The prosecutors' office will hold a forum at 6:30 p.m. Thursday at St. Patrick's church hall, 1728 Bank St. Translators will be at the meeting. The topics will include safety for day laborers, domestic violence, gangs and human trafficking. The problem of human trafficking grew more prominent last week when Baltimore police said they shut down a prostitution ring that employed Mexican women.
"It is important to build trust and bridge the gap between the state's attorney's office and the Latino community," State's Attorney Patricia C. Jessamy said in a statement.
Prosecutors say that because of language barriers, mistrust of the judicial system and cultural differences, many Latino crime victims do not seek help from police or other services.
The state's attorney's office employs a bilingual advocate for crime victims, Evelyn Vargas. She, Jessamy and members of the Latino community will be available to answer questions at the meeting.
Baltimore Sun October 28, 2008
The Baltimore State's Attorney's Office plans a meeting Thursday to better serve Spanish-speaking victims of crime.
The prosecutors' office will hold a forum at 6:30 p.m. Thursday at St. Patrick's church hall, 1728 Bank St. Translators will be at the meeting. The topics will include safety for day laborers, domestic violence, gangs and human trafficking. The problem of human trafficking grew more prominent last week when Baltimore police said they shut down a prostitution ring that employed Mexican women.
"It is important to build trust and bridge the gap between the state's attorney's office and the Latino community," State's Attorney Patricia C. Jessamy said in a statement.
Prosecutors say that because of language barriers, mistrust of the judicial system and cultural differences, many Latino crime victims do not seek help from police or other services.
The state's attorney's office employs a bilingual advocate for crime victims, Evelyn Vargas. She, Jessamy and members of the Latino community will be available to answer questions at the meeting.
10 common myths about Latinos disspelled by Brown University
Brown study to debunk myths about Latinos
From College Hill:
PROVIDENCE, R.I. [Brown University] — A new report analyzing political attitudes and civic engagement of Latinos in Rhode Island will be released by Brown University on Thursday, Oct. 30, 2008. The report, titled Myths vs. Reality: Results From the New England Latino Survey, was authored by a research team led by Evelyn Hu-DeHart, director of Brown University's Center for the Study of Race and Ethnicity in America, and including colleagues from Brown, Roger Williams University School of Law, The Rhode Island Latino Policy Institute and Providence College. The research was made possible by a $150,000 grant from the Rhode Island Foundation. . . . .
Myths vs. Reality presents 10 common myths about the Latino community, then debunks them using the New England survey data. While the report focuses on Rhode Island’s community, the researchers highlight areas in which the findings differ from those in Massachusetts and Connecticut. Myths include “Latinos do not want to become Americans,” “Latinos are not politically active,” “Latinos drain money from the United States,” and “Latinos do not want to learn English.”
Among the findings:
-- The majority of Rhode Island Latinos plan to stay in the United States for the rest of their lives and seek to participate and blend fully into U.S. society;
-- The majority of Rhode Island Latinos are registered voters and participated in the last election;
-- Rhode Island Latinos stress both the importance of learning English as well as maintaining Spanish in their own families and in the Latino community at large;
-- The prevalence of remittances — sending money to relatives and friends outside the United States — varies widely across groups in the survey. Among U.S.-born Latinos in Rhode Island, 60 percent have never sent remittances.
“This data provides scholars, government leaders, and policy-makers with a much-needed baseline of data and understanding of this segment of the population,” said Evelyn Hu-DeHart, director of the Center for the Study of Race and Ethnicity in America and principal investigator of the study. “The information collected by this project will help overcome the current reliance on nationally based data that forces a standardization and homogenizing of Latino experiences, which is not reflective of reality.”
The research team includes Brown University’s Matthew Garcia, associate professor of American civilization; Cynthia Garcia Coll, professor of education; Jose Itzigsohn, associate professor of sociology; and Marion Orr, professor of political science. Tony Affigne, professor of political science at Providence College, and Jorge O. Elorza, associate professor of law at Roger Williams University School of Law and coordinator for The Rhode Island Latino Policy Institute, were also members of the research team. The group will release the report at a reception hosted by The Rhode Island Latino Policy Institute on Thursday, Oct. 30, 2008, at 6 p.m. at the Rhode Island Foundation. The public and press are invited to attend.
From College Hill:
PROVIDENCE, R.I. [Brown University] — A new report analyzing political attitudes and civic engagement of Latinos in Rhode Island will be released by Brown University on Thursday, Oct. 30, 2008. The report, titled Myths vs. Reality: Results From the New England Latino Survey, was authored by a research team led by Evelyn Hu-DeHart, director of Brown University's Center for the Study of Race and Ethnicity in America, and including colleagues from Brown, Roger Williams University School of Law, The Rhode Island Latino Policy Institute and Providence College. The research was made possible by a $150,000 grant from the Rhode Island Foundation. . . . .
Myths vs. Reality presents 10 common myths about the Latino community, then debunks them using the New England survey data. While the report focuses on Rhode Island’s community, the researchers highlight areas in which the findings differ from those in Massachusetts and Connecticut. Myths include “Latinos do not want to become Americans,” “Latinos are not politically active,” “Latinos drain money from the United States,” and “Latinos do not want to learn English.”
Among the findings:
-- The majority of Rhode Island Latinos plan to stay in the United States for the rest of their lives and seek to participate and blend fully into U.S. society;
-- The majority of Rhode Island Latinos are registered voters and participated in the last election;
-- Rhode Island Latinos stress both the importance of learning English as well as maintaining Spanish in their own families and in the Latino community at large;
-- The prevalence of remittances — sending money to relatives and friends outside the United States — varies widely across groups in the survey. Among U.S.-born Latinos in Rhode Island, 60 percent have never sent remittances.
“This data provides scholars, government leaders, and policy-makers with a much-needed baseline of data and understanding of this segment of the population,” said Evelyn Hu-DeHart, director of the Center for the Study of Race and Ethnicity in America and principal investigator of the study. “The information collected by this project will help overcome the current reliance on nationally based data that forces a standardization and homogenizing of Latino experiences, which is not reflective of reality.”
The research team includes Brown University’s Matthew Garcia, associate professor of American civilization; Cynthia Garcia Coll, professor of education; Jose Itzigsohn, associate professor of sociology; and Marion Orr, professor of political science. Tony Affigne, professor of political science at Providence College, and Jorge O. Elorza, associate professor of law at Roger Williams University School of Law and coordinator for The Rhode Island Latino Policy Institute, were also members of the research team. The group will release the report at a reception hosted by The Rhode Island Latino Policy Institute on Thursday, Oct. 30, 2008, at 6 p.m. at the Rhode Island Foundation. The public and press are invited to attend.
Latino voter in Colorado will reach 10 percent for first time
Latino Voters Still Undecided, Expected To Break Records
KRDO By Jennifer Ryan j.ryan@krdo.com
COLORADO SPRINGS- It's a contentious race with many eyes on Colorado. And the latest surveys show a large percentage of Latino voters are still undecided.
When you consider Colorado's Hispanic population is eighth largest in the nation, a huge amount of people are making up the swing vote. It's the reason both political parties are targeting Hispanics across the state.
"I don't think either one of the candidates has given us their full story on what they're bringing to us," said Jeannie Fleets, an undecided Hispanic voter.
In Colorado, both parties believe the Latino percentage of the statewide vote will reach 10-percent for the first time in history.
KRDO By Jennifer Ryan j.ryan@krdo.com
COLORADO SPRINGS- It's a contentious race with many eyes on Colorado. And the latest surveys show a large percentage of Latino voters are still undecided.
When you consider Colorado's Hispanic population is eighth largest in the nation, a huge amount of people are making up the swing vote. It's the reason both political parties are targeting Hispanics across the state.
"I don't think either one of the candidates has given us their full story on what they're bringing to us," said Jeannie Fleets, an undecided Hispanic voter.
In Colorado, both parties believe the Latino percentage of the statewide vote will reach 10-percent for the first time in history.
Study says Latino students targeted with alcohol ads
Alcohol ads increase in areas with more Hispanic children
UFL News October 28, 2008.
GAINESVILLE, Fla. — Children are exposed to nearly seven times more alcohol advertising if they attend a school where at least one-fifth of the students are Hispanic, a new University of Florida and University of Texas study shows.
In a study of 63 elementary schools in Chicago, researchers found there were 29 alcohol ads on average in the two-block radius surrounding schools with larger Hispanic populations compared with an average of four ads around schools where less than one-fifth of students were Hispanic. In all, the researchers counted 771 alcohol ads around the 27 schools with more Hispanic students and only 160 ads around the 36 schools with fewer Hispanic students, the researchers recently reported online in the journal Ethnicity & Health.
“This is a concern because we know from past research that exposure to ads is associated with alcohol use and intentions to use alcohol,” said Kelli Komro, an associate professor of epidemiology in the UF College of Medicine and Institute for Child Health Policy and the study’s principal investigator. “We also know from previous research that Hispanic children are at increased risk for alcohol use at young ages.”
The ads around these schools were also more likely to contain cartoon images and animals, which other studies have shown can influence children, Komro said. Some of the ads, which ranged from billboards to signs around stores and bus stops, also seemed to attempt to tie into Hispanic culture by featuring Spanish words and the colors from the Mexican flag. About 70 percent of Chicago’s Hispanic residents are Mexican, the study states.
The schools the researchers studied were all located within the city limits of Chicago and most housed kindergarten through eighth-grade classes. Most of the students in these schools were from racial minorities — about half the children were African-American, while about 25 percent were Hispanic — and came from low socioeconomic backgrounds.
One key difference was that schools with more Hispanic students tended to have fewer African-American students and vice versa.
Overall, students were about seven times more likely to see advertising if they attended a school with at least a 20 percent Hispanic student body.
There are more than 45 million Hispanic people living in the United States, about 10 million more than there were in 2000, according to the Pew Hispanic Center. A report the center released this month shows that the bulk of the population boom stems from more Hispanic children being born here rather than immigration. About 20 percent of public school students across the country are Hispanic, the report shows.
“According to previous studies, Hispanic youth are at higher risk for alcohol use than either white or African-American youth,” said Keryn Pasch, an assistant professor of kinesiology and health education at the University of Texas and the study’s lead author. “Exposure to alcohol advertising has been shown to increase alcohol use and intention to use alcohol, and marketers are aggressively capitalizing on the rapidly growing Hispanic population, targeting their marketing efforts at this group. Given these facts, I think it’s critical to determine if alcohol advertising around schools is related to the ethnicity of the students and, if it is, to take steps to reduce the exposure of high-risk groups to this negative influence.”
To combat the problem, communities could band together to demand to have fewer alcohol ads around schools. This occurred in several African-American communities in Chicago where organizers were able to successfully lobby for fewer alcohol ads, Komro said. Also, ordinances that limit advertising around schools could be strengthened to further shield children from alcohol advertising, Komro said.
“Policies could be expanded to a wider range around the schools, especially given what we know about how effective ads are, both alcohol and tobacco ads, in influencing children’s behavior,” Komro said.
UFL News October 28, 2008.
GAINESVILLE, Fla. — Children are exposed to nearly seven times more alcohol advertising if they attend a school where at least one-fifth of the students are Hispanic, a new University of Florida and University of Texas study shows.
In a study of 63 elementary schools in Chicago, researchers found there were 29 alcohol ads on average in the two-block radius surrounding schools with larger Hispanic populations compared with an average of four ads around schools where less than one-fifth of students were Hispanic. In all, the researchers counted 771 alcohol ads around the 27 schools with more Hispanic students and only 160 ads around the 36 schools with fewer Hispanic students, the researchers recently reported online in the journal Ethnicity & Health.
“This is a concern because we know from past research that exposure to ads is associated with alcohol use and intentions to use alcohol,” said Kelli Komro, an associate professor of epidemiology in the UF College of Medicine and Institute for Child Health Policy and the study’s principal investigator. “We also know from previous research that Hispanic children are at increased risk for alcohol use at young ages.”
The ads around these schools were also more likely to contain cartoon images and animals, which other studies have shown can influence children, Komro said. Some of the ads, which ranged from billboards to signs around stores and bus stops, also seemed to attempt to tie into Hispanic culture by featuring Spanish words and the colors from the Mexican flag. About 70 percent of Chicago’s Hispanic residents are Mexican, the study states.
The schools the researchers studied were all located within the city limits of Chicago and most housed kindergarten through eighth-grade classes. Most of the students in these schools were from racial minorities — about half the children were African-American, while about 25 percent were Hispanic — and came from low socioeconomic backgrounds.
One key difference was that schools with more Hispanic students tended to have fewer African-American students and vice versa.
Overall, students were about seven times more likely to see advertising if they attended a school with at least a 20 percent Hispanic student body.
There are more than 45 million Hispanic people living in the United States, about 10 million more than there were in 2000, according to the Pew Hispanic Center. A report the center released this month shows that the bulk of the population boom stems from more Hispanic children being born here rather than immigration. About 20 percent of public school students across the country are Hispanic, the report shows.
“According to previous studies, Hispanic youth are at higher risk for alcohol use than either white or African-American youth,” said Keryn Pasch, an assistant professor of kinesiology and health education at the University of Texas and the study’s lead author. “Exposure to alcohol advertising has been shown to increase alcohol use and intention to use alcohol, and marketers are aggressively capitalizing on the rapidly growing Hispanic population, targeting their marketing efforts at this group. Given these facts, I think it’s critical to determine if alcohol advertising around schools is related to the ethnicity of the students and, if it is, to take steps to reduce the exposure of high-risk groups to this negative influence.”
To combat the problem, communities could band together to demand to have fewer alcohol ads around schools. This occurred in several African-American communities in Chicago where organizers were able to successfully lobby for fewer alcohol ads, Komro said. Also, ordinances that limit advertising around schools could be strengthened to further shield children from alcohol advertising, Komro said.
“Policies could be expanded to a wider range around the schools, especially given what we know about how effective ads are, both alcohol and tobacco ads, in influencing children’s behavior,” Komro said.
Hispanic students may get tutoring instead of Principals
States, schools will have to improve dropout rates
Associated Press October 28, 2008
WASHINGTON (AP) - One in four students quits high school, and Education Secretary Margaret Spellings wants to put pressure on schools to change that.
She’s announcing new rules that will force schools and states to better track and raise graduation rates for students in every demographic, including minorities and students with disabilities.
The dropout rate among black and Hispanic kids is one in three.
Under No Child Left Behind, states get to set their own goals, but a recent study shows more than half of them have targets that don’t make schools get better. Some only have to make sure things don’t get worse.
Now, schools that don’t meet yearly goals for every group of students will face consequences. They include having to pay for tutoring or replacing principals.
Associated Press October 28, 2008
WASHINGTON (AP) - One in four students quits high school, and Education Secretary Margaret Spellings wants to put pressure on schools to change that.
She’s announcing new rules that will force schools and states to better track and raise graduation rates for students in every demographic, including minorities and students with disabilities.
The dropout rate among black and Hispanic kids is one in three.
Under No Child Left Behind, states get to set their own goals, but a recent study shows more than half of them have targets that don’t make schools get better. Some only have to make sure things don’t get worse.
Now, schools that don’t meet yearly goals for every group of students will face consequences. They include having to pay for tutoring or replacing principals.
Hispanic voters still focus of campaigns in final days
McCain and Obama court Hispanic vote
ABC.net Tue Oct 28, 2008
Some 9 million US Hispanics are eligible to vote in the November 4 presidential election and both Democrat Barack Obama and Republican John McCain are pulling out all the stops to gain their support.
Both campaigns have tried to forge a closer relationship with the country's largest minority group, especially in the key swing states of Florida, Nevada, Colorado and New Mexico - places were the outcome could be determined.
Nationally, Latino support for the Republicans reached some 44 per cent when President George W Bush ran for re-election in 2004, when some 7.6 million Hispanics were eligible to vote.
Today only 23 per cent of Hispanics support McCain, while two-thirds support Obama, according to a recent Pew Hispanic Centre study.
Party loyalty in the swing states, however, is not always clear.
"There are many Latino voters in these states," Jorge Mursulli, director of the advocacy group Democracia USA, said.
"What's more, one cannot firmly place these states in either the Republican or Democratic column."
Mr Mursulli, who leads one of the largest voter registration drives in the country, said the Hispanic population had grown significantly over the past years in those four states.
In Florida, where both campaigns are spending heavily, polls show that Hispanic voters "will be very divided," Mr Mursulli said.
Attitudes towards Cuba are expected to swing some voters.
Jorge Mas, the head of the fiercely anti-Castro Cuban American National Foundation (CANF), wrote a recent Washington Post opinion piece in which he described current US policy towards Cuba as "at best static and at worst counterproductive".
Senator Obama's "forward-looking and proactive approach toward empowering the Cuban people is more in line" with proposals that he outlined "than John McCain's vow to continue the Bush administration's policy".
But like other voters, Hispanics are primarily concerned about the country's troubled economy, health care and education.
"That does not mean that people are no longer concerned about the war in Iraq," Mr Mursulli said. "The issue of the war remains very high on the list of Latino priorities."
Immigration, however, "is the issue that sets Hispanics apart from the rest of the population," Mr Mursulli said.
Immigration was debated during the primaries, but is so controversial it has been largely ignored by both candidates during the general election campaign.
Proposals to introduce immigration reform, both times supported by Senator McCain, were defeated in the US Congress in 2006 and 2007 in the face of opposition from conservative Republicans.
Since the reform proposal failed, polls show Hispanics increasingly supporting the Democrats. The move coincides with an increase in high-profile round-ups of undocumented workers, with thousands arrested by federal authorities since December 2006.
Senator Obama has even recorded three ads in Spanish, the first presidential candidate to do so, said a top Obama aide, New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson, on Monday.
The 30-second long spots are being broadcast in the four swing states, as well as the battleground state of Virginia.
"I ask your vote not just for me and for the Democrats, but to keep alive this (American) dream for you and your children," Senator Obama says in one spot.
Both candidates have also promised closer ties with Latin America - a region largely forgotten by the Bush administration - but may be hamstrung by the global financial crisis, experts said.
Latin America briefly surfaced in the October 15 debate, in which Senator McCain chastised Senator Obama for not having travelled south of the border, and for opposing the free trade agreement with Colombia.
Senator Obama, along with other Democrats in the US Congress, opposed the FTA with Colombia because they said they wanted more protections and rights for Colombian workers in the agreement.
Senator Obama has also said that he wants to renegotiate portions of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) - signed in 1993, during the Democratic presidency of Bill Clinton - because he wants Mexico to adhere to higher labour and environmental standards.
The next president "should avoid expectations that cannot be fulfilled" concerning closer US interest in Latin America, said Peter DeShazo, who heads the Americas Program at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) think tank.
Peter Hakim, who heads the Inter-American Dialogue think tank, believes that reviving the sputtering US economy is essential for better ties south of the border. "Getting our economy back in order is terribly important for Latin America," he said.
ABC.net Tue Oct 28, 2008
Some 9 million US Hispanics are eligible to vote in the November 4 presidential election and both Democrat Barack Obama and Republican John McCain are pulling out all the stops to gain their support.
Both campaigns have tried to forge a closer relationship with the country's largest minority group, especially in the key swing states of Florida, Nevada, Colorado and New Mexico - places were the outcome could be determined.
Nationally, Latino support for the Republicans reached some 44 per cent when President George W Bush ran for re-election in 2004, when some 7.6 million Hispanics were eligible to vote.
Today only 23 per cent of Hispanics support McCain, while two-thirds support Obama, according to a recent Pew Hispanic Centre study.
Party loyalty in the swing states, however, is not always clear.
"There are many Latino voters in these states," Jorge Mursulli, director of the advocacy group Democracia USA, said.
"What's more, one cannot firmly place these states in either the Republican or Democratic column."
Mr Mursulli, who leads one of the largest voter registration drives in the country, said the Hispanic population had grown significantly over the past years in those four states.
In Florida, where both campaigns are spending heavily, polls show that Hispanic voters "will be very divided," Mr Mursulli said.
Attitudes towards Cuba are expected to swing some voters.
Jorge Mas, the head of the fiercely anti-Castro Cuban American National Foundation (CANF), wrote a recent Washington Post opinion piece in which he described current US policy towards Cuba as "at best static and at worst counterproductive".
Senator Obama's "forward-looking and proactive approach toward empowering the Cuban people is more in line" with proposals that he outlined "than John McCain's vow to continue the Bush administration's policy".
But like other voters, Hispanics are primarily concerned about the country's troubled economy, health care and education.
"That does not mean that people are no longer concerned about the war in Iraq," Mr Mursulli said. "The issue of the war remains very high on the list of Latino priorities."
Immigration, however, "is the issue that sets Hispanics apart from the rest of the population," Mr Mursulli said.
Immigration was debated during the primaries, but is so controversial it has been largely ignored by both candidates during the general election campaign.
Proposals to introduce immigration reform, both times supported by Senator McCain, were defeated in the US Congress in 2006 and 2007 in the face of opposition from conservative Republicans.
Since the reform proposal failed, polls show Hispanics increasingly supporting the Democrats. The move coincides with an increase in high-profile round-ups of undocumented workers, with thousands arrested by federal authorities since December 2006.
Senator Obama has even recorded three ads in Spanish, the first presidential candidate to do so, said a top Obama aide, New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson, on Monday.
The 30-second long spots are being broadcast in the four swing states, as well as the battleground state of Virginia.
"I ask your vote not just for me and for the Democrats, but to keep alive this (American) dream for you and your children," Senator Obama says in one spot.
Both candidates have also promised closer ties with Latin America - a region largely forgotten by the Bush administration - but may be hamstrung by the global financial crisis, experts said.
Latin America briefly surfaced in the October 15 debate, in which Senator McCain chastised Senator Obama for not having travelled south of the border, and for opposing the free trade agreement with Colombia.
Senator Obama, along with other Democrats in the US Congress, opposed the FTA with Colombia because they said they wanted more protections and rights for Colombian workers in the agreement.
Senator Obama has also said that he wants to renegotiate portions of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) - signed in 1993, during the Democratic presidency of Bill Clinton - because he wants Mexico to adhere to higher labour and environmental standards.
The next president "should avoid expectations that cannot be fulfilled" concerning closer US interest in Latin America, said Peter DeShazo, who heads the Americas Program at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) think tank.
Peter Hakim, who heads the Inter-American Dialogue think tank, believes that reviving the sputtering US economy is essential for better ties south of the border. "Getting our economy back in order is terribly important for Latin America," he said.
Tuesday, October 28, 2008
Hispanics and other minorities sought for scholarships
MassMutual Announces New Multicultural Scholarship Program
Market Watch
SPRINGFIELD, Mass., Oct 27, 2008 /PRNewswire via COMTEX/ -- Company to offer $60,000 in scholarships to students in Atlanta, Houston, Los Angeles and San Francisco
Massachusetts Mutual Life Insurance Company (MassMutual) today announced the launch of a new national multicultural scholarship program that will offer $60,000 in scholarships and potential internship opportunities in financial services to outstanding college students of color.
Beginning this month, students of African-American, Asian/Pacific Islander, or Hispanic descent who reside in the Atlanta, Houston, Los Angeles and San Francisco metropolitan areas can apply for one of 12 $5,000 college scholarships. These students must have concentrations in the fields of accounting, business, economics, finance, marketing, math or statistics.
MassMutual is collaborating with its local general agencies in the aforementioned cities to provide these scholarships to local students. Three scholarships will be awarded in each of the metropolitan areas. The program will be administered by the Hispanic Scholarship Fund (HSF). In its 33-year history, HSF has awarded in excess of 86,000 scholarships worth more than $250 million to Latinos attending nearly 2,000 colleges and universities in all 50 states, Puerto Rico, Guam and the U.S. Virgin Islands.
"MassMutual consistently looks for ways to encourage education and diversity, as well as promote those courses of study that are most important to the financial industry," says Trish Robinson, Senior Vice President, Strategic Communications and Community Responsibility and deputy head of Government Relations, MassMutual. "This program extends our efforts to more effectively reach and serve a customer base that is increasingly diverse, and enables our local agencies to become even more directly involved with our educational endeavors. It is our hope that the best and brightest students in these cities will take advantage of this unique opportunity, and they will come to appreciate and strive for a rewarding career in financial services."
"We are grateful that MassMutual is collaborating with HSF," said Frank D. Alvarez, HSF President and CEO. "With this program, MassMutual recognizes that an investment in youth pays measurable returns for the communities where we live and work. These funds bring HSF one step closer to its mission of supporting the educational aspirations of multiple ethnic communities. We salute MassMutual for expanding opportunities for more students and increasing diversity at more college campuses."
To be eligible, students must be of African-American, Asian/Pacific Islander, or Hispanic descent, be a sophomore, junior or senior enrolled full-time at a U.S. accredited college or university majoring in accounting, business, economics, finance, marketing, math or statistics, have a minimum GPA of 3.0, and reside in the Atlanta, Houston, Los Angeles or San Francisco metropolitan areas. Select agencies will offer internship opportunities to scholarship recipients, providing them exposure to a career in financial services.
To apply, students can visit www.hsf.net/massmutual.aspx. The deadline for applications is February 18, 2009. Recipients will be announced in June 2009.
Market Watch
SPRINGFIELD, Mass., Oct 27, 2008 /PRNewswire via COMTEX/ -- Company to offer $60,000 in scholarships to students in Atlanta, Houston, Los Angeles and San Francisco
Massachusetts Mutual Life Insurance Company (MassMutual) today announced the launch of a new national multicultural scholarship program that will offer $60,000 in scholarships and potential internship opportunities in financial services to outstanding college students of color.
Beginning this month, students of African-American, Asian/Pacific Islander, or Hispanic descent who reside in the Atlanta, Houston, Los Angeles and San Francisco metropolitan areas can apply for one of 12 $5,000 college scholarships. These students must have concentrations in the fields of accounting, business, economics, finance, marketing, math or statistics.
MassMutual is collaborating with its local general agencies in the aforementioned cities to provide these scholarships to local students. Three scholarships will be awarded in each of the metropolitan areas. The program will be administered by the Hispanic Scholarship Fund (HSF). In its 33-year history, HSF has awarded in excess of 86,000 scholarships worth more than $250 million to Latinos attending nearly 2,000 colleges and universities in all 50 states, Puerto Rico, Guam and the U.S. Virgin Islands.
"MassMutual consistently looks for ways to encourage education and diversity, as well as promote those courses of study that are most important to the financial industry," says Trish Robinson, Senior Vice President, Strategic Communications and Community Responsibility and deputy head of Government Relations, MassMutual. "This program extends our efforts to more effectively reach and serve a customer base that is increasingly diverse, and enables our local agencies to become even more directly involved with our educational endeavors. It is our hope that the best and brightest students in these cities will take advantage of this unique opportunity, and they will come to appreciate and strive for a rewarding career in financial services."
"We are grateful that MassMutual is collaborating with HSF," said Frank D. Alvarez, HSF President and CEO. "With this program, MassMutual recognizes that an investment in youth pays measurable returns for the communities where we live and work. These funds bring HSF one step closer to its mission of supporting the educational aspirations of multiple ethnic communities. We salute MassMutual for expanding opportunities for more students and increasing diversity at more college campuses."
To be eligible, students must be of African-American, Asian/Pacific Islander, or Hispanic descent, be a sophomore, junior or senior enrolled full-time at a U.S. accredited college or university majoring in accounting, business, economics, finance, marketing, math or statistics, have a minimum GPA of 3.0, and reside in the Atlanta, Houston, Los Angeles or San Francisco metropolitan areas. Select agencies will offer internship opportunities to scholarship recipients, providing them exposure to a career in financial services.
To apply, students can visit www.hsf.net/massmutual.aspx. The deadline for applications is February 18, 2009. Recipients will be announced in June 2009.
TCU enrollment for Latinos remains the same
Latino enrollment in college stagnant
Andrew Young 10/28/08
Yesenia Rojas is a senior at Paschal High School, a Mexican American and a hopeful first-generation college student.
Rojas, who wants to be a maternity nurse, said one of her concerns in choosing where to go to college is her ability to afford it.
A 2008 report tracking changes in Latino freshmen at four-year institutions since 1975 found that one in five Latino students expresses a major concern about their ability to finance college at the start of the school year.
Ray Brown, dean of admission, said as a whole, Latinos tend to not have the financial resources that whites do.
"The Latino population, and to a lesser extent, the black population, tend to be more loan averse cultures," Brown said. "They either cannot take out loans, or usually don't want to take out loans at a far higher rate than Asian Americans and white Americans."
A 2005 study by Excelencia in Education and the Institute for Higher Education Policy found in 2003-2004, 63 percent of Latino undergraduates nationwide who applied for financial aid received some form of aid. According to the study, half of Latinos received grants and 30 percent received loans.
Kiesha Harvey, coordinator counselor for Upward Bound, said some Latino families don't understand the loan process and are hesitant to take out loans.
The report, written by University of California Los Angeles professors Sylvia Hurtado and Jose Luis Santos, University of Texas at Austin professor Victor B. Saenz and UCLA graduate student Nolan L. Cabrera, also found that even though the majority of Latino students come from households where at least one parent has some postsecondary education, they remain the racial group with the lowest parental attainment levels.
According to the report, this statistic means Latinos are most likely to be first-generation college students.
Brown said this reality affects the decisions of Latinos to apply or go to college. Those who go to college are the ones who understand that it is a good investment, Brown said. The value of a higher education is a message that can be transmitted to children by their parents, he said.
"That's the main reason why we, as admission officers, are so sensitive to first-generation college kids," Brown said. "They don't have that conversation going on in their home."
The report indicated the gap between non-Hispanic white and Latino parental median household incomes has increased about four times since 1975.
According to the report, in 1975, the median household income of Mexican-American students was $12,765 compared to $18,529 for non-Hispanic White students. In 2006, the median household income of Mexican-American students was $50,769 compared to $85,670 for non-Hispanic white students.
The median household income for Puerto Rican students was $8,032 in 1975. In 2006, it was $53,378. The report separates Latino freshmen by race or ethnicity.
Michael Marshall, assistant director of admission, said one of the priorities for many Latino students is to help provide income for their families.
"If you're a son or if you're a daughter you need to be contributing to the household," Marshall said. "And so education, as a result, is put on the back burner."
The report found the proportion of Latino males relative to Latina females going to college has declined from 57.4 percent male students in 1975 to 39.2 percent male students in 2006.
According to statistics from the Office of Institutional Research, 154 Latino freshmen enrolled at the university this year. Of those freshmen, about 40 percent are male and about 60 percent are female.
Harvey said many Latino men stay home to work instead of going to college.
Rodolfo Ramirez, a freshman mechanical engineering and mathematics major and first-generation college student at TCU, said Latino men usually start working in middle school or high school.
"As soon as they can work, pretty much when they are teenagers, they start working for their father's company or wherever they work," Ramirez said. "They try to get a job as quick as possible."
Gloria Melendez, a sophomore at Paschal High School, said Latino men know they can get a job easily if they drop out of high school.
The report also indicates the number of Latinos attending their first-choice college has declined 27 percent and intended major and career objectives have remained similar over time.
The report cites biology, psychology, political science, business, nursing and elementary education as majors that have remained in the top ten intended majors for Latino students upon entering college.
Numbers
154 Latino freshmen enrolled at the university this year
40 percent male
60 percent female
Andrew Young 10/28/08
Yesenia Rojas is a senior at Paschal High School, a Mexican American and a hopeful first-generation college student.
Rojas, who wants to be a maternity nurse, said one of her concerns in choosing where to go to college is her ability to afford it.
A 2008 report tracking changes in Latino freshmen at four-year institutions since 1975 found that one in five Latino students expresses a major concern about their ability to finance college at the start of the school year.
Ray Brown, dean of admission, said as a whole, Latinos tend to not have the financial resources that whites do.
"The Latino population, and to a lesser extent, the black population, tend to be more loan averse cultures," Brown said. "They either cannot take out loans, or usually don't want to take out loans at a far higher rate than Asian Americans and white Americans."
A 2005 study by Excelencia in Education and the Institute for Higher Education Policy found in 2003-2004, 63 percent of Latino undergraduates nationwide who applied for financial aid received some form of aid. According to the study, half of Latinos received grants and 30 percent received loans.
Kiesha Harvey, coordinator counselor for Upward Bound, said some Latino families don't understand the loan process and are hesitant to take out loans.
The report, written by University of California Los Angeles professors Sylvia Hurtado and Jose Luis Santos, University of Texas at Austin professor Victor B. Saenz and UCLA graduate student Nolan L. Cabrera, also found that even though the majority of Latino students come from households where at least one parent has some postsecondary education, they remain the racial group with the lowest parental attainment levels.
According to the report, this statistic means Latinos are most likely to be first-generation college students.
Brown said this reality affects the decisions of Latinos to apply or go to college. Those who go to college are the ones who understand that it is a good investment, Brown said. The value of a higher education is a message that can be transmitted to children by their parents, he said.
"That's the main reason why we, as admission officers, are so sensitive to first-generation college kids," Brown said. "They don't have that conversation going on in their home."
The report indicated the gap between non-Hispanic white and Latino parental median household incomes has increased about four times since 1975.
According to the report, in 1975, the median household income of Mexican-American students was $12,765 compared to $18,529 for non-Hispanic White students. In 2006, the median household income of Mexican-American students was $50,769 compared to $85,670 for non-Hispanic white students.
The median household income for Puerto Rican students was $8,032 in 1975. In 2006, it was $53,378. The report separates Latino freshmen by race or ethnicity.
Michael Marshall, assistant director of admission, said one of the priorities for many Latino students is to help provide income for their families.
"If you're a son or if you're a daughter you need to be contributing to the household," Marshall said. "And so education, as a result, is put on the back burner."
The report found the proportion of Latino males relative to Latina females going to college has declined from 57.4 percent male students in 1975 to 39.2 percent male students in 2006.
According to statistics from the Office of Institutional Research, 154 Latino freshmen enrolled at the university this year. Of those freshmen, about 40 percent are male and about 60 percent are female.
Harvey said many Latino men stay home to work instead of going to college.
Rodolfo Ramirez, a freshman mechanical engineering and mathematics major and first-generation college student at TCU, said Latino men usually start working in middle school or high school.
"As soon as they can work, pretty much when they are teenagers, they start working for their father's company or wherever they work," Ramirez said. "They try to get a job as quick as possible."
Gloria Melendez, a sophomore at Paschal High School, said Latino men know they can get a job easily if they drop out of high school.
The report also indicates the number of Latinos attending their first-choice college has declined 27 percent and intended major and career objectives have remained similar over time.
The report cites biology, psychology, political science, business, nursing and elementary education as majors that have remained in the top ten intended majors for Latino students upon entering college.
Numbers
154 Latino freshmen enrolled at the university this year
40 percent male
60 percent female
Latinos gone AWOL for McCain
McCain's Latino dip puzzling
San Diego Union/Tribune
THERE IS something strange going on with John McCain and the support he is generating among Latino voters. That support has been stellar in the past, but now it is on the wane. In fact, if the polls are correct, McCain is about to turn in his worst performance ever with Latinos.
McCain received 65 percent of the Latino vote in his 1998 re-election in Arizona, and 70 percent of the Latino vote in 2004. Yet, by all indications, he will be lucky to break 25 percent in the presidential election.
Of the 10 battleground states typically cited by pundits, four have significant Hispanic populations: Florida, New Mexico, Colorado, Nevada. There are signs that the McCain campaign has surrendered in Colorado and New Mexico, and is concentrating on Florida and Nevada.
A recent Zogby poll of Latino likely voters nationwide found that only 21 percent of Latino voters support McCain, while 70 percent support Barack Obama. A poll by the Pew Hispanic Center found that 23 percent of Latinos support McCain and 66 percent support Obama.
WHAT WENT WRONG? And, with an estimated 9 million Latinos expected to cast ballots, can McCain turn this around?
McCain tackled these questions during an interview with The San Diego Union-Tribune. He blamed his slide with Latino voters on a combination of negative campaigning and historical revisionism about what occurred during last year's immigration debate.
"My opponent has portrayed my position on the immigration issue as completely false," McCain said, "when he supported and proposed amendments to kill a temporary worker program at the bidding of the union leaders. In fact, Ted Kennedy and he voted differently. It's a matter of record."
McCain remains committed to reigniting the immigration debate, no matter what the outcome of the election.
"Whether I have to go back to the United States Senate," he said, "which I don't believe I will, or go to the presidency, the issue of comprehensive immigration reform will be among my highest priorities."
THE SENATOR acknowledged that Republicans in Congress hurt the party's brand with Latino voters with "language and rhetoric that ... made Latino citizens believe that we were anti-Latino."
Yet, he hopes that those voters, whom he called "wonderful Americans who are the heart and soul of the country," will look beyond party labels and assess his record as well as his positions on issues such as abortion, taxes and the military.
The truth is, McCain has done a lot to earn Latino support, and Obama hasn't.
Republicans have made some dumb mistakes, and Democrats have capitalized on them. That's politics. But leadership requires more. And, time and again, in reaching out to Latino voters McCain has delivered it.
— San Diego Union-Tribune
San Diego Union/Tribune
THERE IS something strange going on with John McCain and the support he is generating among Latino voters. That support has been stellar in the past, but now it is on the wane. In fact, if the polls are correct, McCain is about to turn in his worst performance ever with Latinos.
McCain received 65 percent of the Latino vote in his 1998 re-election in Arizona, and 70 percent of the Latino vote in 2004. Yet, by all indications, he will be lucky to break 25 percent in the presidential election.
Of the 10 battleground states typically cited by pundits, four have significant Hispanic populations: Florida, New Mexico, Colorado, Nevada. There are signs that the McCain campaign has surrendered in Colorado and New Mexico, and is concentrating on Florida and Nevada.
A recent Zogby poll of Latino likely voters nationwide found that only 21 percent of Latino voters support McCain, while 70 percent support Barack Obama. A poll by the Pew Hispanic Center found that 23 percent of Latinos support McCain and 66 percent support Obama.
WHAT WENT WRONG? And, with an estimated 9 million Latinos expected to cast ballots, can McCain turn this around?
McCain tackled these questions during an interview with The San Diego Union-Tribune. He blamed his slide with Latino voters on a combination of negative campaigning and historical revisionism about what occurred during last year's immigration debate.
"My opponent has portrayed my position on the immigration issue as completely false," McCain said, "when he supported and proposed amendments to kill a temporary worker program at the bidding of the union leaders. In fact, Ted Kennedy and he voted differently. It's a matter of record."
McCain remains committed to reigniting the immigration debate, no matter what the outcome of the election.
"Whether I have to go back to the United States Senate," he said, "which I don't believe I will, or go to the presidency, the issue of comprehensive immigration reform will be among my highest priorities."
THE SENATOR acknowledged that Republicans in Congress hurt the party's brand with Latino voters with "language and rhetoric that ... made Latino citizens believe that we were anti-Latino."
Yet, he hopes that those voters, whom he called "wonderful Americans who are the heart and soul of the country," will look beyond party labels and assess his record as well as his positions on issues such as abortion, taxes and the military.
The truth is, McCain has done a lot to earn Latino support, and Obama hasn't.
Republicans have made some dumb mistakes, and Democrats have capitalized on them. That's politics. But leadership requires more. And, time and again, in reaching out to Latino voters McCain has delivered it.
— San Diego Union-Tribune
Recommedations made to hire and retain Hispanic federal workers
LABOR & EMPLOYMENT LAW — 10/27/08
Report makes recommendations for increasing federal employment of Hispanics
Stressing the need to attract and retain Hispanic workers in the federal sector, a group of federal officials issued a report containing recommendations designed to increase the share of Hispanic employees in the federal workforce. The Federal Hispanic Work Group, which was led by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and the Social Security Administration, released its report, titled Report On The Hispanic Employment Challenge In The Federal Government, on October 23, 2008.
Hispanic representation in federal jobs. Hispanics made up nearly 10.7 percent of the US labor force in 2000, according to testimony presented at an EEOC meeting on the morning the report was released. But less than 7.8 percent of the federal sector workforce is Hispanic. And Hispanics make up only 3.6 percent of senior-level management in federal agencies.
Over the next 40 years, growth in the US population is expected to be dominated by Hispanics. Today, there are an estimated 45 million Hispanics in the United States. That represents 15 percent of the US population. By 2050, those figures could rise to 128 million Hispanics, representing 29 percent of the overall population, according to testimony.
In view of those trends, it is vital to promote diversity and increase Hispanic representation in the federal workforce, the report concluded. “In order to attain model EEO status, the federal government must attract, develop, reward, and retain Hispanic employees at all levels and in all agencies,” the report said. “There is no question that the American workplace is undergoing tremendous social, demographic, economic, and technological changes. In order for the federal government to keep pace with these changes, it must draw from the pool of talent that is reflective of the nation itself.”
Recommendations. To that end, the work group was charged earlier this year with developing recommendations designed to enhance and refocus federal Hispanic employment plans, and to encourage greater opportunities for Hispanics in the federal government. The group came up with a number of suggestions relating to recruiting, hiring, retention, leadership development and other areas.
To improve the recruitment of Hispanic workers, the report said the federal government should develop a media strategy aimed at the Hispanic population and operate with Hispanic organizations to increase outreach to Hispanics. On the hiring front, agencies should offer pay incentives for Spanish speaking employees in critical positions and better utilize intern programs for Hispanic students.
In an effort to retain Hispanic workers, the report suggested that agencies should determine whether patterns exist for voluntary and involuntary separations of Hispanic employees and require exit interviews of all employees. To promote leadership development, the plan recommended that the EEOC should create a government-wide mentoring program and examine employment information regularly to determine a workers' potential for promotion.
Additionally, the report recommended that the EEOC should help create a government-wide director to oversee Hispanic employment issues. Agencies should confer with each other to set and measure EEO goals and accomplishments. And managers and supervisors should be reviewed based in part on their performance with respect to EEO issues.
The Federal Hispanic Work Group’s Report On The Hispanic Employment Challenge In The Federal Government is posted on the EEOC's website at http://www.eeoc.gov/federal/report/hwg.html.
Report makes recommendations for increasing federal employment of Hispanics
Stressing the need to attract and retain Hispanic workers in the federal sector, a group of federal officials issued a report containing recommendations designed to increase the share of Hispanic employees in the federal workforce. The Federal Hispanic Work Group, which was led by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and the Social Security Administration, released its report, titled Report On The Hispanic Employment Challenge In The Federal Government, on October 23, 2008.
Hispanic representation in federal jobs. Hispanics made up nearly 10.7 percent of the US labor force in 2000, according to testimony presented at an EEOC meeting on the morning the report was released. But less than 7.8 percent of the federal sector workforce is Hispanic. And Hispanics make up only 3.6 percent of senior-level management in federal agencies.
Over the next 40 years, growth in the US population is expected to be dominated by Hispanics. Today, there are an estimated 45 million Hispanics in the United States. That represents 15 percent of the US population. By 2050, those figures could rise to 128 million Hispanics, representing 29 percent of the overall population, according to testimony.
In view of those trends, it is vital to promote diversity and increase Hispanic representation in the federal workforce, the report concluded. “In order to attain model EEO status, the federal government must attract, develop, reward, and retain Hispanic employees at all levels and in all agencies,” the report said. “There is no question that the American workplace is undergoing tremendous social, demographic, economic, and technological changes. In order for the federal government to keep pace with these changes, it must draw from the pool of talent that is reflective of the nation itself.”
Recommendations. To that end, the work group was charged earlier this year with developing recommendations designed to enhance and refocus federal Hispanic employment plans, and to encourage greater opportunities for Hispanics in the federal government. The group came up with a number of suggestions relating to recruiting, hiring, retention, leadership development and other areas.
To improve the recruitment of Hispanic workers, the report said the federal government should develop a media strategy aimed at the Hispanic population and operate with Hispanic organizations to increase outreach to Hispanics. On the hiring front, agencies should offer pay incentives for Spanish speaking employees in critical positions and better utilize intern programs for Hispanic students.
In an effort to retain Hispanic workers, the report suggested that agencies should determine whether patterns exist for voluntary and involuntary separations of Hispanic employees and require exit interviews of all employees. To promote leadership development, the plan recommended that the EEOC should create a government-wide mentoring program and examine employment information regularly to determine a workers' potential for promotion.
Additionally, the report recommended that the EEOC should help create a government-wide director to oversee Hispanic employment issues. Agencies should confer with each other to set and measure EEO goals and accomplishments. And managers and supervisors should be reviewed based in part on their performance with respect to EEO issues.
The Federal Hispanic Work Group’s Report On The Hispanic Employment Challenge In The Federal Government is posted on the EEOC's website at http://www.eeoc.gov/federal/report/hwg.html.
Students earn Hispanic Heritage Scholarships
Passion and Determination: 15 Students Earn Hispanic Heritage Scholarships
By Zenaida Gonzalez Kotala Oct. 27, 2008
Diego Marin left everything that he loved in Venezuela when he came to Orlando for a good college education.
He came alone, with no extended family to help him. He worked as a dishwasher and held other odd jobs to pay for community college. Then, barely a year here, he found out his mother had breast cancer. He wanted to fly back to her immediately, but she forbade it.
"That phone conversion was the single most inspiring thing in my life," Marin said. "I know that she wanted and needed me to come home, but she put her needs last and wanted me to succeed."
His love of family, commitment to education and determination to succeed are reasons why he is one of 18 students who earned a Hispanic Heritage Scholarship on Saturday, Oct. 25.
In all, 15 UCF students – including Marin -- were given scholarships during the "Gowns & Guayaberas Gala" award ceremony sponsored by the Hispanic Heritage Scholarship Fund of Metro Orlando. The scholarships are worth $5,000 each.
The nonprofit organization recognizes students who make the best use of every opportunity to pursue an education.
This year's winners attend UCF, Rollins and Valencia Community College. They are academically successful and have strong personal stories that demonstrate their determination and passion to make better lives for themselves and their families.
Marin stayed in Orlando despite his strong desire to be by his mother's side while she underwent treatment. Now he is a Civil Engineering major at UCF. He hopes to someday buy a house for his mama, whose cancer is now in remission.
Marin is not the only one facing huge odds as he pursues his education.
Lauren Rivera, a Molecular/Microbiology major at UCF, fell in love with medicine after her younger brother was diagnosed with acute myeloid leukemia, a rare bone marrow cancer. His only hope for survival was a bone marrow transplant. She was a perfect match. After the surgery, Rivera decided she wanted to give other families the opportunity doctors had given her family.
She enrolled at UCF and started on a pre-med track. But just as her second semester started, she was diagnosed with the autoimmune disease, multiple sclerosis. But Rivera doesn't give up easily.
"Adversity initially intended to weaken my spirit has only strengthened my faith," she said. "Disease, although debilitating in nature, has ignited an immense passion in me to conquer it."
Officials with the scholarship organization said they were inspired by the student stories, which make the fundraising for the scholarships truly worth it.
"Even though economic times currently aren't the best, our scholarship funds are stronger than ever with continuous support from our sponsors and donors," said Lizette Valarino, executive director of the Hispanic Heritage Scholarship Fund.
This was the ninth year the partnership between the Hispanic Heritage Scholarship Fund of Metro Orlando and the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce of Metro Orlando has handed out awards. To date, the organization has provided $300,000 to 115 students.
UCF Stands For Opportunity --The University of Central Florida is a metropolitan research university that ranks as the 6th largest in the nation with more than 50,000 students. UCF's first classes were offered in 1968. The university offers impressive academic and research environments that power the region's economic development. UCF's culture of opportunity is driven by our diversity, Orlando environment, history of entrepreneurship and our youth, relevance and energy. For more information visit http://news.ucf.edu
By Zenaida Gonzalez Kotala Oct. 27, 2008
Diego Marin left everything that he loved in Venezuela when he came to Orlando for a good college education.
He came alone, with no extended family to help him. He worked as a dishwasher and held other odd jobs to pay for community college. Then, barely a year here, he found out his mother had breast cancer. He wanted to fly back to her immediately, but she forbade it.
"That phone conversion was the single most inspiring thing in my life," Marin said. "I know that she wanted and needed me to come home, but she put her needs last and wanted me to succeed."
His love of family, commitment to education and determination to succeed are reasons why he is one of 18 students who earned a Hispanic Heritage Scholarship on Saturday, Oct. 25.
In all, 15 UCF students – including Marin -- were given scholarships during the "Gowns & Guayaberas Gala" award ceremony sponsored by the Hispanic Heritage Scholarship Fund of Metro Orlando. The scholarships are worth $5,000 each.
The nonprofit organization recognizes students who make the best use of every opportunity to pursue an education.
This year's winners attend UCF, Rollins and Valencia Community College. They are academically successful and have strong personal stories that demonstrate their determination and passion to make better lives for themselves and their families.
Marin stayed in Orlando despite his strong desire to be by his mother's side while she underwent treatment. Now he is a Civil Engineering major at UCF. He hopes to someday buy a house for his mama, whose cancer is now in remission.
Marin is not the only one facing huge odds as he pursues his education.
Lauren Rivera, a Molecular/Microbiology major at UCF, fell in love with medicine after her younger brother was diagnosed with acute myeloid leukemia, a rare bone marrow cancer. His only hope for survival was a bone marrow transplant. She was a perfect match. After the surgery, Rivera decided she wanted to give other families the opportunity doctors had given her family.
She enrolled at UCF and started on a pre-med track. But just as her second semester started, she was diagnosed with the autoimmune disease, multiple sclerosis. But Rivera doesn't give up easily.
"Adversity initially intended to weaken my spirit has only strengthened my faith," she said. "Disease, although debilitating in nature, has ignited an immense passion in me to conquer it."
Officials with the scholarship organization said they were inspired by the student stories, which make the fundraising for the scholarships truly worth it.
"Even though economic times currently aren't the best, our scholarship funds are stronger than ever with continuous support from our sponsors and donors," said Lizette Valarino, executive director of the Hispanic Heritage Scholarship Fund.
This was the ninth year the partnership between the Hispanic Heritage Scholarship Fund of Metro Orlando and the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce of Metro Orlando has handed out awards. To date, the organization has provided $300,000 to 115 students.
UCF Stands For Opportunity --The University of Central Florida is a metropolitan research university that ranks as the 6th largest in the nation with more than 50,000 students. UCF's first classes were offered in 1968. The university offers impressive academic and research environments that power the region's economic development. UCF's culture of opportunity is driven by our diversity, Orlando environment, history of entrepreneurship and our youth, relevance and energy. For more information visit http://news.ucf.edu
Hearing set for anti-immigration law
ACLU To Argue Court Should Uphold Ruling That Ordinance Is Unconstitutional
PRESS RELEASE
PHILADELPHIA – On Thursday, October 30, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit will hear oral arguments on the constitutionality of the city of Hazelton’s local anti-immigrant law. The city’s law would punish landlords and employers who are accused of renting to or hiring anyone the city classifies as an “illegal alien.”
In a landmark ruling in July 2007, a federal district court struck down the anti-immigrant law as unconstitutional and in violation of federal civil rights laws. The Third Circuit is now considering Hazleton’s appeal of that ruling.
The case has been closely watched across the country and is the only lawsuit challenging a state or local anti-immigrant law to have been decided after a full trial.
The Hazelton ordinance was adopted in August 2006, and a lawsuit challenging the law was immediately filed on behalf of Hazleton residents, landlords and business owners by a civil rights coalition including the American Civil Liberties Union, the ACLU of Pennsylvania, the Puerto Rican Legal Defense and Education Fund (now LatinoJustice PRLDEF), the Community Justice Project and the law firm of Cozen O'Connor.
Omar Jadwat, ACLU Immigrants’ Rights Project staff attorney, and Vic Walczak, ACLU of Pennsylvania Legal Director, will argue on behalf of the coalition that the city law is unconstitutional.
Friend-of-the-court briefs opposing the Hazleton law have been filed by numerous civil rights, religious and business organizations, including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the American Jewish Committee, Capuchin Franciscan Friars, Lutheran Children and Family Services, the Friends Committee on National Legislation, Legal Momentum, the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, the Southern Poverty Law Center, the Asian Pacific American Legal Center, the Anti-Defamation League and the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund.
Attorneys from the ACLU, the ACLU of Pennsylvania, LatinoJustice PRLDEF, the Community Justice Project and the law firm of Cozen O'Connor will be available to answer questions from the media after the hearing.
More information on the case, Lozano v. Hazleton, is online at: www.aclu.org/hazleton
PRESS RELEASE
PHILADELPHIA – On Thursday, October 30, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit will hear oral arguments on the constitutionality of the city of Hazelton’s local anti-immigrant law. The city’s law would punish landlords and employers who are accused of renting to or hiring anyone the city classifies as an “illegal alien.”
In a landmark ruling in July 2007, a federal district court struck down the anti-immigrant law as unconstitutional and in violation of federal civil rights laws. The Third Circuit is now considering Hazleton’s appeal of that ruling.
The case has been closely watched across the country and is the only lawsuit challenging a state or local anti-immigrant law to have been decided after a full trial.
The Hazelton ordinance was adopted in August 2006, and a lawsuit challenging the law was immediately filed on behalf of Hazleton residents, landlords and business owners by a civil rights coalition including the American Civil Liberties Union, the ACLU of Pennsylvania, the Puerto Rican Legal Defense and Education Fund (now LatinoJustice PRLDEF), the Community Justice Project and the law firm of Cozen O'Connor.
Omar Jadwat, ACLU Immigrants’ Rights Project staff attorney, and Vic Walczak, ACLU of Pennsylvania Legal Director, will argue on behalf of the coalition that the city law is unconstitutional.
Friend-of-the-court briefs opposing the Hazleton law have been filed by numerous civil rights, religious and business organizations, including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the American Jewish Committee, Capuchin Franciscan Friars, Lutheran Children and Family Services, the Friends Committee on National Legislation, Legal Momentum, the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, the Southern Poverty Law Center, the Asian Pacific American Legal Center, the Anti-Defamation League and the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund.
Attorneys from the ACLU, the ACLU of Pennsylvania, LatinoJustice PRLDEF, the Community Justice Project and the law firm of Cozen O'Connor will be available to answer questions from the media after the hearing.
More information on the case, Lozano v. Hazleton, is online at: www.aclu.org/hazleton
Latinos not prepared for natural disasters report says
NEEDS OF LATINOS AND IMMIGRANTS DURING NATURAL DISASTERS
NOT MET SAYS NCLR REPORT
PRESS RELEASE
Washington, DC—During and after the fall 2007 California wildfires, community leaders called on government, the American Red Cross, and other charitable organizations to protect the safety of immigrants and Latinos during natural disasters. At a news conference on Thursday, October 30, 2008 the National Council of La Raza (NCLR), the largest national Latino civil rights and advocacy organization in the U.S., will release a report titled, Averting Disaster: What the California Wildfires Can Teach Us about Reaching Latinos in Times of Crisis. This report examines the challenges that confront community leaders and community organizations coordinating to change the emergency management system on behalf of Latino and immigrant communities.
In California, wildfires have drawn increased attention in recent years. Massive wildfires in 2003, 2007, and 2008 have elevated policy issues surrounding disaster preparedness, response, and recovery. The report suggests that challenges in emergency management persist for Latinos and immigrants even in states, counties, and cities with relatively large numbers of Latino residents. In addition to promoting changes in program and practice, the report identifies and recommends actions that will address systematic barriers that inhibit the full inclusion of Latinos and immigrants into emergency situation procedures.
Contact: Sara Benitez, Marie Watteau (202) 785-1670
NOT MET SAYS NCLR REPORT
PRESS RELEASE
Washington, DC—During and after the fall 2007 California wildfires, community leaders called on government, the American Red Cross, and other charitable organizations to protect the safety of immigrants and Latinos during natural disasters. At a news conference on Thursday, October 30, 2008 the National Council of La Raza (NCLR), the largest national Latino civil rights and advocacy organization in the U.S., will release a report titled, Averting Disaster: What the California Wildfires Can Teach Us about Reaching Latinos in Times of Crisis. This report examines the challenges that confront community leaders and community organizations coordinating to change the emergency management system on behalf of Latino and immigrant communities.
In California, wildfires have drawn increased attention in recent years. Massive wildfires in 2003, 2007, and 2008 have elevated policy issues surrounding disaster preparedness, response, and recovery. The report suggests that challenges in emergency management persist for Latinos and immigrants even in states, counties, and cities with relatively large numbers of Latino residents. In addition to promoting changes in program and practice, the report identifies and recommends actions that will address systematic barriers that inhibit the full inclusion of Latinos and immigrants into emergency situation procedures.
Contact: Sara Benitez, Marie Watteau (202) 785-1670
U.S. Hispanic held for two weeks by Border Patrol
Immigration officials held U.S. citizen for two weeks
An ACLU attorney showed authorities his birth certificate and other documents to obtain his release.
By Anna Gorman October 28, 2008
Federal authorities have released a Los Angeles man from immigration detention after acknowledging that he is a U.S. citizen.
Guillermo Olivares Romero, 25, was held at an Otay Mesa detention center from Sept. 25 until Oct. 9, when an American Civil Liberties Union attorney presented his birth certificate, school and vaccination records to immigration authorities. He was released that day.
Olivares, who has criminal convictions for robbery and forgery, had been deported twice and denied entry into the United States multiple times. Olivares said he and his mother, a legal permanent resident, showed authorities his birth certificate many times.
"They didn't believe me," Olivares, from Los Angeles, said Friday. "There was nothing I could do."
But Immigration and Customs Enforcement spokeswoman Virginia Kice said Friday that Olivares said he was born in Guadalajara, Mexico. Olivares' statewide criminal rap sheet also shows that he was born in Mexico, Kice said.
"ICE would never knowingly remove or voluntarily return an individual who is a U.S. citizen," she said.
This is not the first time a U.S. citizen has been deported. Pedro Guzman of Lancaster spent 89 days in Mexico after being deported by immigration agents. ICE agents said Guzman too had falsely contended that he was Mexican.
Olivares first encountered immigration officials in 2000, when, they say, he was trying to smuggle in a relative using someone else's birth certificate. Olivares said officials wouldn't let him in that day but allowed him to return to the United States a week later when his mother came down with his birth certificate.
In 2007, he was deported after serving time in state prison. Olivares said he insisted that he was not Mexican, but immigration officials say he signed a document acknowledging that he was and that was why he was being deported. Olivares decided to live with relatives in Jalisco but said that this summer he tried to return because his father was ill. Authorities wouldn't let him in. Desperate to see his father before he passed away, he said, he crossed illegally through the mountains. Olivares said he was arrested in Imperial County and deported again at the beginning of September -- the day his father died.
Toward the end of September, he tried one last time to cross legally with his mother.
"They wanted me to sign deportation papers," he said. "I told them I wasn't going to sign anything and I wanted to see a judge." That's when authorities took him to the detention center near San Diego.
ACLU attorney Jennie Pasquarella said Olivares' situation underscores an immigration enforcement problem.
Gorman is a Times staff writer, anna.gorman@latimes.com
An ACLU attorney showed authorities his birth certificate and other documents to obtain his release.
By Anna Gorman October 28, 2008
Federal authorities have released a Los Angeles man from immigration detention after acknowledging that he is a U.S. citizen.
Guillermo Olivares Romero, 25, was held at an Otay Mesa detention center from Sept. 25 until Oct. 9, when an American Civil Liberties Union attorney presented his birth certificate, school and vaccination records to immigration authorities. He was released that day.
Olivares, who has criminal convictions for robbery and forgery, had been deported twice and denied entry into the United States multiple times. Olivares said he and his mother, a legal permanent resident, showed authorities his birth certificate many times.
"They didn't believe me," Olivares, from Los Angeles, said Friday. "There was nothing I could do."
But Immigration and Customs Enforcement spokeswoman Virginia Kice said Friday that Olivares said he was born in Guadalajara, Mexico. Olivares' statewide criminal rap sheet also shows that he was born in Mexico, Kice said.
"ICE would never knowingly remove or voluntarily return an individual who is a U.S. citizen," she said.
This is not the first time a U.S. citizen has been deported. Pedro Guzman of Lancaster spent 89 days in Mexico after being deported by immigration agents. ICE agents said Guzman too had falsely contended that he was Mexican.
Olivares first encountered immigration officials in 2000, when, they say, he was trying to smuggle in a relative using someone else's birth certificate. Olivares said officials wouldn't let him in that day but allowed him to return to the United States a week later when his mother came down with his birth certificate.
In 2007, he was deported after serving time in state prison. Olivares said he insisted that he was not Mexican, but immigration officials say he signed a document acknowledging that he was and that was why he was being deported. Olivares decided to live with relatives in Jalisco but said that this summer he tried to return because his father was ill. Authorities wouldn't let him in. Desperate to see his father before he passed away, he said, he crossed illegally through the mountains. Olivares said he was arrested in Imperial County and deported again at the beginning of September -- the day his father died.
Toward the end of September, he tried one last time to cross legally with his mother.
"They wanted me to sign deportation papers," he said. "I told them I wasn't going to sign anything and I wanted to see a judge." That's when authorities took him to the detention center near San Diego.
ACLU attorney Jennie Pasquarella said Olivares' situation underscores an immigration enforcement problem.
Gorman is a Times staff writer, anna.gorman@latimes.com
Hispanic farmworkers may finally get their wages
Braceros line up for wages withheld during WWII
SACRAMENTO BEE sferriss@sacbee.com Oct. 27, 2008
Crescencio Acevedo, 86, said he could still use the wages he believes were stolen from him more than 60 years ago, during World War II.
He needs new dentures.
In his apartment in Woodland, the farm town where he debuted as a bracero in 1944, Acevedo and other octogenarians last week sifted through memories and yellowed papers. They wondered if an injustice of a bittersweet era was finally – without tricks – going to be addressed.
"We earned that money. It's not something we're asking for that is not ours," said Acevedo, one of about 300,000 Mexican guest workers – called braceros, a pair of arms – the U.S. government recruited to keep farms and railroads going during World War II.
Through Jan. 5, Mexican consulates in the United States will accept applications to repay a debt owed braceros who worked in the United States between 1942 and 1946.
As part of the wartime agreement with Mexico, the U.S. government garnished 10 percent of every bracero's wages during that time and sent the money to a savings fund in Mexico as an incentive to return to their home country.
The workers assume that an estimated $32 million in braceros' savings was stolen in Mexico. The vast majority of workers never received the payments, whether they returned to Mexico or immigrated here, as many did through marriage or sponsorship by U.S. employers.
Records uncovered recently show that plenty of braceros complained to Mexican and U.S. officials about their missing money. Jose Diego, another former bracero in Woodland, said he was told he was "crazy" at a bank in Mexico in 1947 when he and a friend inquired about their savings.
During decades of secretive, one-party rule in Mexico, which ended in 2000, such a response was typical. But a binational movement, lawsuits and news reports helped force a more democratic Mexico to acknowledge the grievance.
Widows or surviving children of dead braceros can apply for the onetime payment of $3,500, but they must meet requirements – including Mexican nationality – which consular officials say they will help survivors obtain.
Some of the braceros themselves say they could use that money to pay bills. Payment is also a question of principle.
"They've put up road barrier after barrier not to pay them, waiting for them to die off," said Lalo Acevedo, Crescencio's son.
Lalo Acevedo, who runs a refugee program for Southeast Asians in Fresno, was born in Arizona. His bracero father met his mother, a native of New Mexico, when both were wartime maintenance workers on trains carrying supplies, soldiers and weapons.
"The braceros were … spokes on the wheel that made the whole thing work during the war," he said.
The back pay his father and others hope for stems from a class-action lawsuit filed by a Chicago firm on behalf of U.S.-based braceros.
News of the settlement, announced this month, reverberated through California, where most of the braceros worked. The first train arrived in Stockton in 1942.
California is also home to most of the descendents of those who subsequently immigrated. Almost anyone in California's large Mexican American population – more than one-third of the state – can trace a family tie to a bracero.
"This is an American story. It's a story that's still being played out," said Paul Lopez, a California State University, Chico, sociologist whose collection of oral histories, "The Braceros: The Untold Stories," will be published next year.
Beginning in 2005, braceros and survivors who live in Mexico were allowed to apply for $3,500 to make amends for the lost savings. But those who live here were not included unless they traveled to Mexico.
Unlike the progam here, the payment in Mexico is open to braceros who worked in the United States after World War II. The bracero program was extended, at U.S. farmers' request but was terminated in 1964 because of abuses and irregularities, including explicable wage deductions.
On Thursday, the first day of the registration period, Acevedo went to the Mexican Consulate in Sacramento to inquire about making a claim.
He was joined by Diego, who hobbled on a cane.
Diego immediately hit a bureaucratic wall. He no longer has records from that time – no original contract, no work stubs, which are required.
"It's all in my memories," said Diego, who worked in Colorado, Idaho and California.
In 1954, he was sponsored for residency by a Woodland grower – one of the only ones who didn't cheat him, he said.
Diego's only hope, according to lawyers, may be if Social Security records reflect his bracero work, or if a copy of his contract can be found in governmental records.
"They must have copies," he said. "I saw them make them."
Acevedo may be luckier.
He initially worked on Yolo County farms, but spent most of the war years in Arizona. His son Lalo called the Railroad Retirement Board last week, and an employee found his father's work records.
Another Woodland resident, Elva Acevedo, no relation to Crescencio, also went to the consulate Thursday.
Leaning on her cane, going from window to window, she became frustrated. She met her late husband, Fidel, in Woodland, where he was a bracero. She still had his original work contract, an ID card and even his war rations card.
But Elva, 75, was born in Texas, as her parents were. She was told she would need to obtain Mexican nationality by living in Mexico for six months.
Sacramento Mexican Consul Alejandra Bologna suggested in a meeting with Elva and other applicants that perhaps one of the couple's sons could apply for the payment.
He wouldn't have to live in Mexico to claim his Mexican nationality, she said.
"But it was my husband's money," Elva protested. "I have his documents and shouldn't have to go through this to get what was his."
Matt Piers, one of the bracero attorneys in Chicago, said the Mexican government has flexibility on how it judges documents and could try to help braceros and their families gather records to prove their claims.
Piers called the 10 percent wage deduction "an insult to injury."
He said that one of his clients, now 92, told him how he nearly died when he was a bracero because a Wisconsin farmer refused to take him a doctor when he fell ill.
He went to a hospital on his own and collapsed before a doctor took out his appendix.
"That farmer told him, 'You either dig vegetables or get back on a bus to Mexico,' " Piers said. "The remarkable thing," he added, is that despite experiences like these, "these men are so positive about the United States."
Acevedo, who keeps an American flag on his front door, remembers how eagerly the braceros worked, despite bitter moments when they were banned from restaurants and segregated in movie theaters and on buses. Many were told to strip at the border and sprayed with DDT, and were often stiffed out of pay.
Diego remembered that in Woodland, "Americans used to point at braceros and yell out at them, calling them 'Tortillas, tortillas!' "
"Now," he chuckled, leaning on his cane, "Americans eat more tortillas than we do. Things are different."
SACRAMENTO BEE sferriss@sacbee.com Oct. 27, 2008
Crescencio Acevedo, 86, said he could still use the wages he believes were stolen from him more than 60 years ago, during World War II.
He needs new dentures.
In his apartment in Woodland, the farm town where he debuted as a bracero in 1944, Acevedo and other octogenarians last week sifted through memories and yellowed papers. They wondered if an injustice of a bittersweet era was finally – without tricks – going to be addressed.
"We earned that money. It's not something we're asking for that is not ours," said Acevedo, one of about 300,000 Mexican guest workers – called braceros, a pair of arms – the U.S. government recruited to keep farms and railroads going during World War II.
Through Jan. 5, Mexican consulates in the United States will accept applications to repay a debt owed braceros who worked in the United States between 1942 and 1946.
As part of the wartime agreement with Mexico, the U.S. government garnished 10 percent of every bracero's wages during that time and sent the money to a savings fund in Mexico as an incentive to return to their home country.
The workers assume that an estimated $32 million in braceros' savings was stolen in Mexico. The vast majority of workers never received the payments, whether they returned to Mexico or immigrated here, as many did through marriage or sponsorship by U.S. employers.
Records uncovered recently show that plenty of braceros complained to Mexican and U.S. officials about their missing money. Jose Diego, another former bracero in Woodland, said he was told he was "crazy" at a bank in Mexico in 1947 when he and a friend inquired about their savings.
During decades of secretive, one-party rule in Mexico, which ended in 2000, such a response was typical. But a binational movement, lawsuits and news reports helped force a more democratic Mexico to acknowledge the grievance.
Widows or surviving children of dead braceros can apply for the onetime payment of $3,500, but they must meet requirements – including Mexican nationality – which consular officials say they will help survivors obtain.
Some of the braceros themselves say they could use that money to pay bills. Payment is also a question of principle.
"They've put up road barrier after barrier not to pay them, waiting for them to die off," said Lalo Acevedo, Crescencio's son.
Lalo Acevedo, who runs a refugee program for Southeast Asians in Fresno, was born in Arizona. His bracero father met his mother, a native of New Mexico, when both were wartime maintenance workers on trains carrying supplies, soldiers and weapons.
"The braceros were … spokes on the wheel that made the whole thing work during the war," he said.
The back pay his father and others hope for stems from a class-action lawsuit filed by a Chicago firm on behalf of U.S.-based braceros.
News of the settlement, announced this month, reverberated through California, where most of the braceros worked. The first train arrived in Stockton in 1942.
California is also home to most of the descendents of those who subsequently immigrated. Almost anyone in California's large Mexican American population – more than one-third of the state – can trace a family tie to a bracero.
"This is an American story. It's a story that's still being played out," said Paul Lopez, a California State University, Chico, sociologist whose collection of oral histories, "The Braceros: The Untold Stories," will be published next year.
Beginning in 2005, braceros and survivors who live in Mexico were allowed to apply for $3,500 to make amends for the lost savings. But those who live here were not included unless they traveled to Mexico.
Unlike the progam here, the payment in Mexico is open to braceros who worked in the United States after World War II. The bracero program was extended, at U.S. farmers' request but was terminated in 1964 because of abuses and irregularities, including explicable wage deductions.
On Thursday, the first day of the registration period, Acevedo went to the Mexican Consulate in Sacramento to inquire about making a claim.
He was joined by Diego, who hobbled on a cane.
Diego immediately hit a bureaucratic wall. He no longer has records from that time – no original contract, no work stubs, which are required.
"It's all in my memories," said Diego, who worked in Colorado, Idaho and California.
In 1954, he was sponsored for residency by a Woodland grower – one of the only ones who didn't cheat him, he said.
Diego's only hope, according to lawyers, may be if Social Security records reflect his bracero work, or if a copy of his contract can be found in governmental records.
"They must have copies," he said. "I saw them make them."
Acevedo may be luckier.
He initially worked on Yolo County farms, but spent most of the war years in Arizona. His son Lalo called the Railroad Retirement Board last week, and an employee found his father's work records.
Another Woodland resident, Elva Acevedo, no relation to Crescencio, also went to the consulate Thursday.
Leaning on her cane, going from window to window, she became frustrated. She met her late husband, Fidel, in Woodland, where he was a bracero. She still had his original work contract, an ID card and even his war rations card.
But Elva, 75, was born in Texas, as her parents were. She was told she would need to obtain Mexican nationality by living in Mexico for six months.
Sacramento Mexican Consul Alejandra Bologna suggested in a meeting with Elva and other applicants that perhaps one of the couple's sons could apply for the payment.
He wouldn't have to live in Mexico to claim his Mexican nationality, she said.
"But it was my husband's money," Elva protested. "I have his documents and shouldn't have to go through this to get what was his."
Matt Piers, one of the bracero attorneys in Chicago, said the Mexican government has flexibility on how it judges documents and could try to help braceros and their families gather records to prove their claims.
Piers called the 10 percent wage deduction "an insult to injury."
He said that one of his clients, now 92, told him how he nearly died when he was a bracero because a Wisconsin farmer refused to take him a doctor when he fell ill.
He went to a hospital on his own and collapsed before a doctor took out his appendix.
"That farmer told him, 'You either dig vegetables or get back on a bus to Mexico,' " Piers said. "The remarkable thing," he added, is that despite experiences like these, "these men are so positive about the United States."
Acevedo, who keeps an American flag on his front door, remembers how eagerly the braceros worked, despite bitter moments when they were banned from restaurants and segregated in movie theaters and on buses. Many were told to strip at the border and sprayed with DDT, and were often stiffed out of pay.
Diego remembered that in Woodland, "Americans used to point at braceros and yell out at them, calling them 'Tortillas, tortillas!' "
"Now," he chuckled, leaning on his cane, "Americans eat more tortillas than we do. Things are different."
Monday, October 27, 2008
Voter verification may disillusion new Hispanic voters
Florida counties split over voter verification
BY CURTIS MORGAN, MARY ELLEN KLAS AND CHARLES RABIN
With Election Day a week away, about 2,700 people who registered to vote over the past two months in Miami-Dade and Broward remain on the state's controversial ''unverified'' list.
None of the mostly black, Hispanic and Democratic would-be voters will be turned away at the polls. But they stand to face different hurdles in each county and -- at least potentially -- different odds of having their votes counted.
The separate standards in Florida's two largest counties reflect a statewide political rift over how to handle thousands of voters flagged by Florida's Voter Verification Law, known as the ''no-match'' law.
Miami-Dade is among counties opting to allow unverified voters to resolve discrepancies in identification documents at the poll and use a regular ballot -- if they can offer proof they are who they say they are.
Broward and others will follow procedures set by Secretary of State Kurt Browning that require either clearing ID questions first with elections offices or filling out a ''provisional'' ballot.
''Anytime we start veering too far from uniformity in Florida, I think we open ourselves up to possible legal challenges,'' said Browning, a Republican.
Democrats and voter advocates argue there are serious differences between the two standards, with the state policy forcing more voters to cast provisional ballots subject to higher scrutiny and rejection.
''Let's have uniform standards that accommodate voters instead of laying more obstacles in front of them,'' said Dan McCrea, president of the nonpartisan Florida Voters Coalition.
The verification law does not affect the vast majority of Florida's 11.2 million registered voters. It applies to more than 400,000 people registered since Sept. 8, the day the state reimposed a 2006 law that had been suspended because of pending federal lawsuits by civil and voter rights groups.
The law, touted as a means to prevent potential election fraud and remove gag registrations such as ''Joe Blow,'' requires new applicants to supply a driver's license number or the last four digits of their Social Security number. After screening by the state Bureau of Voter Registration, counties must mail notification letters asking registrants to correct any mismatches.
As of Friday, the bureau had sent 13,339 applications back and 8,863 voters remained unverified -- nearly a third of them in Miami-Dade and Broward. A final list, due next week, could range near 15,000.
LIST WHITTLED
Mary Cooney, a spokeswoman for the Broward election office, said about 500 flagged voters had been cleared, but 1,769 others had not yet responded. Miami-Dade elections spokeswoman Marie Bertot said the county had whittled a list of more than 2,200 to about 1,000.
Political parties have battled over the law since it was passed in 2005.
It has been tweaked several times since to make it easier for voters to correct errors by e-mail, fax or in person, said Jennifer Davis, a spokeswoman for Browning. She defended the policy as a ''fair and the least onerous'' way to balance supervisors' ability to manage elections and voters' opportunity to fix ID issues.
''We're talking about in a worst-case scenario, an applicant is getting to cast a provisional ballot,'' she said -- and then has 48 hours to verify their ID.
Erin VanSickle, a Florida GOP spokeswoman, said the law ensures legitimate voters won't be canceled out by illegitimate ones. ''Republicans want as many people involved in the process as possible as long as they are casting legal, legitimate ballots,'' she said.
Five Florida Democratic congressional leaders -- Alcee Hastings, Corrine Brown, Kathy Castor, Debbie Wasserman Schultz and Robert Wexler -- wrote to Gov. Charlie Crist two weeks ago urging a halt to a process they argue targets minority voters.
Before the law was suspended in 2007, they wrote, 65 percent of no-matches were black or Hispanic, though they represented only 28 percent of applicants. The state's most recent verifications show similar results -- roughly 30 percent black, 30 percent Hispanic and about 20 percent white non-Hispanic. Four in five were registering as Democrats.
''We knew this was going to disproportionately impact minorities,'' said David Goldenberg, a spokesman for Hastings, D-Miramar. ``In Hispanic communities, sometimes it comes down to whether you had an accent or tilde over one of the letters.''
Davis said there was an explanation for the imbalance: ``Those are the same groups that are submitting the highest number of registrations.''
Though the no-match law remains in effect, Ronald Labasky, a Tallahassee attorney and general counsel for the Florida State Association of Supervisors of Elections, issued a legal memo Tuesday opening the door for counties to tweak verification steps.
State law, Labasky argued, said nothing about where proof of identity had to be submitted. He believes at least half of 67 counties will accept that proof at the polls and either issue a regular ballot, which can't be contested once cast, or attach the proof to a provisional ballot.
''I think the objective of a large number of the supervisors will be to allow the individual to cast a ballot and walk away and never have to think about it again,'' he said.
Brenda Snipes, a Democrat who is Broward's supervisor of elections, will follow the state's guidance, Cooney said. The county, she said, had given applicants ample opportunity to resolve mismatches.
'We've pursued these people with letters and phone calls, but it's still the voters' responsibility to respond,'' Cooney said.
Miami-Dade's Lester Sola, the state's only appointed elections supervisor, said the county will allow an unverified voter to use a regular ballot -- with copies of the proper documentation for precinct clerks to keep.
''If he shows up that day with a photo copy, we should accept the copy, and allow that person to cast a regular ballot,'' Sola said.
`SOME LEEWAY'
Elizabeth Westfall, senior attorney for the Washington, D.C.-based Advancement Project, one of the groups that have unsuccessfully challenged Florida's law, said Browning acknowledged supervisors have ``some leeway to do their own thing.''
She urged Snipes and other supervisors to support the ''more voter-friendly rule'' and not force the use of what she called ''risky'' provisional ballots.
They can be rejected for many reasons, such as an unverified voter with proper ID mistakenly casting the ballot in the wrong precinct. In 2006, she said, 27 percent of provisional ballots were tossed in state races.
Browning, the state's top election officer, said he emphasized to supervisors that Florida's law has been cleared by the U.S. Department of Justice. But he wouldn't go so far as to say counties would break the law if they didn't follow the state's lead.
''Obviously,'' he said, ``people will differ in their interpretations of the election code, but I believe strongly that the procedures we are recommending for voter verification are legally sound, equitable, provide uniformity, and it is the right thing to do.''
Miami Herald Tallahassee Bureau writer Marc Caputo contributed to this report.
BY CURTIS MORGAN, MARY ELLEN KLAS AND CHARLES RABIN
With Election Day a week away, about 2,700 people who registered to vote over the past two months in Miami-Dade and Broward remain on the state's controversial ''unverified'' list.
None of the mostly black, Hispanic and Democratic would-be voters will be turned away at the polls. But they stand to face different hurdles in each county and -- at least potentially -- different odds of having their votes counted.
The separate standards in Florida's two largest counties reflect a statewide political rift over how to handle thousands of voters flagged by Florida's Voter Verification Law, known as the ''no-match'' law.
Miami-Dade is among counties opting to allow unverified voters to resolve discrepancies in identification documents at the poll and use a regular ballot -- if they can offer proof they are who they say they are.
Broward and others will follow procedures set by Secretary of State Kurt Browning that require either clearing ID questions first with elections offices or filling out a ''provisional'' ballot.
''Anytime we start veering too far from uniformity in Florida, I think we open ourselves up to possible legal challenges,'' said Browning, a Republican.
Democrats and voter advocates argue there are serious differences between the two standards, with the state policy forcing more voters to cast provisional ballots subject to higher scrutiny and rejection.
''Let's have uniform standards that accommodate voters instead of laying more obstacles in front of them,'' said Dan McCrea, president of the nonpartisan Florida Voters Coalition.
The verification law does not affect the vast majority of Florida's 11.2 million registered voters. It applies to more than 400,000 people registered since Sept. 8, the day the state reimposed a 2006 law that had been suspended because of pending federal lawsuits by civil and voter rights groups.
The law, touted as a means to prevent potential election fraud and remove gag registrations such as ''Joe Blow,'' requires new applicants to supply a driver's license number or the last four digits of their Social Security number. After screening by the state Bureau of Voter Registration, counties must mail notification letters asking registrants to correct any mismatches.
As of Friday, the bureau had sent 13,339 applications back and 8,863 voters remained unverified -- nearly a third of them in Miami-Dade and Broward. A final list, due next week, could range near 15,000.
LIST WHITTLED
Mary Cooney, a spokeswoman for the Broward election office, said about 500 flagged voters had been cleared, but 1,769 others had not yet responded. Miami-Dade elections spokeswoman Marie Bertot said the county had whittled a list of more than 2,200 to about 1,000.
Political parties have battled over the law since it was passed in 2005.
It has been tweaked several times since to make it easier for voters to correct errors by e-mail, fax or in person, said Jennifer Davis, a spokeswoman for Browning. She defended the policy as a ''fair and the least onerous'' way to balance supervisors' ability to manage elections and voters' opportunity to fix ID issues.
''We're talking about in a worst-case scenario, an applicant is getting to cast a provisional ballot,'' she said -- and then has 48 hours to verify their ID.
Erin VanSickle, a Florida GOP spokeswoman, said the law ensures legitimate voters won't be canceled out by illegitimate ones. ''Republicans want as many people involved in the process as possible as long as they are casting legal, legitimate ballots,'' she said.
Five Florida Democratic congressional leaders -- Alcee Hastings, Corrine Brown, Kathy Castor, Debbie Wasserman Schultz and Robert Wexler -- wrote to Gov. Charlie Crist two weeks ago urging a halt to a process they argue targets minority voters.
Before the law was suspended in 2007, they wrote, 65 percent of no-matches were black or Hispanic, though they represented only 28 percent of applicants. The state's most recent verifications show similar results -- roughly 30 percent black, 30 percent Hispanic and about 20 percent white non-Hispanic. Four in five were registering as Democrats.
''We knew this was going to disproportionately impact minorities,'' said David Goldenberg, a spokesman for Hastings, D-Miramar. ``In Hispanic communities, sometimes it comes down to whether you had an accent or tilde over one of the letters.''
Davis said there was an explanation for the imbalance: ``Those are the same groups that are submitting the highest number of registrations.''
Though the no-match law remains in effect, Ronald Labasky, a Tallahassee attorney and general counsel for the Florida State Association of Supervisors of Elections, issued a legal memo Tuesday opening the door for counties to tweak verification steps.
State law, Labasky argued, said nothing about where proof of identity had to be submitted. He believes at least half of 67 counties will accept that proof at the polls and either issue a regular ballot, which can't be contested once cast, or attach the proof to a provisional ballot.
''I think the objective of a large number of the supervisors will be to allow the individual to cast a ballot and walk away and never have to think about it again,'' he said.
Brenda Snipes, a Democrat who is Broward's supervisor of elections, will follow the state's guidance, Cooney said. The county, she said, had given applicants ample opportunity to resolve mismatches.
'We've pursued these people with letters and phone calls, but it's still the voters' responsibility to respond,'' Cooney said.
Miami-Dade's Lester Sola, the state's only appointed elections supervisor, said the county will allow an unverified voter to use a regular ballot -- with copies of the proper documentation for precinct clerks to keep.
''If he shows up that day with a photo copy, we should accept the copy, and allow that person to cast a regular ballot,'' Sola said.
`SOME LEEWAY'
Elizabeth Westfall, senior attorney for the Washington, D.C.-based Advancement Project, one of the groups that have unsuccessfully challenged Florida's law, said Browning acknowledged supervisors have ``some leeway to do their own thing.''
She urged Snipes and other supervisors to support the ''more voter-friendly rule'' and not force the use of what she called ''risky'' provisional ballots.
They can be rejected for many reasons, such as an unverified voter with proper ID mistakenly casting the ballot in the wrong precinct. In 2006, she said, 27 percent of provisional ballots were tossed in state races.
Browning, the state's top election officer, said he emphasized to supervisors that Florida's law has been cleared by the U.S. Department of Justice. But he wouldn't go so far as to say counties would break the law if they didn't follow the state's lead.
''Obviously,'' he said, ``people will differ in their interpretations of the election code, but I believe strongly that the procedures we are recommending for voter verification are legally sound, equitable, provide uniformity, and it is the right thing to do.''
Miami Herald Tallahassee Bureau writer Marc Caputo contributed to this report.
Hispanics in Florida are diverse and don't all agree on one candidate
Diversity among Hispanics presents challenge for presidential campaigns
By Alexia Campbell | South Florida Sun-Sentinel October 26, 2008
As Ana Perez knocks on door after door in Sunrise, she finds proof of Florida's increasingly diverse Hispanic landscape.
The Dominican-born woman switches to Spanish as she talks to people from Colombia, Puerto Rico and Uruguay, asking them all the same question: Are you voting for Barack Obama or John McCain? Perez, 39, a Democrat who voted for George W. Bush and now canvasses for Obama, sees a lesson in the diversity she encounters. "[Hispanics] are really just like any other Americans."
The changing Latino electorate in Florida is a tricky issue for both presidential campaigns. These days it takes more than a stop in Miami's Little Havana and a quick anti-Castro speech for candidates to win the Hispanic vote. Immigration from Central and South America has made the Hispanic voting population much more varied and diluted the power of conservative Cuban exiles at the polls.
Twenty years ago, Election Day exit polls showed that 72 percent of the Hispanic electorate in Florida voted Republican in the presidential elections. That was thanks to former president Ronald Reagan, whose tough anti-communist stance won the hearts of the Cuban exile community.
Today, 38 percent of Latino voters in Florida are Democrats, voter records show. Republicans make up 33 percent, followed closely by those who registered with no party affiliation, 27.5 percent. Candidates struggle to find a message that appeals to all: right-wing Venezuelans in Weston; Democratic Puerto Ricans in Pembroke Pines; conservative Colombians in Plantation.
McCain seemed to recognize that changing Hispanic demographic at a campaign appearance Oct. 17 at Florida International University. Addressing a largely Hispanic crowd, he gave the expected anti-Castro talk. He also took a jab at socialist Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. But he didn't forget that while Hispanics still connect with issues involving their country of origin, the burning issues here are what really matter.
"I'm going to make sure we take care of the people who are devastated by the excess in greed on Wall Street and Washington," he told them. "I'm going to spend a lot of that money to bring relief to you."
Both Obama and McCain have put out Spanish-language ads targeting working-class families worried about the economy. Both also count on a diverse group of local supporters to reach out to their own people.
It's not easy getting Latino voters in South Florida to unite, says Peter Camacho, of the group Colombians for Obama. Last Sunday, salsa, merengue and Colombian pop blared from a mini-bus that led a caravan of Obama supporters through Lake Worth. The red, white and blue bus covered with Obama signs makes stops at Hispanic supermarkets and a popular taco joint.
"Necesitamos cambio!" boomed over the loud speakers on the bus. "We need change!"
Camacho, of Boca Raton, volunteers with the Obama campaign almost every day. As he talks with Spanish-speaking voters, he's frustrated by how divided they are by their individual concerns about the countries they came from.
"We don't work together to see the big picture," said Camacho, 47. "We're not meshed together. We're not overlapping."
The political shift in Florida can be traced to two things, says Dario Moreno, director of the Metropolitan Center at Florida International University. One is the rise of non-Cuban Hispanics. The other is the political gap between Cuban immigrants and their American-born children.
"These two factors have made the Hispanic community much more complex than it used to be and made campaigning here much more difficult," Moreno said.
Telemundo soap opera star Katie Barberi joined Sen. Joe Lieberman on stage at Viva Broward last Sunday following salsa and cumbia shows. The two praised McCain's experience to the Latino crowd at the Pompano Beach festival.
Ana Gomez-Mallada, a Fort Lauderdale-based lawyer born in Havana, was also there to get votes for McCain. She says candidates need to realize Cuba is not every Latino's number one concern in Florida.
"Whether you're from Puerto Rico ... whether you're Cuban or an illegal alien," she said, "it's always going to be about education, learning English and having access to the American Dream."
Alexia Campbell can be reached at apcampbell@SunSentinel.com or 954-356-4513
By Alexia Campbell | South Florida Sun-Sentinel October 26, 2008
As Ana Perez knocks on door after door in Sunrise, she finds proof of Florida's increasingly diverse Hispanic landscape.
The Dominican-born woman switches to Spanish as she talks to people from Colombia, Puerto Rico and Uruguay, asking them all the same question: Are you voting for Barack Obama or John McCain? Perez, 39, a Democrat who voted for George W. Bush and now canvasses for Obama, sees a lesson in the diversity she encounters. "[Hispanics] are really just like any other Americans."
The changing Latino electorate in Florida is a tricky issue for both presidential campaigns. These days it takes more than a stop in Miami's Little Havana and a quick anti-Castro speech for candidates to win the Hispanic vote. Immigration from Central and South America has made the Hispanic voting population much more varied and diluted the power of conservative Cuban exiles at the polls.
Twenty years ago, Election Day exit polls showed that 72 percent of the Hispanic electorate in Florida voted Republican in the presidential elections. That was thanks to former president Ronald Reagan, whose tough anti-communist stance won the hearts of the Cuban exile community.
Today, 38 percent of Latino voters in Florida are Democrats, voter records show. Republicans make up 33 percent, followed closely by those who registered with no party affiliation, 27.5 percent. Candidates struggle to find a message that appeals to all: right-wing Venezuelans in Weston; Democratic Puerto Ricans in Pembroke Pines; conservative Colombians in Plantation.
McCain seemed to recognize that changing Hispanic demographic at a campaign appearance Oct. 17 at Florida International University. Addressing a largely Hispanic crowd, he gave the expected anti-Castro talk. He also took a jab at socialist Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. But he didn't forget that while Hispanics still connect with issues involving their country of origin, the burning issues here are what really matter.
"I'm going to make sure we take care of the people who are devastated by the excess in greed on Wall Street and Washington," he told them. "I'm going to spend a lot of that money to bring relief to you."
Both Obama and McCain have put out Spanish-language ads targeting working-class families worried about the economy. Both also count on a diverse group of local supporters to reach out to their own people.
It's not easy getting Latino voters in South Florida to unite, says Peter Camacho, of the group Colombians for Obama. Last Sunday, salsa, merengue and Colombian pop blared from a mini-bus that led a caravan of Obama supporters through Lake Worth. The red, white and blue bus covered with Obama signs makes stops at Hispanic supermarkets and a popular taco joint.
"Necesitamos cambio!" boomed over the loud speakers on the bus. "We need change!"
Camacho, of Boca Raton, volunteers with the Obama campaign almost every day. As he talks with Spanish-speaking voters, he's frustrated by how divided they are by their individual concerns about the countries they came from.
"We don't work together to see the big picture," said Camacho, 47. "We're not meshed together. We're not overlapping."
The political shift in Florida can be traced to two things, says Dario Moreno, director of the Metropolitan Center at Florida International University. One is the rise of non-Cuban Hispanics. The other is the political gap between Cuban immigrants and their American-born children.
"These two factors have made the Hispanic community much more complex than it used to be and made campaigning here much more difficult," Moreno said.
Telemundo soap opera star Katie Barberi joined Sen. Joe Lieberman on stage at Viva Broward last Sunday following salsa and cumbia shows. The two praised McCain's experience to the Latino crowd at the Pompano Beach festival.
Ana Gomez-Mallada, a Fort Lauderdale-based lawyer born in Havana, was also there to get votes for McCain. She says candidates need to realize Cuba is not every Latino's number one concern in Florida.
"Whether you're from Puerto Rico ... whether you're Cuban or an illegal alien," she said, "it's always going to be about education, learning English and having access to the American Dream."
Alexia Campbell can be reached at apcampbell@SunSentinel.com or 954-356-4513
Latino voters see moral issues and economy before party lines
Economy, Values Split Coveted Latino Vote
Cristi Jessee
SACRAMENTO, CA - While they don't agree on much, John McCain and Barrack Obama have openly agreed on one thing -- whoever wins the Latino vote on November 4 will be the next president of the United States.
One in three Californians is Latino and at both Obama's and McCain's local campaign offices, Spanish-speaking volunteers were canvassing neighborhoods and making phone calls, trying to win over those crucial Latino voters.
"None of these candidates is going to get to the White House without the Latino vote," said Hector Barajas, communications director for the California Republican Party. "I think one of the most important things is that we communicate on the issues that are most important to them. Obviously the economy, providing jobs, but at the same time discuss immigration."
"The Latino vote is extremely important, as is every vote," said California regional field director for Obama's campaign Kim Mack. "We've got to put that human touch out there, because at the end of the day, that's what it is about. We're all connected and we all have to understand that about each other."
At Our Lady of Guadalupe Catholic Church, parishioners stand united in worship, but are split when it comes to who they will vote for President on election day.
"I think McCain should be President," said McCain supporter Juan Moreira. "It depends on what is important to each person. But I think moral values is a bit of a bigger issue."
"The whole family is going to vote for the right decision and our decision is Obama," said Obama supporter Estella Mendoza. "McCain is not really into the Hispanic community and what we need for our community. I think Obama is more understanding of us."
Despite the split votes on the Presidential ticket, most parishioners said they would vote yes on California's controversial ballot measures Prop 4 and Prop 8.
If passed, Prop 4; or the Parental Notification Initiative; would require parental notification for minors seeking an abortion. Prop 8, California's Marriage Protection Act, would eliminate the right of same-sex couples to marry in California.
Cristi Jessee
SACRAMENTO, CA - While they don't agree on much, John McCain and Barrack Obama have openly agreed on one thing -- whoever wins the Latino vote on November 4 will be the next president of the United States.
One in three Californians is Latino and at both Obama's and McCain's local campaign offices, Spanish-speaking volunteers were canvassing neighborhoods and making phone calls, trying to win over those crucial Latino voters.
"None of these candidates is going to get to the White House without the Latino vote," said Hector Barajas, communications director for the California Republican Party. "I think one of the most important things is that we communicate on the issues that are most important to them. Obviously the economy, providing jobs, but at the same time discuss immigration."
"The Latino vote is extremely important, as is every vote," said California regional field director for Obama's campaign Kim Mack. "We've got to put that human touch out there, because at the end of the day, that's what it is about. We're all connected and we all have to understand that about each other."
At Our Lady of Guadalupe Catholic Church, parishioners stand united in worship, but are split when it comes to who they will vote for President on election day.
"I think McCain should be President," said McCain supporter Juan Moreira. "It depends on what is important to each person. But I think moral values is a bit of a bigger issue."
"The whole family is going to vote for the right decision and our decision is Obama," said Obama supporter Estella Mendoza. "McCain is not really into the Hispanic community and what we need for our community. I think Obama is more understanding of us."
Despite the split votes on the Presidential ticket, most parishioners said they would vote yes on California's controversial ballot measures Prop 4 and Prop 8.
If passed, Prop 4; or the Parental Notification Initiative; would require parental notification for minors seeking an abortion. Prop 8, California's Marriage Protection Act, would eliminate the right of same-sex couples to marry in California.
Voto Latino pushes young voters to participate
Young Latino voters have become a force
By Mary Elena Salinas Oct. 26, 2008
When Daniel Pichardo goes to vote Nov. 4, it won't be just another exercise of his civic duty. It will be a moment he has looked forward to since he became a voting-age citizen of the United States. At 26 years old, it will be his first time voting in a presidential election and he plans to get up at the crack of dawn to get in line.
Daniel is one of seven brothers born in the Dominican Republic, five of whom are naturalized U.S. citizens. Ages 22 to 31, they all are part of the fastest-growing sector of our electorate. Of the 17 million Hispanics eligible to vote in the United States, half of them are under the age of 40, and it is estimated that 50,000 Latinos are joining the voting-age population each month.
Voto Latino, a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization, is doing everything possible to make sure young Latinos who are eligible to vote participate in the electoral process. The potential is huge. During the past year it has joined the nationwide effort to register voters. Through the first national text-messaging voter-registration and get-out-the-vote project, Voto Latino registered 30,000 18-to-34-year-olds in New Mexico, Nevada, Colorado, Florida and Texas.
Contrary to the popular belief that young voters don't go to the polls because they are lazy or apathetic, a survey conducted by Voto Latino shows the main reason is that no one was asking them to vote, followed by the idea that they're not smart enough to know the issues.
But that is changing. From 2000 to 2004, Latino youth participation at the polls increased by 13 percent, and between 2004 and 2006 the increase was 8 percent. This year the expectations are higher. Eighty-five percent of those interviewed in the Voto Latino survey believe this is the most important election in American history. They are more motivated and better informed. Fifty-two percent of all Latinos who cast their vote during the primaries were 29 and under, according to Maria Teresa Petersen, executive director of Voto Latino.
"What we are seeing is the children of immigrants finally coming of age," says Petersen. Many young Latinos play a pivotal role in the family, helping their parents in everything from making decisions to explaining complicated procedures to translating for them.
"They are voting because they feel the backlash of the negative immigration debate. They are proud of their Latino heritage, but also proud to be an American, and the best way to show it is going to the polls," she said.
Daniel Pichardo is motivated to vote by the thought of being part of history, and by his desire to fulfill his civic responsibility.
"When I was in college, I traveled to Albany (N.Y.) to lobby for more financial aid for college students, and legislators asked us if we voted," he recalls. Most students who could have voted had not and were told they had no right to make demands if they were not participating in the political process. It struck a chord with him.
Of the five Pichardo brothers who are eligible to vote, four are planning to vote, but the youngest one still needs some convincing.
"He is disappointed Hillary Clinton didn't become the nominee," says his older brother. He's also confused by the Electoral College process and feels his vote won't count. "I'm going to have to drag him to the polls. I don't care who he votes for, but he's got to vote," he says jokingly.
Voto Latino will not go as far as Daniel – it won't drag anyone to the polls – but it is doing everything in its power to get young Latinos to vote on Nov. 4. It will employ the tools that youths use to communicate: the airwaves, cyberspace, cell-phone text-messaging and a 120-member-strong young Latino blogging coalition that will make sure they know what's at stake for them in this election and just how much of a difference they can make.
By now it is clear that by the year 2040, Latinos will be 25 percent of the population in the United States. The young Latino voters of today are the movers and shakers of tomorrow. On Nov. 4, they will not only be voting for their families, they will be voting for their future.
By Mary Elena Salinas Oct. 26, 2008
When Daniel Pichardo goes to vote Nov. 4, it won't be just another exercise of his civic duty. It will be a moment he has looked forward to since he became a voting-age citizen of the United States. At 26 years old, it will be his first time voting in a presidential election and he plans to get up at the crack of dawn to get in line.
Daniel is one of seven brothers born in the Dominican Republic, five of whom are naturalized U.S. citizens. Ages 22 to 31, they all are part of the fastest-growing sector of our electorate. Of the 17 million Hispanics eligible to vote in the United States, half of them are under the age of 40, and it is estimated that 50,000 Latinos are joining the voting-age population each month.
Voto Latino, a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization, is doing everything possible to make sure young Latinos who are eligible to vote participate in the electoral process. The potential is huge. During the past year it has joined the nationwide effort to register voters. Through the first national text-messaging voter-registration and get-out-the-vote project, Voto Latino registered 30,000 18-to-34-year-olds in New Mexico, Nevada, Colorado, Florida and Texas.
Contrary to the popular belief that young voters don't go to the polls because they are lazy or apathetic, a survey conducted by Voto Latino shows the main reason is that no one was asking them to vote, followed by the idea that they're not smart enough to know the issues.
But that is changing. From 2000 to 2004, Latino youth participation at the polls increased by 13 percent, and between 2004 and 2006 the increase was 8 percent. This year the expectations are higher. Eighty-five percent of those interviewed in the Voto Latino survey believe this is the most important election in American history. They are more motivated and better informed. Fifty-two percent of all Latinos who cast their vote during the primaries were 29 and under, according to Maria Teresa Petersen, executive director of Voto Latino.
"What we are seeing is the children of immigrants finally coming of age," says Petersen. Many young Latinos play a pivotal role in the family, helping their parents in everything from making decisions to explaining complicated procedures to translating for them.
"They are voting because they feel the backlash of the negative immigration debate. They are proud of their Latino heritage, but also proud to be an American, and the best way to show it is going to the polls," she said.
Daniel Pichardo is motivated to vote by the thought of being part of history, and by his desire to fulfill his civic responsibility.
"When I was in college, I traveled to Albany (N.Y.) to lobby for more financial aid for college students, and legislators asked us if we voted," he recalls. Most students who could have voted had not and were told they had no right to make demands if they were not participating in the political process. It struck a chord with him.
Of the five Pichardo brothers who are eligible to vote, four are planning to vote, but the youngest one still needs some convincing.
"He is disappointed Hillary Clinton didn't become the nominee," says his older brother. He's also confused by the Electoral College process and feels his vote won't count. "I'm going to have to drag him to the polls. I don't care who he votes for, but he's got to vote," he says jokingly.
Voto Latino will not go as far as Daniel – it won't drag anyone to the polls – but it is doing everything in its power to get young Latinos to vote on Nov. 4. It will employ the tools that youths use to communicate: the airwaves, cyberspace, cell-phone text-messaging and a 120-member-strong young Latino blogging coalition that will make sure they know what's at stake for them in this election and just how much of a difference they can make.
By now it is clear that by the year 2040, Latinos will be 25 percent of the population in the United States. The young Latino voters of today are the movers and shakers of tomorrow. On Nov. 4, they will not only be voting for their families, they will be voting for their future.
Latinos told focus is on arresting violent criminals not immigrants
Mesa cops tell Latino gathering of new policies
Mark Crudup, For the Tribune
The Mesa Association of Hispanic Citizens sponsored the 2008 Mesa Latino Town Hall on Saturday, featuring five different presentations regarding immigration and economic issues, including one on the public safety of Mesa residents.
Assistant police chief John Meza talked of new policies of the Mesa Police Department, while noting the department’s efforts to communicate on a more personal level with residents to assuage public safety concerns.
“It’s just a totally different way of policing,” Meza said. “And that’s how you really impact crime.”
Meza tried to ease residents’ concerns about crime on the streets by saying, “We are arresting a lot more people.”
Policing procedures are changing from the past, he said. Officers, he said, are required to report every incident, even if they don’t make an arrest.
“We don’t advocate and promote just going out to make arrests,” Meza said. “Through our system, we advocate going out to make a significant impact on arrests.”
The department is more interested in arresting the “ten-percenters, the 10 percent of the people committing 68 percent of the crimes,” he said.
Statistically, the new policies allow officers to arrest more individuals who are doing violent crimes, Meza said.
“Right now we’ve got 14 homicides in the city of Mesa. We’ve solved and arrested 13 of those cases,” he said.
The police department’s cooperation with various federal agencies has been producing significant results, Meza said. The main issue raised during the presentation was the police department’s impact on the community — a topic involving Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio’s much-debated actions in arresting illegal immigrants during raids.
Meza said it was important for his department to raise awareness in the community and to seek input.
“There is a lot of fear in the Hispanic community,” he said. “It’s a traditional thing: lack of trust, of fear, and just the unknown.”
Meza stressed the importance of establishing better relationships not only with the Hispanic community, but with every group of people.
“The immigration issue is a serious issue,” Meza said. “That’s a federal thing the federal government needs to help deal with. We try to focus on criminal activity.”
The issue boils down to the amount of resources that are available, he said. Lowering the amount of fear an individual has when reporting a crime will help greatly in reducing crime statistics, Meza said.
“If our community, whether it’s the Hispanic community or white community or whatever, is not reporting crimes, then we can’t do our jobs,” he said.
The department’s new policies are focusing on eliminating this fear by training officers.
Meza said department personnel will not “ask a person about his or her immigration status if they are a victim of a crime, or if they are a witness to a crime.”
“This does not mean we’re soft on immigration,” he said.
Denise Traves, a community partnership coordinator with the police department, said officers are making an effort to reach out in the community.
“We’re trying very hard to be out there to hear what’s going on,” she said.
Mark Crudup, For the Tribune
The Mesa Association of Hispanic Citizens sponsored the 2008 Mesa Latino Town Hall on Saturday, featuring five different presentations regarding immigration and economic issues, including one on the public safety of Mesa residents.
Assistant police chief John Meza talked of new policies of the Mesa Police Department, while noting the department’s efforts to communicate on a more personal level with residents to assuage public safety concerns.
“It’s just a totally different way of policing,” Meza said. “And that’s how you really impact crime.”
Meza tried to ease residents’ concerns about crime on the streets by saying, “We are arresting a lot more people.”
Policing procedures are changing from the past, he said. Officers, he said, are required to report every incident, even if they don’t make an arrest.
“We don’t advocate and promote just going out to make arrests,” Meza said. “Through our system, we advocate going out to make a significant impact on arrests.”
The department is more interested in arresting the “ten-percenters, the 10 percent of the people committing 68 percent of the crimes,” he said.
Statistically, the new policies allow officers to arrest more individuals who are doing violent crimes, Meza said.
“Right now we’ve got 14 homicides in the city of Mesa. We’ve solved and arrested 13 of those cases,” he said.
The police department’s cooperation with various federal agencies has been producing significant results, Meza said. The main issue raised during the presentation was the police department’s impact on the community — a topic involving Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio’s much-debated actions in arresting illegal immigrants during raids.
Meza said it was important for his department to raise awareness in the community and to seek input.
“There is a lot of fear in the Hispanic community,” he said. “It’s a traditional thing: lack of trust, of fear, and just the unknown.”
Meza stressed the importance of establishing better relationships not only with the Hispanic community, but with every group of people.
“The immigration issue is a serious issue,” Meza said. “That’s a federal thing the federal government needs to help deal with. We try to focus on criminal activity.”
The issue boils down to the amount of resources that are available, he said. Lowering the amount of fear an individual has when reporting a crime will help greatly in reducing crime statistics, Meza said.
“If our community, whether it’s the Hispanic community or white community or whatever, is not reporting crimes, then we can’t do our jobs,” he said.
The department’s new policies are focusing on eliminating this fear by training officers.
Meza said department personnel will not “ask a person about his or her immigration status if they are a victim of a crime, or if they are a witness to a crime.”
“This does not mean we’re soft on immigration,” he said.
Denise Traves, a community partnership coordinator with the police department, said officers are making an effort to reach out in the community.
“We’re trying very hard to be out there to hear what’s going on,” she said.
Initiatives target the conservative side of Latino voters
Prop. 4, 8 campaigns battle fiercely for crucial Latino vote
By Peter Hecht and Susan Ferriss phecht@sacbee.com Oct. 26, 2008
José Eduardo Verástegui, a Mexican soap opera star and fashion model whom People en Español magazine named one of the 50 most beautiful people in the world, is taking to the airwaves to persuade California voters on two emotionally charged social issues.
Verástegui is the face - and voice - of Spanish-language commercials calling for "yes" votes in favor of a parental notification law for abortion and a ban on same-sex marriage.
His presence in the campaigns for Propositions 4 and 8 underscores the fight for a critical constituency that could decide either measure.
Latino, mostly Catholic, voters overwhelmingly favor Proposition 4. Their turnout is considered key to whether the parental notification initiative passes after two previous ballot failures.
On gay marriage, Latino voters are split. They may well prove to be a critical swing vote on Proposition 8.
From Spanish-language television commercials to inserts in church bulletins, proponents of the initiatives are trying to reach voters such as Juan Navarro, a 44-year-old farmworker from Turlock.
Navarro read translated ballot arguments for Proposition 4 and decided he will vote in favor of the measure requiring doctors to give a parent or guardian 48 hours notice before performing an abortion on a girl under 18.
"There shouldn't be a situation where a girl is in a hospital or a clinic and nobody knows about it," said Navarro, a Catholic who strongly opposes abortion on religious grounds.
Navarro is also a "yes" vote on Proposition 8 because, he said, his faith teaches him that marriage between a man and a woman "is essential to procreation for the continuation of the world."
To reach similar voters, the Yes on 8 campaign is spending $1 million on Spanish-language TV and radio ads. One radio spot features Cardinal Roger Mahony of Los Angeles.
Frank Shubert, manager of the Yes on 8 campaign, said "we have tremendous involvement from the Catholic Church" in pushing the message that gay marriage is wrong and that "children need a mother and a father."
But other influential Latinos, including Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and leaders of the United Farm Workers union, are spreading the word that Proposition 8 is anti-civil rights.
Villaraigosa, who contributed $25,000 to the No on 8 campaign, put out a statement describing his pride in officiating same-sex weddings since the state Supreme Court in June ruled that gay marriage is legal under the California constitution.
Yvette Martinez, political director of the No on 8 campaign, said bilingual phone bank volunteers are appealing to Latinos to be supportive of their family members, regardless of sexual orientation.
"Familia es familia - family is family," Martinez said. "We don't treat anyone differently in our families, gay or straight."
That appeal works for Aurora Rodriguez, a retired teacher in Contra Costa County who favors Proposition 4 but opposes 8.
Rodriguez, a volunteer at a Catholic church in Walnut Creek, agrees with church bulletins that say parents should be notified if a teen is seeking an abortion. On gay marriage, she said, "As a Catholic, I'm not supposed to be for it." But her life has told her otherwise.
"I have a brother who was gay," Rodriguez said. "He died of AIDS. I would support him if he had come to me and said he wanted to get married." Rodriguez symbolizes the complex emotions among many Latino voters over social and religious issues.
In a late September state Field Poll, 62 percent of Latinos supported the abortion notification measure. On gay weddings, Latinos were more divided. Thirty-nine percent favored the same-sex marriage ban and 44 percent opposed it. Gaston Espinosa, a Claremont McKenna College professor who studies Hispanic churches, said more Latinos may support Proposition 4 because of a cultural sense that "family issues are decided by the family, not by people outside the family."
Besides religious opposition to abortion, he said it is common for Latino parents to help daughters who become pregnant to raise their babies. But Espinosa said more Latinos are more indifferent to gay marriage as an issue.
While many Latino voters oppose gay marriage on moral grounds, many naturalized citizens from urban Mexico tend to be more accepting. Same-sex civil unions are legal in Mexico City and one northern Mexican state.
But at Our Lady of Guadalupe church in Sacramento, the 7,000 parishioners - virtually all of them Latino - are given "Catholics for Marriage Protection" pamphlets written in Spanish. And the church pastor, the Rev. Lino Otero, notes, "The Mexican government doesn't represent what the church teaches."
Meanwhile, Otero delivers sermons on Proposition 4 endorsing "the authority of parents" and "the right to know" about teen abortions.
The No on 4 campaign is running Spanish-language commercials featuring Los Angeles County Supervisor Gloria Molina. In the ads, she warns of nuestras hijas en peligro - our daughters in danger - who could be subject to abuse or unsafe, clandestine abortions if Proposition 4 passes.
While many official proponents of Proposition 4 also favor Proposition 8 and many opponents reject both measures, the correlation doesn't necessarily extend to voters.
Alejandro Madrigal, 30, a Shasta County real estate agent and father of three, said he believes the parental notification measure could spare a young girl from an "damaging," "life-changing" abortion and give time to explore options such as adoption.
But Madrigal said gays "should be able to marry just like everyone else."
"They're our policemen. They're our firemen. They fight in our wars," he said. "If they can run into a burning building ... they should have an opportunity to marry."
By Peter Hecht and Susan Ferriss phecht@sacbee.com Oct. 26, 2008
José Eduardo Verástegui, a Mexican soap opera star and fashion model whom People en Español magazine named one of the 50 most beautiful people in the world, is taking to the airwaves to persuade California voters on two emotionally charged social issues.
Verástegui is the face - and voice - of Spanish-language commercials calling for "yes" votes in favor of a parental notification law for abortion and a ban on same-sex marriage.
His presence in the campaigns for Propositions 4 and 8 underscores the fight for a critical constituency that could decide either measure.
Latino, mostly Catholic, voters overwhelmingly favor Proposition 4. Their turnout is considered key to whether the parental notification initiative passes after two previous ballot failures.
On gay marriage, Latino voters are split. They may well prove to be a critical swing vote on Proposition 8.
From Spanish-language television commercials to inserts in church bulletins, proponents of the initiatives are trying to reach voters such as Juan Navarro, a 44-year-old farmworker from Turlock.
Navarro read translated ballot arguments for Proposition 4 and decided he will vote in favor of the measure requiring doctors to give a parent or guardian 48 hours notice before performing an abortion on a girl under 18.
"There shouldn't be a situation where a girl is in a hospital or a clinic and nobody knows about it," said Navarro, a Catholic who strongly opposes abortion on religious grounds.
Navarro is also a "yes" vote on Proposition 8 because, he said, his faith teaches him that marriage between a man and a woman "is essential to procreation for the continuation of the world."
To reach similar voters, the Yes on 8 campaign is spending $1 million on Spanish-language TV and radio ads. One radio spot features Cardinal Roger Mahony of Los Angeles.
Frank Shubert, manager of the Yes on 8 campaign, said "we have tremendous involvement from the Catholic Church" in pushing the message that gay marriage is wrong and that "children need a mother and a father."
But other influential Latinos, including Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and leaders of the United Farm Workers union, are spreading the word that Proposition 8 is anti-civil rights.
Villaraigosa, who contributed $25,000 to the No on 8 campaign, put out a statement describing his pride in officiating same-sex weddings since the state Supreme Court in June ruled that gay marriage is legal under the California constitution.
Yvette Martinez, political director of the No on 8 campaign, said bilingual phone bank volunteers are appealing to Latinos to be supportive of their family members, regardless of sexual orientation.
"Familia es familia - family is family," Martinez said. "We don't treat anyone differently in our families, gay or straight."
That appeal works for Aurora Rodriguez, a retired teacher in Contra Costa County who favors Proposition 4 but opposes 8.
Rodriguez, a volunteer at a Catholic church in Walnut Creek, agrees with church bulletins that say parents should be notified if a teen is seeking an abortion. On gay marriage, she said, "As a Catholic, I'm not supposed to be for it." But her life has told her otherwise.
"I have a brother who was gay," Rodriguez said. "He died of AIDS. I would support him if he had come to me and said he wanted to get married." Rodriguez symbolizes the complex emotions among many Latino voters over social and religious issues.
In a late September state Field Poll, 62 percent of Latinos supported the abortion notification measure. On gay weddings, Latinos were more divided. Thirty-nine percent favored the same-sex marriage ban and 44 percent opposed it. Gaston Espinosa, a Claremont McKenna College professor who studies Hispanic churches, said more Latinos may support Proposition 4 because of a cultural sense that "family issues are decided by the family, not by people outside the family."
Besides religious opposition to abortion, he said it is common for Latino parents to help daughters who become pregnant to raise their babies. But Espinosa said more Latinos are more indifferent to gay marriage as an issue.
While many Latino voters oppose gay marriage on moral grounds, many naturalized citizens from urban Mexico tend to be more accepting. Same-sex civil unions are legal in Mexico City and one northern Mexican state.
But at Our Lady of Guadalupe church in Sacramento, the 7,000 parishioners - virtually all of them Latino - are given "Catholics for Marriage Protection" pamphlets written in Spanish. And the church pastor, the Rev. Lino Otero, notes, "The Mexican government doesn't represent what the church teaches."
Meanwhile, Otero delivers sermons on Proposition 4 endorsing "the authority of parents" and "the right to know" about teen abortions.
The No on 4 campaign is running Spanish-language commercials featuring Los Angeles County Supervisor Gloria Molina. In the ads, she warns of nuestras hijas en peligro - our daughters in danger - who could be subject to abuse or unsafe, clandestine abortions if Proposition 4 passes.
While many official proponents of Proposition 4 also favor Proposition 8 and many opponents reject both measures, the correlation doesn't necessarily extend to voters.
Alejandro Madrigal, 30, a Shasta County real estate agent and father of three, said he believes the parental notification measure could spare a young girl from an "damaging," "life-changing" abortion and give time to explore options such as adoption.
But Madrigal said gays "should be able to marry just like everyone else."
"They're our policemen. They're our firemen. They fight in our wars," he said. "If they can run into a burning building ... they should have an opportunity to marry."
Latinos in Nevada have mixed reviews on candidates
Nevada voters play crucial role
Carla Marinucci, Chronicle Political Writer October 26, 2008
Somewhere between the Western wear outlet and the muffin stand inside the Shoppers Square mall, Xiomara Rodriquez, 52 - a veteran, former small-business owner, and grandmother of two - pumps her fist in the air, dancing like she's already hit the jackpot.
More than two weeks before Nov. 4, she cast her early ballot for Democratic Sen. Barack Obama in the 2008 presidential election at the crowded voting booths in one of Reno's oldest malls. And with her were a dozen friends - some of the estimated 1,000 Democrats in Nevada she says she has personally registered to vote over the past two years.
"There hasn't been a door in this town that hasn't been knocked on," said Rodriquez, high-fiving fellow Democrats from the key swing area of Washoe County, which voted for George W. Bush in 2004 and recently flipped to majority Democratic registration after years of GOP rule.
"I want my retirement back. I've lost my business. I want my grandkids to go to college," she said. "We need this country back on track."
With barely a week left in the long 2008 presidential race, a down-to-the-wire political shootout here underscores the issues, the changing landscape and the new clout of a handful of Intermountain West states in the presidential contest.
Nevada, Colorado and New Mexico all went to President Bush in 2004 and were considered likely McCain camps earlier this year. But they are all leaning blue as the election approaches; only Nevada is still considered a toss-up, with recent polls showing Obama leading McCain there by just three percentage points.
Nevada has prided itself on being free of personal, state and corporate income taxes, but it ranks among the worst states on quality-of-life issues, on health care for seniors, and on other critical indicators from "smoking to senior suicides," said banker Matthew Dickson.
Economic woes
With Silver State home foreclosures among the highest per capita in the nation, its casinos laying off employees and tourism hurting because of high gas prices, "Nevada is in a precarious situation, " Dickson said. "This is a very libertarian state - gambling, brothels and liquor are part of the culture. People want to be left alone so the government can do its job. And the government has failed."
Some 450 miles away in a Las Vegas coffee shop, Miriam Mora talks about the same bread-and-butter concerns, but she wants to see a different result.
Mora, 26, a Mexican-born newly naturalized U.S. citizen, is getting ready for another 14-hour day on the campaign trail, knocking on doors and making phone calls to GOP voters, hoping to get them to the polls for the Republican team of Arizona Sen. John McCain and Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin.
In Democratic-leaning Clark County, where she helped gather more than 5,000 enthusiastic Republicans to see Palin last week, Mora recounts the worries of Latino voters like Irma Aguirre, owner of La Madonna Mexican restaurant, who stood next to Palin onstage at the Henderson rally.
"If Irma has to pay higher taxes, she loses her business - and it's 20 people she has to let go," said Mora, the Western regional coalition director for the McCain-Palin campaign. "If we raise taxes on small-business owners ... we lose jobs."
Nevada's changing voter profile tells the tale of the GOP presidential ticket's challenges: Democrats outnumber Republicans among registered voters by more than 111,000 , a yawning gap that could deliver Nevada's five electoral votes to Obama.
Latino voters
Playing a major role in the shift is an army of new Latino voters who have helped push a 4-1 registration advantage by Democrats since the high-energy Nevada caucuses took place in January.
"What you are seeing is the second installment - California being the first - of the impact of the changing Latino vote, the empowering of a changing demographic," said Antonio Gonzalez, president of the William C. Velasquez Institute, a nonpartisan group concerned with public policy and Latino issues.
In 2008, more than at any time in history, "they're registering, voting and running candidates," Gonzalez said.
Simon Rosenberg, who heads NDN, a moderate Washington, D.C.-based Democratic advocacy group, said the shift reflects how "the Republican brand with Latinos has been severely degraded" by President Bush's leadership on the economy and the war. "And John McCain has not been able to distance himself from it."
But, he added, Democrats carefully laid the groundwork for gains when party leaders like Sen. Harry Reid, the Senate majority leader from Nevada, and Rep. Nancy Pelosi, the House speaker from San Francisco, "added Nevada to the early caucus states and put their national convention in Colorado."
"In 2004, John Kerry didn't know the Southwest existed on the map," he said. "They spent no time and no money there."
Though rural Nevada has always been a GOP stronghold, McCain hasn't had a particularly easy battle here. He was battered by former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney in the Nevada caucuses, and his stand in support of nuclear power - including storing nuclear waste in Nevada's Yucca Mountain - has continued to irk many Nevadans.
And on the right, there's still the possibility of some trouble from former GOP Rep. Bob Barr, running as the Libertarian Party candidate for president with vice presidential nominee Wayne Root, a professional Las Vegas handicapper.
Looking to the future
Still, when it comes to the choice between Obama and McCain, some Nevadans - like Republican John Griffin, 41, an employee in Las Vegas' gambling industry - said their choice comes down to the future.
"We have a home, and we watch our budget," Griffin said, standing with his wife, Maria, 38, after Palin's rally in Henderson last week. McCain offers "a combination of things - his economic plan and national security" that will best preserve both, he said. "Obama wants to tax people ... and that's redistribution of wealth."
But Reid, who joined students casting early ballots in Las Vegas last week, said that with the current economic problems, Republicans and Democrats alike in his state "have come to the realization that the government is not the enemy. It's our friend. ... 9/11, Katrina, where do you go?" Reid said. They realize that "when the government is not functioning, we have big problems."
Residents of some of the state's rural areas like Virginia City, which ranked among the world's richest towns during the peak of the Comstock Lode era - said economic concerns are some of their worries, especially because the economy is failing everyday Joes.
In search of tourists
Gold panner Behr Hafner, 55 - whose bedraggled prospector shack sports a hand-written sign that is only partly in jest: "Foreclozed" - said he's an independent voter. But this year, his ballot goes to Obama rather than the Arizona senator, whom he calls "McSame."
"Everybody knows everybody in this town, and most of them depend on tourism," said Hafner as he prepared his Territorial Gold Mine, a "Pan for Gold, $7" business, for what he hoped would be an onslaught of weekend tourists. "But we used to get 1.5 million in a season here ... and now, they're not flying or taking long trips" to the town, which is a National Historic Landmark and the seat of Storey County.
Though polls show Obama leading and volunteers from California are pouring into the overflowing campaign offices, Democrats like Xiomara Rodriquez said they still aren't celebrating, because in the West, fortunes can change as quickly as the sunsets over this vast and unpredictable territory.
"It's not over until the fat lady sings," she said cautiously. "I'm the fat lady in this town ... and I'm not singing yet. ... But on Nov. 4, I'll be hollering."
E-mail Carla Marinucci at cmarinucci@sfchronicle.com.
Carla Marinucci, Chronicle Political Writer October 26, 2008
Somewhere between the Western wear outlet and the muffin stand inside the Shoppers Square mall, Xiomara Rodriquez, 52 - a veteran, former small-business owner, and grandmother of two - pumps her fist in the air, dancing like she's already hit the jackpot.
More than two weeks before Nov. 4, she cast her early ballot for Democratic Sen. Barack Obama in the 2008 presidential election at the crowded voting booths in one of Reno's oldest malls. And with her were a dozen friends - some of the estimated 1,000 Democrats in Nevada she says she has personally registered to vote over the past two years.
"There hasn't been a door in this town that hasn't been knocked on," said Rodriquez, high-fiving fellow Democrats from the key swing area of Washoe County, which voted for George W. Bush in 2004 and recently flipped to majority Democratic registration after years of GOP rule.
"I want my retirement back. I've lost my business. I want my grandkids to go to college," she said. "We need this country back on track."
With barely a week left in the long 2008 presidential race, a down-to-the-wire political shootout here underscores the issues, the changing landscape and the new clout of a handful of Intermountain West states in the presidential contest.
Nevada, Colorado and New Mexico all went to President Bush in 2004 and were considered likely McCain camps earlier this year. But they are all leaning blue as the election approaches; only Nevada is still considered a toss-up, with recent polls showing Obama leading McCain there by just three percentage points.
Nevada has prided itself on being free of personal, state and corporate income taxes, but it ranks among the worst states on quality-of-life issues, on health care for seniors, and on other critical indicators from "smoking to senior suicides," said banker Matthew Dickson.
Economic woes
With Silver State home foreclosures among the highest per capita in the nation, its casinos laying off employees and tourism hurting because of high gas prices, "Nevada is in a precarious situation, " Dickson said. "This is a very libertarian state - gambling, brothels and liquor are part of the culture. People want to be left alone so the government can do its job. And the government has failed."
Some 450 miles away in a Las Vegas coffee shop, Miriam Mora talks about the same bread-and-butter concerns, but she wants to see a different result.
Mora, 26, a Mexican-born newly naturalized U.S. citizen, is getting ready for another 14-hour day on the campaign trail, knocking on doors and making phone calls to GOP voters, hoping to get them to the polls for the Republican team of Arizona Sen. John McCain and Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin.
In Democratic-leaning Clark County, where she helped gather more than 5,000 enthusiastic Republicans to see Palin last week, Mora recounts the worries of Latino voters like Irma Aguirre, owner of La Madonna Mexican restaurant, who stood next to Palin onstage at the Henderson rally.
"If Irma has to pay higher taxes, she loses her business - and it's 20 people she has to let go," said Mora, the Western regional coalition director for the McCain-Palin campaign. "If we raise taxes on small-business owners ... we lose jobs."
Nevada's changing voter profile tells the tale of the GOP presidential ticket's challenges: Democrats outnumber Republicans among registered voters by more than 111,000 , a yawning gap that could deliver Nevada's five electoral votes to Obama.
Latino voters
Playing a major role in the shift is an army of new Latino voters who have helped push a 4-1 registration advantage by Democrats since the high-energy Nevada caucuses took place in January.
"What you are seeing is the second installment - California being the first - of the impact of the changing Latino vote, the empowering of a changing demographic," said Antonio Gonzalez, president of the William C. Velasquez Institute, a nonpartisan group concerned with public policy and Latino issues.
In 2008, more than at any time in history, "they're registering, voting and running candidates," Gonzalez said.
Simon Rosenberg, who heads NDN, a moderate Washington, D.C.-based Democratic advocacy group, said the shift reflects how "the Republican brand with Latinos has been severely degraded" by President Bush's leadership on the economy and the war. "And John McCain has not been able to distance himself from it."
But, he added, Democrats carefully laid the groundwork for gains when party leaders like Sen. Harry Reid, the Senate majority leader from Nevada, and Rep. Nancy Pelosi, the House speaker from San Francisco, "added Nevada to the early caucus states and put their national convention in Colorado."
"In 2004, John Kerry didn't know the Southwest existed on the map," he said. "They spent no time and no money there."
Though rural Nevada has always been a GOP stronghold, McCain hasn't had a particularly easy battle here. He was battered by former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney in the Nevada caucuses, and his stand in support of nuclear power - including storing nuclear waste in Nevada's Yucca Mountain - has continued to irk many Nevadans.
And on the right, there's still the possibility of some trouble from former GOP Rep. Bob Barr, running as the Libertarian Party candidate for president with vice presidential nominee Wayne Root, a professional Las Vegas handicapper.
Looking to the future
Still, when it comes to the choice between Obama and McCain, some Nevadans - like Republican John Griffin, 41, an employee in Las Vegas' gambling industry - said their choice comes down to the future.
"We have a home, and we watch our budget," Griffin said, standing with his wife, Maria, 38, after Palin's rally in Henderson last week. McCain offers "a combination of things - his economic plan and national security" that will best preserve both, he said. "Obama wants to tax people ... and that's redistribution of wealth."
But Reid, who joined students casting early ballots in Las Vegas last week, said that with the current economic problems, Republicans and Democrats alike in his state "have come to the realization that the government is not the enemy. It's our friend. ... 9/11, Katrina, where do you go?" Reid said. They realize that "when the government is not functioning, we have big problems."
Residents of some of the state's rural areas like Virginia City, which ranked among the world's richest towns during the peak of the Comstock Lode era - said economic concerns are some of their worries, especially because the economy is failing everyday Joes.
In search of tourists
Gold panner Behr Hafner, 55 - whose bedraggled prospector shack sports a hand-written sign that is only partly in jest: "Foreclozed" - said he's an independent voter. But this year, his ballot goes to Obama rather than the Arizona senator, whom he calls "McSame."
"Everybody knows everybody in this town, and most of them depend on tourism," said Hafner as he prepared his Territorial Gold Mine, a "Pan for Gold, $7" business, for what he hoped would be an onslaught of weekend tourists. "But we used to get 1.5 million in a season here ... and now, they're not flying or taking long trips" to the town, which is a National Historic Landmark and the seat of Storey County.
Though polls show Obama leading and volunteers from California are pouring into the overflowing campaign offices, Democrats like Xiomara Rodriquez said they still aren't celebrating, because in the West, fortunes can change as quickly as the sunsets over this vast and unpredictable territory.
"It's not over until the fat lady sings," she said cautiously. "I'm the fat lady in this town ... and I'm not singing yet. ... But on Nov. 4, I'll be hollering."
E-mail Carla Marinucci at cmarinucci@sfchronicle.com.
Sunday, October 26, 2008
Latino voters respond to economy, not Obama
Economic strife drives Latino vote
Their American dream fraying, they could provide the margin of victory for Barack Obama in Nevada, Colorado and New Mexico, polls show.
By Marjorie Miller October 25, 2008
Reporting from Las Vegas — In the last days of the campaign, Republicans and Democrats are walking the precincts here with lists of registered Latino voters who may be the key to victory in the Western battleground states, and this is what they are finding: padlocks on front doors, "bank owned" placards in the yards and, among those still in their homes, growing support for Barack Obama's promise of change.
The Spanish-speaking canvassers -- immigrants or children of immigrants themselves -- come face to face with a frayed American dream. Many residents who answer an earnest knock say they have lost their hotel and casino jobs and are selling their cars while awaiting eviction notices.
"I'm for Obama," Gustavo Mora, 64, told a Republican campaign worker on his doorstep last week. "I'm losing my house. That one next door is gone. Across the street, Chinese people bought that house. . . . The economy is so bad, and I am afraid [John] McCain has the same ideas as President Bush, since he's a Republican too."
Miriam Mora-Barajas, 26, responded that McCain understands the needs of entrepreneurs like Mora, who owns two ice cream trucks and that the candidate opposes raising taxes on small businesses because it means they will have less money to invest.
But Mora said he didn't have money to invest as it was, and he wondered how he would rent an apartment with a credit record showing he defaulted on his home loan.
"We know Obama is younger and less experienced, but the country needs a change," Mora said.
Mora's views are reflected in recent polls that show Latino voters could provide the margin of victory for Obama in Nevada, Colorado and New Mexico -- states that went for President Bush in 2004 and which account for 19 electoral votes. If either candidate sweeps the big states of Ohio, Pennsylvania and Florida, he could win without these Western states. But if the bigger states are split, each candidate would probably look west to forge an electoral college victory.
The William C. Velasquez Institute, a nonpartisan public policy center in Los Angeles, analyzed polling data from the three Western states and Florida. It found that Latino voters provided no advantage to either side in Florida despite long-standing support for the Republican Party by Cuban Americans.
In the Western states, the Latino vote is growing in size and as a percentage of the total, and it is favoring the Democratic Party more than in previous years.
Latinos make up 32.4% of registered voters in New Mexico, 11.4% in Nevada and 9.9% in Colorado. The institute examined data from eight polling firms and found that Obama's lead over McCain in Nevada would be 42.4% to 40.7% without Latino voters -- a difference that's within the margin of error. Include Latino voters, however, and Obama's lead grows to 50%, versus 43% for McCain.
That only tells part of the story, according to Antonio Gonzalez, president of the institute. In the last presidential election, 60% of Latinos in Nevada voted for Democratic candidate John F. Kerry and 40% for Bush. This time, polls show a 7- to 10-point increase for Obama.
"Two things are happening: The Latino vote is growing, and there's a bigger margin of support for Obama," Gonzalez said. "The Latino vote has been important in New Mexico for a long time, and it continues to grow, but in Nevada and Colorado, this is new."
In New Mexico, McCain has a 4-point lead without Latino voters, and Obama has an 8-point lead with the Latino vote. And in Colorado, a statistical tie without Latinos jumps to 51% for Obama versus 45% for McCain when Latinos are included.
The McCain campaign had hoped to grow support among conservative Latinos by emphasizing "family values" issues, such as his opposition to abortion and same-sex marriage, as well as the candidate's history of support for immigration reform. For Fernando Romero, a Latino Democrat and political commentator, these were decisive factors.
"I am antiabortion and pro-life, and I believe what McCain said at Saddleback Church: that life begins at conception," Romero said at a McCain field office in a Las Vegas shopping center. "It is difficult to turn my back on John McCain."
Obama has said he supports the Roe vs. Wade Supreme Court decision overturning laws banning abortion.
Romero noted that McCain is a Westerner who has had lifelong relationships with Latinos, including fellow prisoner of war Everett Alvarez, who is campaigning for him. Romero believes the Arizona Republican will push for immigration reform, as he has in the past, and will stand up to the Republican Party when he thinks it's the right thing to do.
But Democratic and Republican activists working the precincts say the economy is the main issue for most voters. The war in Iraq is second on the minds of Latinos, many of whom have friends and family in Iraq. A few said they opposed McCain for having moved away from immigration reform as a presidential candidate.
Both parties are advertising heavily on Spanish-language radio and television. At McCain headquarters, they are distributing "Estamos Unidos McCain" bumper stickers and "Latinas con McCain" lawn signs. At the Culinary Workers Union Local 226, meanwhile, dozens of workers loaded up on Barack Obama door hangers and bilingual lists of groups offering food, healthcare and foreclosure aid.
Among those pounding the pavement for Obama were Santos Garcia, who voted for George H.W. Bush until the Gulf War turned him into a Democrat, and Irma Sanchez, who, like a majority of Nevada Democrats, supported Hillary Rodham Clinton in the state's January caucus. Jairo Bermudez was another canvasser, but like many Latinos, he is not yet a citizen and therefore is ineligible to vote. All three are casino shop stewards lent to the Obama campaign.
They carried red binders full of street maps and the names and addresses of union members who were registered voters. By the fourth day of early voting in Nevada, about 70,000 people had already cast ballots in Clark County, and campaign workers were hoping to get many more to the polls before election day.
The Obama supporters walked past empty stucco houses to others in full Halloween regalia, the smell of cooking chiles rellenos wafting over the East Las Vegas neighborhood. Vans parked curbside advertised small businesses: Instead of Joe the Plumber, it was Javier's Professional Carpet Cleaning, Pepe Construction Framing and Magañas Tree Service.
Like mail carriers, the canvassers worried about angry dogs and worse. Garcia said that Obama workers had been roughed up and that one had had a gun pulled on him recently. Most doorbells went unanswered, because the occupants were either at work, sleeping after the graveyard shift or uninterested in talking politics.
When they found a registered voter at home, the canvassers switched into get-out-the-vote mode. They offered a ride to the early-voting booths. If the resident said he planned to vote Nov. 4, they marked their sheets to check back on election day. If the resident said she planned to vote that afternoon, canvassers made a note to check for her name on a list of voters who had cast ballots that is issued by the county each night. And if the name wasn't there, they would circle back the following day.
"We Latinos sometimes say 'mañana,' but then mañana we say 'tomorrow,' " said Anna Ruiz, another canvasser.
At one house, Garcia was surprised to find that the registered voter was Jose Torres, 46, an old friend and former colleague in Washington state whom he hadn't seen in years. Both had worked as butchers there before heading south to better-paying jobs in desert casinos.
Torres said he had lost his job at Caesars Palace when tourism began to drop off nine months ago. He got another job at Trump International Hotel and Tower but was laid off three months ago. He pointed to two Ford Malibus in the frontyard and said he was trying to make a living buying and selling automobiles. It wasn't enough. "I'm going to lose this house," Torres said.
Garcia asked Torres who he was voting for.
"Por el moreno," Torres said, using a respectful word for a black man. "He's the best. The other one is just going to keep helping the rich."
Garcia, 59, said he encounters Latinos worried that if Obama wins, African Americans will feel empowered and lord their status over Latinos, particularly at work. Other voters, however, argue that anyone who has faced discrimination would be good for all minorities.
"We've been to Republican houses that are voting for Obama, and we've seen morenos who are voting for McCain," said Bermudez.
Irma Martinez, 48, finds a lot of disappointed Clinton supporters. "They say they wanted to vote for Hillary, and I say, 'I did too. But this is the one who won, and we have to support him. He can help our people,' " she said between houses.
As the sun went down, children came out to ride bikes, and men gathered in a frontyard on Samantha Street to usher in the evening with Bud Light and ranchera music.
"How can McCain say the economy is strong the way we are here?" asked Jesus Veliz, 42, who works in a Mexican restaurant. "We're not only worse off here in the United States, but back in Mexico they're worse off than before."
The others nodded. They worked in an Italian restaurant, at a casino and at a construction company but worried that the work might not last beyond the election.
"No hay bisnes," said Ivan Rodriguez, 25. "If there's no business, they don't make money, and we don't work."
Miller is a Times staff writer.
marjorie.miller@latimes.com
Their American dream fraying, they could provide the margin of victory for Barack Obama in Nevada, Colorado and New Mexico, polls show.
By Marjorie Miller October 25, 2008
Reporting from Las Vegas — In the last days of the campaign, Republicans and Democrats are walking the precincts here with lists of registered Latino voters who may be the key to victory in the Western battleground states, and this is what they are finding: padlocks on front doors, "bank owned" placards in the yards and, among those still in their homes, growing support for Barack Obama's promise of change.
The Spanish-speaking canvassers -- immigrants or children of immigrants themselves -- come face to face with a frayed American dream. Many residents who answer an earnest knock say they have lost their hotel and casino jobs and are selling their cars while awaiting eviction notices.
"I'm for Obama," Gustavo Mora, 64, told a Republican campaign worker on his doorstep last week. "I'm losing my house. That one next door is gone. Across the street, Chinese people bought that house. . . . The economy is so bad, and I am afraid [John] McCain has the same ideas as President Bush, since he's a Republican too."
Miriam Mora-Barajas, 26, responded that McCain understands the needs of entrepreneurs like Mora, who owns two ice cream trucks and that the candidate opposes raising taxes on small businesses because it means they will have less money to invest.
But Mora said he didn't have money to invest as it was, and he wondered how he would rent an apartment with a credit record showing he defaulted on his home loan.
"We know Obama is younger and less experienced, but the country needs a change," Mora said.
Mora's views are reflected in recent polls that show Latino voters could provide the margin of victory for Obama in Nevada, Colorado and New Mexico -- states that went for President Bush in 2004 and which account for 19 electoral votes. If either candidate sweeps the big states of Ohio, Pennsylvania and Florida, he could win without these Western states. But if the bigger states are split, each candidate would probably look west to forge an electoral college victory.
The William C. Velasquez Institute, a nonpartisan public policy center in Los Angeles, analyzed polling data from the three Western states and Florida. It found that Latino voters provided no advantage to either side in Florida despite long-standing support for the Republican Party by Cuban Americans.
In the Western states, the Latino vote is growing in size and as a percentage of the total, and it is favoring the Democratic Party more than in previous years.
Latinos make up 32.4% of registered voters in New Mexico, 11.4% in Nevada and 9.9% in Colorado. The institute examined data from eight polling firms and found that Obama's lead over McCain in Nevada would be 42.4% to 40.7% without Latino voters -- a difference that's within the margin of error. Include Latino voters, however, and Obama's lead grows to 50%, versus 43% for McCain.
That only tells part of the story, according to Antonio Gonzalez, president of the institute. In the last presidential election, 60% of Latinos in Nevada voted for Democratic candidate John F. Kerry and 40% for Bush. This time, polls show a 7- to 10-point increase for Obama.
"Two things are happening: The Latino vote is growing, and there's a bigger margin of support for Obama," Gonzalez said. "The Latino vote has been important in New Mexico for a long time, and it continues to grow, but in Nevada and Colorado, this is new."
In New Mexico, McCain has a 4-point lead without Latino voters, and Obama has an 8-point lead with the Latino vote. And in Colorado, a statistical tie without Latinos jumps to 51% for Obama versus 45% for McCain when Latinos are included.
The McCain campaign had hoped to grow support among conservative Latinos by emphasizing "family values" issues, such as his opposition to abortion and same-sex marriage, as well as the candidate's history of support for immigration reform. For Fernando Romero, a Latino Democrat and political commentator, these were decisive factors.
"I am antiabortion and pro-life, and I believe what McCain said at Saddleback Church: that life begins at conception," Romero said at a McCain field office in a Las Vegas shopping center. "It is difficult to turn my back on John McCain."
Obama has said he supports the Roe vs. Wade Supreme Court decision overturning laws banning abortion.
Romero noted that McCain is a Westerner who has had lifelong relationships with Latinos, including fellow prisoner of war Everett Alvarez, who is campaigning for him. Romero believes the Arizona Republican will push for immigration reform, as he has in the past, and will stand up to the Republican Party when he thinks it's the right thing to do.
But Democratic and Republican activists working the precincts say the economy is the main issue for most voters. The war in Iraq is second on the minds of Latinos, many of whom have friends and family in Iraq. A few said they opposed McCain for having moved away from immigration reform as a presidential candidate.
Both parties are advertising heavily on Spanish-language radio and television. At McCain headquarters, they are distributing "Estamos Unidos McCain" bumper stickers and "Latinas con McCain" lawn signs. At the Culinary Workers Union Local 226, meanwhile, dozens of workers loaded up on Barack Obama door hangers and bilingual lists of groups offering food, healthcare and foreclosure aid.
Among those pounding the pavement for Obama were Santos Garcia, who voted for George H.W. Bush until the Gulf War turned him into a Democrat, and Irma Sanchez, who, like a majority of Nevada Democrats, supported Hillary Rodham Clinton in the state's January caucus. Jairo Bermudez was another canvasser, but like many Latinos, he is not yet a citizen and therefore is ineligible to vote. All three are casino shop stewards lent to the Obama campaign.
They carried red binders full of street maps and the names and addresses of union members who were registered voters. By the fourth day of early voting in Nevada, about 70,000 people had already cast ballots in Clark County, and campaign workers were hoping to get many more to the polls before election day.
The Obama supporters walked past empty stucco houses to others in full Halloween regalia, the smell of cooking chiles rellenos wafting over the East Las Vegas neighborhood. Vans parked curbside advertised small businesses: Instead of Joe the Plumber, it was Javier's Professional Carpet Cleaning, Pepe Construction Framing and Magañas Tree Service.
Like mail carriers, the canvassers worried about angry dogs and worse. Garcia said that Obama workers had been roughed up and that one had had a gun pulled on him recently. Most doorbells went unanswered, because the occupants were either at work, sleeping after the graveyard shift or uninterested in talking politics.
When they found a registered voter at home, the canvassers switched into get-out-the-vote mode. They offered a ride to the early-voting booths. If the resident said he planned to vote Nov. 4, they marked their sheets to check back on election day. If the resident said she planned to vote that afternoon, canvassers made a note to check for her name on a list of voters who had cast ballots that is issued by the county each night. And if the name wasn't there, they would circle back the following day.
"We Latinos sometimes say 'mañana,' but then mañana we say 'tomorrow,' " said Anna Ruiz, another canvasser.
At one house, Garcia was surprised to find that the registered voter was Jose Torres, 46, an old friend and former colleague in Washington state whom he hadn't seen in years. Both had worked as butchers there before heading south to better-paying jobs in desert casinos.
Torres said he had lost his job at Caesars Palace when tourism began to drop off nine months ago. He got another job at Trump International Hotel and Tower but was laid off three months ago. He pointed to two Ford Malibus in the frontyard and said he was trying to make a living buying and selling automobiles. It wasn't enough. "I'm going to lose this house," Torres said.
Garcia asked Torres who he was voting for.
"Por el moreno," Torres said, using a respectful word for a black man. "He's the best. The other one is just going to keep helping the rich."
Garcia, 59, said he encounters Latinos worried that if Obama wins, African Americans will feel empowered and lord their status over Latinos, particularly at work. Other voters, however, argue that anyone who has faced discrimination would be good for all minorities.
"We've been to Republican houses that are voting for Obama, and we've seen morenos who are voting for McCain," said Bermudez.
Irma Martinez, 48, finds a lot of disappointed Clinton supporters. "They say they wanted to vote for Hillary, and I say, 'I did too. But this is the one who won, and we have to support him. He can help our people,' " she said between houses.
As the sun went down, children came out to ride bikes, and men gathered in a frontyard on Samantha Street to usher in the evening with Bud Light and ranchera music.
"How can McCain say the economy is strong the way we are here?" asked Jesus Veliz, 42, who works in a Mexican restaurant. "We're not only worse off here in the United States, but back in Mexico they're worse off than before."
The others nodded. They worked in an Italian restaurant, at a casino and at a construction company but worried that the work might not last beyond the election.
"No hay bisnes," said Ivan Rodriguez, 25. "If there's no business, they don't make money, and we don't work."
Miller is a Times staff writer.
marjorie.miller@latimes.com
U.S. to blame for Hispanic immigration
'A crisis of our own making'
Ruben Navarrette, UNION-TRIBUNE October 22, 2008
It is remarkable that so many of those who rail against illegal immigration don't really understand the terrain. This includes folks at Washington, D.C., think tanks who write about immigration without interacting with actual immigrants, TV commentators who remake themselves for higher ratings, and opportunistic politicians who spin anger and prejudice into votes.
At the other end of the spectrum are those who actually know what they're talking about. They have logged long hours and done their homework, which might include interviewing real people – hundreds of them on both sides of the border.
They include Douglas Massey, a Princeton sociology professor and nationally acclaimed expert on immigration who for more than 20 years has monitored the U.S.-Mexico border, tracked immigration patterns, chronicled the Mexican migrant experience, and studied both the Mexican communities that cast off migrants and the U.S. communities that receive them.
Massey recently shared some of what he has learned in a lecture sponsored by the Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies at the University of California San Diego. If there is one thing about which he is absolutely sure, it is that we're not facing an invasion but rather what he calls “a crisis of our own making.”
It's not just that Americans are hiring illegal immigrants or at least tolerating the practice. It is also that, throughout this nation's history, businesses and government have indirectly facilitated the entry of millions of illegal immigrants through recruitment efforts and ineffective enforcement strategies. The government doesn't directly recruit illegal immigrants. But when it allows the recruitment of legal ones – through guest-worker programs – millions of undocumented, including workers' relatives, tend to follow.
As Massey explained, the history of U.S. immigration policy is a push-pull saga of recruiting immigrants when we need workers, then deporting them when jobs are scarce. The immigrants are acting in a totally rational manner, going north for better-paying jobs. Someone who makes $7 a day in Mexico can make $70 a day picking fruit in California or $140 a day doing construction in North Carolina. As Massey sees it, it's Americans who can't decide whether they want to get rid of illegal immigrants or hire more of them.
“It's the gringos who can't get their act together,” he said.
The recruitment campaign started in 1907, when agricultural growers launched private efforts to go into Mexico and ensnare low-skilled workers for stints that resembled indentured servitude. There was more recruiting in 1917, when the labor supply was depleted during World War I, and it continued through the 1920s. The 1930s brought the Great Depression and a national unemployment rate that hit 25 percent – and with it, massive deportation raids that resulted in the forced removal of even U.S.-born Latinos. World War II meant more labor shortages and thus more recruitment in the 1940s. The result: the Bracero program, which matched up millions of Mexican agricultural workers with U.S. employers. In the 1950s, President Eisenhower unleashed “Operation Wetback,” as it was called – a massive roundup by both federal and local authorities of both Mexicans and U.S.-born Mexican-Americans.
But to solve the labor shortage that the sweep created in the years that followed, the U.S. government quietly recruited a new batch of guest workers. And, as tends to happen, more illegal immigrants followed. They have been coming ever since.
Massey has no more confidence in the new fad – the multibillion-dollar initiative to build walls and fences along the border.
“It's worse than useless,” he said of the enforcement strategy. “It's counterproductive.”
Fortifying the border enriches and emboldens immigrant smugglers by letting them charge more to bring their human cargo into the United States. In the early 1990s, immigrant smugglers charged migrants $500 a head. Now, it's up to $3,000.
Besides, Massey notes, building fortresses makes it less likely that illegal immigrants on this side of the border will go home for family visits because they're reluctant to pay the higher price to come back. That's a bad trend. For generations, immigrants have gone home with regularity, and some would stay there. Now they simply stay in the United States – and, as a result, the undocumented population increases. And so, Massey argues, we've cut the family ties that – more than revolving-door deportations or ordinances banning taco trucks – represented our best hope of shrinking the number of undocumented in the United States.
What a brilliant system we've concocted. Except for that minor glitch where it achieves the opposite of what we set out to accomplish.
Navarrette can be reached via ruben.navarrette@uniontrib.com.
Ruben Navarrette, UNION-TRIBUNE October 22, 2008
It is remarkable that so many of those who rail against illegal immigration don't really understand the terrain. This includes folks at Washington, D.C., think tanks who write about immigration without interacting with actual immigrants, TV commentators who remake themselves for higher ratings, and opportunistic politicians who spin anger and prejudice into votes.
At the other end of the spectrum are those who actually know what they're talking about. They have logged long hours and done their homework, which might include interviewing real people – hundreds of them on both sides of the border.
They include Douglas Massey, a Princeton sociology professor and nationally acclaimed expert on immigration who for more than 20 years has monitored the U.S.-Mexico border, tracked immigration patterns, chronicled the Mexican migrant experience, and studied both the Mexican communities that cast off migrants and the U.S. communities that receive them.
Massey recently shared some of what he has learned in a lecture sponsored by the Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies at the University of California San Diego. If there is one thing about which he is absolutely sure, it is that we're not facing an invasion but rather what he calls “a crisis of our own making.”
It's not just that Americans are hiring illegal immigrants or at least tolerating the practice. It is also that, throughout this nation's history, businesses and government have indirectly facilitated the entry of millions of illegal immigrants through recruitment efforts and ineffective enforcement strategies. The government doesn't directly recruit illegal immigrants. But when it allows the recruitment of legal ones – through guest-worker programs – millions of undocumented, including workers' relatives, tend to follow.
As Massey explained, the history of U.S. immigration policy is a push-pull saga of recruiting immigrants when we need workers, then deporting them when jobs are scarce. The immigrants are acting in a totally rational manner, going north for better-paying jobs. Someone who makes $7 a day in Mexico can make $70 a day picking fruit in California or $140 a day doing construction in North Carolina. As Massey sees it, it's Americans who can't decide whether they want to get rid of illegal immigrants or hire more of them.
“It's the gringos who can't get their act together,” he said.
The recruitment campaign started in 1907, when agricultural growers launched private efforts to go into Mexico and ensnare low-skilled workers for stints that resembled indentured servitude. There was more recruiting in 1917, when the labor supply was depleted during World War I, and it continued through the 1920s. The 1930s brought the Great Depression and a national unemployment rate that hit 25 percent – and with it, massive deportation raids that resulted in the forced removal of even U.S.-born Latinos. World War II meant more labor shortages and thus more recruitment in the 1940s. The result: the Bracero program, which matched up millions of Mexican agricultural workers with U.S. employers. In the 1950s, President Eisenhower unleashed “Operation Wetback,” as it was called – a massive roundup by both federal and local authorities of both Mexicans and U.S.-born Mexican-Americans.
But to solve the labor shortage that the sweep created in the years that followed, the U.S. government quietly recruited a new batch of guest workers. And, as tends to happen, more illegal immigrants followed. They have been coming ever since.
Massey has no more confidence in the new fad – the multibillion-dollar initiative to build walls and fences along the border.
“It's worse than useless,” he said of the enforcement strategy. “It's counterproductive.”
Fortifying the border enriches and emboldens immigrant smugglers by letting them charge more to bring their human cargo into the United States. In the early 1990s, immigrant smugglers charged migrants $500 a head. Now, it's up to $3,000.
Besides, Massey notes, building fortresses makes it less likely that illegal immigrants on this side of the border will go home for family visits because they're reluctant to pay the higher price to come back. That's a bad trend. For generations, immigrants have gone home with regularity, and some would stay there. Now they simply stay in the United States – and, as a result, the undocumented population increases. And so, Massey argues, we've cut the family ties that – more than revolving-door deportations or ordinances banning taco trucks – represented our best hope of shrinking the number of undocumented in the United States.
What a brilliant system we've concocted. Except for that minor glitch where it achieves the opposite of what we set out to accomplish.
Navarrette can be reached via ruben.navarrette@uniontrib.com.
Should Latinos turn their back on McCain now?
McCain has long supported Latinos
Press Telegram 10/25/2008
Recently, I was on a Latino-themed radio show defending John McCain. The defendant was accused of abandoning comprehensive immigration reform, turning his back on Latino supporters, and associating with a bad crowd (read: Republicans). I didn't give an inch. I was the only person in the discussion who actually knew McCain - from my stint 10 years ago as a reporter at a newspaper in Arizona - and I could attest to the fact that the senator had always gone to bat for Latinos. At one point, another guest scolded me in frustration: "Look, it's not about John McCain. It's about the Republican Party!"
Exactly.
McCain can defend himself. During a telephone interview the other day as he was traveling between campaign stops in Pennsylvania, he told me that he hopes Latinos will judge him on his own merits and not punish him for the sins of his party, which he readily acknowledges.
"During the immigration debate," he said, "it's very clear that a lot of the language and rhetoric that was used (by Republicans) made Latino citizens believe that we were anti-Latino."
One of the chief culprits was Rep. Tom Tancredo of Colorado. I asked McCain if there was any truth to the story that Tancredo, who ran for the Republican nomination, taunted him during the primaries by implying that McCain was pandering to Latinos.
"Yeah," McCain said, "we were in a restaurant and he just sent over a plate of nachos. What do you say to something like that? I just said, `Thanks very much."'
McCain puts these things in context.
"Throughout our history, we have had people who stoked nativist instincts," he said.
Still, McCain's following among Latinos is evaporating. A poll by Zogby International found that 21 percent of Latinos support McCain, compared to 70 percent for Barack Obama; the Pew Hispanic Center ranked it 23percent McCain and 66 percent Obama.
I asked McCain what in the world is going on. He blamed part of it on "heavy negative advertising" by his opponent.
"(Obama) has portrayed my position on the immigration issue as completely false," McCain said, "when he supported and proposed amendments to kill a temporary-worker program at the bidding of the union leaders."
McCain hopes Latino voters focus on his support for small business, his pro-life position and his support of the military. And, of course, his record. In his 2004 Senate re-election, McCain earned more than 70 percent of the Latino vote. The National Council of La Raza has an award it gives to elected officials who show courage in defense of the Latino community. McCain has won it twice.
Meanwhile, the comprehensive immigration reform bill that McCain co-sponsored with Democratic Sen. Ted Kennedy was attacked by members of his own party as "amnesty" for illegal immigrants. When I asked what he says to those who accuse him of flip-flopping on comprehensive reform in settling for an enforcement-only approach, I caught a glimpse of the famous McCain temper.
"I say `Stop!' We failed twice, despite efforts of weeks on the floor of the Senate, on a bipartisan basis with incredible support," he said. "Americans want the border secured. So is that a flip-flop when you fail twice after weeks of debate and discussion and being harmed dramatically in my chances to gain the nomination of my party? It's baloney!"
Still, McCain pledged that comprehensive immigration reform would be something he would tackle in the first 100 days of his presidency.
"Whether I have to go back to the United States Senate, which I don't believe I will, or go to the presidency, the whole issue of comprehensive immigration reform will be among my highest priorities," McCain said, "because we have to address this issue."
The candidate, reflecting on the support he has traditionally enjoyed with Latino voters, called it an honor to represent "so many patriotic and great, wonderful Americans who are the heart and soul of the country."
"I'm confident that, as many more of those Latino voters focus in the next 14 days, we'll do well," he said.
Finally, I asked McCain if he had a message for those Latinos who have long been in his corner, as he has been in theirs. He simply expressed his hope that "they'll just examine my record and my knowledge and my background and the judgments that I have made." Whatever happens, he said, "I will respect their decision."
For many years, and before it was popular, John McCain has stood beside the Latino community. Now it has a chance to return the favor.
Ruben Navarrette is a San Diego Tribune columnist (e-mail: ruben.navarrette@uniontrib.com
Press Telegram 10/25/2008
Recently, I was on a Latino-themed radio show defending John McCain. The defendant was accused of abandoning comprehensive immigration reform, turning his back on Latino supporters, and associating with a bad crowd (read: Republicans). I didn't give an inch. I was the only person in the discussion who actually knew McCain - from my stint 10 years ago as a reporter at a newspaper in Arizona - and I could attest to the fact that the senator had always gone to bat for Latinos. At one point, another guest scolded me in frustration: "Look, it's not about John McCain. It's about the Republican Party!"
Exactly.
McCain can defend himself. During a telephone interview the other day as he was traveling between campaign stops in Pennsylvania, he told me that he hopes Latinos will judge him on his own merits and not punish him for the sins of his party, which he readily acknowledges.
"During the immigration debate," he said, "it's very clear that a lot of the language and rhetoric that was used (by Republicans) made Latino citizens believe that we were anti-Latino."
One of the chief culprits was Rep. Tom Tancredo of Colorado. I asked McCain if there was any truth to the story that Tancredo, who ran for the Republican nomination, taunted him during the primaries by implying that McCain was pandering to Latinos.
"Yeah," McCain said, "we were in a restaurant and he just sent over a plate of nachos. What do you say to something like that? I just said, `Thanks very much."'
McCain puts these things in context.
"Throughout our history, we have had people who stoked nativist instincts," he said.
Still, McCain's following among Latinos is evaporating. A poll by Zogby International found that 21 percent of Latinos support McCain, compared to 70 percent for Barack Obama; the Pew Hispanic Center ranked it 23percent McCain and 66 percent Obama.
I asked McCain what in the world is going on. He blamed part of it on "heavy negative advertising" by his opponent.
"(Obama) has portrayed my position on the immigration issue as completely false," McCain said, "when he supported and proposed amendments to kill a temporary-worker program at the bidding of the union leaders."
McCain hopes Latino voters focus on his support for small business, his pro-life position and his support of the military. And, of course, his record. In his 2004 Senate re-election, McCain earned more than 70 percent of the Latino vote. The National Council of La Raza has an award it gives to elected officials who show courage in defense of the Latino community. McCain has won it twice.
Meanwhile, the comprehensive immigration reform bill that McCain co-sponsored with Democratic Sen. Ted Kennedy was attacked by members of his own party as "amnesty" for illegal immigrants. When I asked what he says to those who accuse him of flip-flopping on comprehensive reform in settling for an enforcement-only approach, I caught a glimpse of the famous McCain temper.
"I say `Stop!' We failed twice, despite efforts of weeks on the floor of the Senate, on a bipartisan basis with incredible support," he said. "Americans want the border secured. So is that a flip-flop when you fail twice after weeks of debate and discussion and being harmed dramatically in my chances to gain the nomination of my party? It's baloney!"
Still, McCain pledged that comprehensive immigration reform would be something he would tackle in the first 100 days of his presidency.
"Whether I have to go back to the United States Senate, which I don't believe I will, or go to the presidency, the whole issue of comprehensive immigration reform will be among my highest priorities," McCain said, "because we have to address this issue."
The candidate, reflecting on the support he has traditionally enjoyed with Latino voters, called it an honor to represent "so many patriotic and great, wonderful Americans who are the heart and soul of the country."
"I'm confident that, as many more of those Latino voters focus in the next 14 days, we'll do well," he said.
Finally, I asked McCain if he had a message for those Latinos who have long been in his corner, as he has been in theirs. He simply expressed his hope that "they'll just examine my record and my knowledge and my background and the judgments that I have made." Whatever happens, he said, "I will respect their decision."
For many years, and before it was popular, John McCain has stood beside the Latino community. Now it has a chance to return the favor.
Ruben Navarrette is a San Diego Tribune columnist (e-mail: ruben.navarrette@uniontrib.com
Latinos told creative thinking will get kids in college
Expert touches on education for Latinos
By Ginger Livingston The Daily Reflector October 24, 2008
Helping a growing Latino population send its children to college is going to require creative thinking about the nation's universities, an expert in Latino education said Friday during a conference on Latino issues.
Antonio Esquibel, an author, professor emeritus and member of the board of trustees at Metropolitan State College in Denver, was the keynote speaker during a conference on building leadership to help Latinos access education.
More Latino students are graduating from high school, he said. The Western Interstate Commission for Higher Education, an education research and policy organization, released a report earlier this year showing that between the 2004-05 and 2014-15 school years, the graduation rate of N.C. Latinos will grow between 10 percent and 20 percent, Esquibel said.
“East Carolina better get ready,” he said.
About 200 people attended various parts of the day-long event at Mendenhall Student Center.
The event was the university's first conference on Latino issues, said David Condé, senior associate vice chancellor for student and academic affairs.
“Understand East Carolina University's role in the community, it is a research institution ... and students coming here must be qualified to be successful,” Condé said, “Our feeling is to be able to deal with the issue, you have to first identify them.”
To guarantee that success, he said, the university must reach out to school systems and communities to ensure students of all ethnic groups are qualified to succeed.
ECU has approximately 500 Latino students within its enrollment of about 27,000, Condé said. Within the next 10 years, one-third of the school's possible enrollment pool will be Latino students.
Like many of rural eastern North Carolina's first-generation college students, Latinos must learn about qualifying for college, the application process and what financial aid is available, he said. They also have the barrier of language and cultural attitudes about higher education and work.
“Latino parents are starting to understand the urgency of needing education and understand the importance of a degree,” Condé said. “The problem is translating that into an organized view for their reality.”
Esquibel studied the movement of Latino children through the educational system. He found that, of 1,000 elementary age students, 41 percent received some form of preschool education. As those elementary school students moved up the educational ladder, their numbers declined: only 60 percent graduated from high school, with 53 percent of that group going on to college.
Few of those students graduated: only 83 of the original 1,000. Of those who did graduate college, 20 pursued advanced degrees, Esquibel said.
There is no all-encompassing solution for helping Latinos gain a college education, which is why it is important for universities to work with local communities to identify what would in their area, he said.
What is notable, he said, is that Latino migrants are embracing higher education more quickly than other migrant groups that have come to the United States.
It is not uncommon for families who moved to the United States as farm laborers to produce college graduates within one generation, he said, adding his own family is exemplifies the trend.
Esquibel's father was a migrant laborer who moved to Detroit during World War II when the United States government invited Mexican workers into the country because of labor shortages. Esquibel holds a doctoral degree.
Other events at Friday's conference included panel discussions about the experiences Latino students have in high school and college; how to help Latino students get on the path to college and solutions for accessing health care; and cultivating community leadership.
Contact Ginger Livingston at glivingston@coxnc.com and (252) 329-9573.
By Ginger Livingston The Daily Reflector October 24, 2008
Helping a growing Latino population send its children to college is going to require creative thinking about the nation's universities, an expert in Latino education said Friday during a conference on Latino issues.
Antonio Esquibel, an author, professor emeritus and member of the board of trustees at Metropolitan State College in Denver, was the keynote speaker during a conference on building leadership to help Latinos access education.
More Latino students are graduating from high school, he said. The Western Interstate Commission for Higher Education, an education research and policy organization, released a report earlier this year showing that between the 2004-05 and 2014-15 school years, the graduation rate of N.C. Latinos will grow between 10 percent and 20 percent, Esquibel said.
“East Carolina better get ready,” he said.
About 200 people attended various parts of the day-long event at Mendenhall Student Center.
The event was the university's first conference on Latino issues, said David Condé, senior associate vice chancellor for student and academic affairs.
“Understand East Carolina University's role in the community, it is a research institution ... and students coming here must be qualified to be successful,” Condé said, “Our feeling is to be able to deal with the issue, you have to first identify them.”
To guarantee that success, he said, the university must reach out to school systems and communities to ensure students of all ethnic groups are qualified to succeed.
ECU has approximately 500 Latino students within its enrollment of about 27,000, Condé said. Within the next 10 years, one-third of the school's possible enrollment pool will be Latino students.
Like many of rural eastern North Carolina's first-generation college students, Latinos must learn about qualifying for college, the application process and what financial aid is available, he said. They also have the barrier of language and cultural attitudes about higher education and work.
“Latino parents are starting to understand the urgency of needing education and understand the importance of a degree,” Condé said. “The problem is translating that into an organized view for their reality.”
Esquibel studied the movement of Latino children through the educational system. He found that, of 1,000 elementary age students, 41 percent received some form of preschool education. As those elementary school students moved up the educational ladder, their numbers declined: only 60 percent graduated from high school, with 53 percent of that group going on to college.
Few of those students graduated: only 83 of the original 1,000. Of those who did graduate college, 20 pursued advanced degrees, Esquibel said.
There is no all-encompassing solution for helping Latinos gain a college education, which is why it is important for universities to work with local communities to identify what would in their area, he said.
What is notable, he said, is that Latino migrants are embracing higher education more quickly than other migrant groups that have come to the United States.
It is not uncommon for families who moved to the United States as farm laborers to produce college graduates within one generation, he said, adding his own family is exemplifies the trend.
Esquibel's father was a migrant laborer who moved to Detroit during World War II when the United States government invited Mexican workers into the country because of labor shortages. Esquibel holds a doctoral degree.
Other events at Friday's conference included panel discussions about the experiences Latino students have in high school and college; how to help Latino students get on the path to college and solutions for accessing health care; and cultivating community leadership.
Contact Ginger Livingston at glivingston@coxnc.com and (252) 329-9573.
Saturday, October 25, 2008
Cuban Americans will determine Florida's vote
How to Win the Cuban American Vote
By Jorge Mas Santos October 25, 2008
U.S. policy toward Cuba is at best static and at worst counterproductive, a source of increasing frustration to many Cuban Americans. This sad status quo contributes to the challenge that Cuban Americans will face on Election Day as, once again, particularly in Florida, our vote will probably help determine the next occupant of the White House.
The overwhelming majority of Cuban Americans expect the next president to abandon today's failed "wait and hope" policy and adopt a policy of support and engagement directed toward opening new avenues of freedom for the Cuban people as well as enhancing stability in the United States.
The Cuban American National Foundation, the nation's largest Cuban exile organization, has a predominantly Republican membership. Yet our fundamental interest is not partisan politics but helping to restore freedom to our brothers and sisters on the island.
We entered the new millennium expecting U.S. policy toward Cuba to follow the effective model of the West's support for Poland's Solidarity movement and civil society across Eastern Europe. It was our hope that by seeking to empower Cuba's independent civil society through unlimited support for the brave men and women on the island opposing the Castro regime, the energy and resources of the Cuban American community would be unleashed. To this end, we have been sorely disappointed.
ad_icon
As a direct result of President Bush's strategic blunder in 2004 restricting contact with the island, Cuban dissidents have experienced a significant reduction in material and humanitarian assistance. They are also subject to a ban on receiving cash remittances that help them and their families survive. The isolation of these and other Cubans has increased while Fidel Castro's departure from office caught the Bush administration off guard. Together, these developments have helped Raúl Castro consolidate control over the Cuban people.
These failures in U.S. policy undermine important American interests. Just as a democratic Israel is a key U.S. friend in a critical region, a democratic Cuba would be a crucial ally in furthering democracy in Latin America. Cuba is important, also, because the dissatisfaction of its people under the Castro regime is bound to have a significant effect on Floridians and Cuban Americans nationwide. It has in the past.
The next president must put a stop to America's spectator approach. To this end, we have presented the campaigns of Sens. John McCain and Barack Obama with simple recommendations based on two basic premises: (a) the status quo is unacceptable; and (b) change needs to come from within Cuba. Our specific recommendations are:
· Change the rules that make it impossible to send cash aid and allow direct, substantial and unfettered aid to Cuba's dissidents.
· Lift the 2004 restrictions on travel and remittances by Cuban Americans. Removing the handcuffs that have prevented us from becoming active participants in the development of Cuban civil society will make us agents of change.
· Maintain sanctions that diminish the Castro regime's access to hard currency, which it uses to help fund its apparatus of repression.
· Engage democratic and reformist forces in Cuba, including those in the military and in the civilian government. They need to know that they can count on the friendship and support of the United States.
· Rebuild our intelligence capabilities in Cuba; they have been dismantled over the past decade, creating a vulnerability in this nation's security.
Both presidential candidates have made clear that they want to help the Cuban people achieve freedom. But Barack Obama's forward-looking and proactive approach toward empowering the Cuban people is more in line with these proposals than John McCain's vow to continue the Bush administration's policy.
More of the same will not bring about freedom in Cuba, and more must be done to directly assist Cuba's opposition movement. Cuban Americans are wary of empty promises. But on Nov. 4, before casting ballots, we will ask ourselves two important questions: Who will adopt a proactive policy toward Cuba, and if dissidents in Cuba had a vote in our election, for whom would they vote?
The writer is chairman of the Cuban American National Foundation.
By Jorge Mas Santos October 25, 2008
U.S. policy toward Cuba is at best static and at worst counterproductive, a source of increasing frustration to many Cuban Americans. This sad status quo contributes to the challenge that Cuban Americans will face on Election Day as, once again, particularly in Florida, our vote will probably help determine the next occupant of the White House.
The overwhelming majority of Cuban Americans expect the next president to abandon today's failed "wait and hope" policy and adopt a policy of support and engagement directed toward opening new avenues of freedom for the Cuban people as well as enhancing stability in the United States.
The Cuban American National Foundation, the nation's largest Cuban exile organization, has a predominantly Republican membership. Yet our fundamental interest is not partisan politics but helping to restore freedom to our brothers and sisters on the island.
We entered the new millennium expecting U.S. policy toward Cuba to follow the effective model of the West's support for Poland's Solidarity movement and civil society across Eastern Europe. It was our hope that by seeking to empower Cuba's independent civil society through unlimited support for the brave men and women on the island opposing the Castro regime, the energy and resources of the Cuban American community would be unleashed. To this end, we have been sorely disappointed.
ad_icon
As a direct result of President Bush's strategic blunder in 2004 restricting contact with the island, Cuban dissidents have experienced a significant reduction in material and humanitarian assistance. They are also subject to a ban on receiving cash remittances that help them and their families survive. The isolation of these and other Cubans has increased while Fidel Castro's departure from office caught the Bush administration off guard. Together, these developments have helped Raúl Castro consolidate control over the Cuban people.
These failures in U.S. policy undermine important American interests. Just as a democratic Israel is a key U.S. friend in a critical region, a democratic Cuba would be a crucial ally in furthering democracy in Latin America. Cuba is important, also, because the dissatisfaction of its people under the Castro regime is bound to have a significant effect on Floridians and Cuban Americans nationwide. It has in the past.
The next president must put a stop to America's spectator approach. To this end, we have presented the campaigns of Sens. John McCain and Barack Obama with simple recommendations based on two basic premises: (a) the status quo is unacceptable; and (b) change needs to come from within Cuba. Our specific recommendations are:
· Change the rules that make it impossible to send cash aid and allow direct, substantial and unfettered aid to Cuba's dissidents.
· Lift the 2004 restrictions on travel and remittances by Cuban Americans. Removing the handcuffs that have prevented us from becoming active participants in the development of Cuban civil society will make us agents of change.
· Maintain sanctions that diminish the Castro regime's access to hard currency, which it uses to help fund its apparatus of repression.
· Engage democratic and reformist forces in Cuba, including those in the military and in the civilian government. They need to know that they can count on the friendship and support of the United States.
· Rebuild our intelligence capabilities in Cuba; they have been dismantled over the past decade, creating a vulnerability in this nation's security.
Both presidential candidates have made clear that they want to help the Cuban people achieve freedom. But Barack Obama's forward-looking and proactive approach toward empowering the Cuban people is more in line with these proposals than John McCain's vow to continue the Bush administration's policy.
More of the same will not bring about freedom in Cuba, and more must be done to directly assist Cuba's opposition movement. Cuban Americans are wary of empty promises. But on Nov. 4, before casting ballots, we will ask ourselves two important questions: Who will adopt a proactive policy toward Cuba, and if dissidents in Cuba had a vote in our election, for whom would they vote?
The writer is chairman of the Cuban American National Foundation.
Hispanic immigration still too politically incorrect
Immigration still a 'political hot potato' in Arizona
By Dennis Wagner, USA TODAY
PHOENIX — While some of Arizona's key political races this year are dominated by illegal immigration, the issue has virtually disappeared from the presidential campaigns and debates.
Republican Sen. John McCain, who championed a comprehensive immigration overhaul bill three years ago, has barely addressed the topic even though it remains a hot-button controversy in his home state. Democratic Sen. Barack Obama, who also supports an overhaul, has been nearly as mum.
During three presidential debates, the word "immigration" was uttered only once, according to a check of transcripts posted online by the Commission on Presidential Debates. In that one instance, McCain accused Obama of misrepresenting McCain's position on the topic. There was no further discussion.
Brooks Jackson, director at Annenberg Political Fact Check, chuckles when asked about the lack of discourse about national illegal immigration. "It has not been an issue aimed at the larger electorate," he says. Both candidates, he says, have run Spanish-language ads targeting Hispanic voters on the topic.
'Why is it off the radar?'
By contrast, Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio seeks re-election in the Phoenix metro area based largely on his effort to round up and deport illegal immigrants — an enforcement program condemned by Hispanic leaders and Mayor Phil Gordon as "racial profiling."
Arpaio is the top law officer in a county that, at 9,200 square miles, is bigger than New Jersey, and has a larger population —3.8 million — than half of the states.
The sheriff mocks both presidential candidates for dodging the issue: "Where did it go? Why is it off the radar?" he says. "I'm not an expert on politics, but I think it has to do with (getting) the Hispanic vote."
When asked for comment on the sheriff's programs, Obama's Arizona campaign spokesman David Cieslak, provided a campaign statement that said local immigration enforcement "can lead to unintentional discrimination against Latinos," and illegal alien roundups are "divisive."
McCain's campaign did not respond to questions about the sheriff's programs. Bruce Merrill, a pollster at Arizona State University, says the caution is understandable: Immigration is the hottest issue in Arizona next to America's economic meltdown, and about seven in 10 registered voters strongly support Arpaio.
"It's a political hot potato," says Elias Bermudez, founder and chairman of a Phoenix-based advocacy group called Immigrants Without Borders. "They don't want to touch it because it will alienate their base in both parties."
The most recent statewide poll, the Cronkite-Eight Poll from Arizona State University conducted Sept. 25-28, showed McCain leading Obama 45% to 38%. In 2004, President Bush defeated Democrat John Kerry 55% to 44%. In 2000, Bush beat Gore 51% to 45%.
The last Democrat to win in Arizona was President Clinton, who defeated Dole in 1996 for a second term. Clinton got 47% to Dole's 44%.
Sheriff, McCain at odds
Bermudez, a McCain supporter, notes that both candidates have endorsed a potential pathway to citizenship for the estimated 12 million illegal immigrants in the USA, a program reviled as "amnesty" by conservatives.
Obama might lose undecided voters if he speaks out against Arpaio, Bermudez says, and McCain would lose staunch conservatives; so the strategy is silent disapproval.
"I have spoken to him (McCain) personally about Arpaio," Bermudez says, "and I believe him when he says he is totally opposed to what the sheriff is doing. … But I don't want McCain to get involved with something like that because I want him to win the presidency. Then I know he'll deliver on his promise."
McCain, who endorsed Arpaio's opponent in the last sheriff's election, knows the sheriff's political wrath. Arpaio campaigned for Mitt Romney in the Republican presidential primary, and trashed McCain in his new book, Joe's Law: America's Toughest Sheriff Takes on Illegal Immigration, Drugs, and Everything Else That Threatens America.
Other Arizona Republicans also blast McCain on illegal immigration. State Rep. Russell Pearce of Mesa, said he felt "betrayed and brokenhearted" when the senator promoted an amnesty plan. "It's rewarding people who have broken the law," he said.
Russell Schmunk, 85, of Cave Creek, Ariz., says he loves "Sheriff Joe's" immigration policy: "We don't need … pansies, guys who slap your wrist. I hope he sweeps it clean, sweeps everybody out."
James Lopez, 46, a Phoenix UPS driver who supports Obama, says Arpaio's roundups are ineffective, but showy: "I think he's more of a media hound," he says.
Gordon, the Phoenix mayor, asked the Justice Department to investigate because motorists in Arizona are being arrested for "driving while brown."
Arpaio denies racial profiling and notes that his deputies are certified by the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency. He says he'll vote for McCain but has a message for both candidates: "It (illegal immigration) is a violation of law. When they come across the border, you put 'em in jail."
Wagner reports for The Arizona Republic
By Dennis Wagner, USA TODAY
PHOENIX — While some of Arizona's key political races this year are dominated by illegal immigration, the issue has virtually disappeared from the presidential campaigns and debates.
Republican Sen. John McCain, who championed a comprehensive immigration overhaul bill three years ago, has barely addressed the topic even though it remains a hot-button controversy in his home state. Democratic Sen. Barack Obama, who also supports an overhaul, has been nearly as mum.
During three presidential debates, the word "immigration" was uttered only once, according to a check of transcripts posted online by the Commission on Presidential Debates. In that one instance, McCain accused Obama of misrepresenting McCain's position on the topic. There was no further discussion.
Brooks Jackson, director at Annenberg Political Fact Check, chuckles when asked about the lack of discourse about national illegal immigration. "It has not been an issue aimed at the larger electorate," he says. Both candidates, he says, have run Spanish-language ads targeting Hispanic voters on the topic.
'Why is it off the radar?'
By contrast, Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio seeks re-election in the Phoenix metro area based largely on his effort to round up and deport illegal immigrants — an enforcement program condemned by Hispanic leaders and Mayor Phil Gordon as "racial profiling."
Arpaio is the top law officer in a county that, at 9,200 square miles, is bigger than New Jersey, and has a larger population —3.8 million — than half of the states.
The sheriff mocks both presidential candidates for dodging the issue: "Where did it go? Why is it off the radar?" he says. "I'm not an expert on politics, but I think it has to do with (getting) the Hispanic vote."
When asked for comment on the sheriff's programs, Obama's Arizona campaign spokesman David Cieslak, provided a campaign statement that said local immigration enforcement "can lead to unintentional discrimination against Latinos," and illegal alien roundups are "divisive."
McCain's campaign did not respond to questions about the sheriff's programs. Bruce Merrill, a pollster at Arizona State University, says the caution is understandable: Immigration is the hottest issue in Arizona next to America's economic meltdown, and about seven in 10 registered voters strongly support Arpaio.
"It's a political hot potato," says Elias Bermudez, founder and chairman of a Phoenix-based advocacy group called Immigrants Without Borders. "They don't want to touch it because it will alienate their base in both parties."
The most recent statewide poll, the Cronkite-Eight Poll from Arizona State University conducted Sept. 25-28, showed McCain leading Obama 45% to 38%. In 2004, President Bush defeated Democrat John Kerry 55% to 44%. In 2000, Bush beat Gore 51% to 45%.
The last Democrat to win in Arizona was President Clinton, who defeated Dole in 1996 for a second term. Clinton got 47% to Dole's 44%.
Sheriff, McCain at odds
Bermudez, a McCain supporter, notes that both candidates have endorsed a potential pathway to citizenship for the estimated 12 million illegal immigrants in the USA, a program reviled as "amnesty" by conservatives.
Obama might lose undecided voters if he speaks out against Arpaio, Bermudez says, and McCain would lose staunch conservatives; so the strategy is silent disapproval.
"I have spoken to him (McCain) personally about Arpaio," Bermudez says, "and I believe him when he says he is totally opposed to what the sheriff is doing. … But I don't want McCain to get involved with something like that because I want him to win the presidency. Then I know he'll deliver on his promise."
McCain, who endorsed Arpaio's opponent in the last sheriff's election, knows the sheriff's political wrath. Arpaio campaigned for Mitt Romney in the Republican presidential primary, and trashed McCain in his new book, Joe's Law: America's Toughest Sheriff Takes on Illegal Immigration, Drugs, and Everything Else That Threatens America.
Other Arizona Republicans also blast McCain on illegal immigration. State Rep. Russell Pearce of Mesa, said he felt "betrayed and brokenhearted" when the senator promoted an amnesty plan. "It's rewarding people who have broken the law," he said.
Russell Schmunk, 85, of Cave Creek, Ariz., says he loves "Sheriff Joe's" immigration policy: "We don't need … pansies, guys who slap your wrist. I hope he sweeps it clean, sweeps everybody out."
James Lopez, 46, a Phoenix UPS driver who supports Obama, says Arpaio's roundups are ineffective, but showy: "I think he's more of a media hound," he says.
Gordon, the Phoenix mayor, asked the Justice Department to investigate because motorists in Arizona are being arrested for "driving while brown."
Arpaio denies racial profiling and notes that his deputies are certified by the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency. He says he'll vote for McCain but has a message for both candidates: "It (illegal immigration) is a violation of law. When they come across the border, you put 'em in jail."
Wagner reports for The Arizona Republic
Latino students topic of forum
Aims to lower dropout rate, increase community involvement
By MADELYN PENNINO, Staff Writer
For Fran Rodriguez, "Latinos in Lancaster County" was a harsh dose of reality.
The report, released in December by the Lancaster County Workforce Investment Board, examined the social, economic and academic challenges confronting the county's Latino community.
To Rodriguez, the section on education "stood out like a sore thumb."
The report found that fewer than 50 percent of Latino seniors graduated from McCaskey High School in 2006. And of those who received a diploma, only 18 percent went on to attend a four-year college.
If that trend were to continue, the report concluded, only five of every 100 Latino students in the School District of Lancaster would earn a college degree.
The sobering statistics were a call to action for Rodriguez, chief of staff for state Rep. Mike Sturla.
Working with the Governor's Advisory Commission on Latino Affairs, she helped form a new group called the Lancaster Latino Education Committee, which met with SDL principals to discuss the need for a forum on education issues affecting Latinos.
Saturday, the group's efforts will bear fruit when McCaskey East High School hosts the Lancaster Latino Education Forum and Lancaster Young Latinos Leadership Institute.
The event will include workshops, speeches and panel discussions for parents, students and educators on improving educational opportunities for Latinos.
More than 20 speakers will address such topics as preventing dropouts, encouraging students to study science and overcoming cultural differences in parental interactions at schools.
About 175 people have signed up to attend, and Rodriguez expects more people to sign up as word of the forum spreads.
The event will be held from 7:30 a.m. to 4 p.m. Participants must register in advance by calling Rodriguez at 418-3771.
While the forum targets SDL schools, which have a Latino population of 55 percent, or about 6,400 students, activities are open to anyone.
Among those scheduled to speak are Gov. Ed Rendell, Lancaster Mayor Rick Gray and Sara Manzano-Diaz, deputy secretary of the Department of State.
"The primary goal (of the forum) is to remind Latino families, parents and students that they have a responsibility to get involved," Rodriguez said.
"And once they do get involved, they will realize there's so much more they can do — not just for students, but for the entire community."
Rodriguez said many Latinos are reluctant to advocate for their children's education.
Language barriers are a major factor, but so are cultural differences. Puerto Ricans, for instance, tend to be "very humble" and avoid speaking out to authority figures, Rodriguez said.
"It's no mystery that there are only a handful of Latino parents that attend school board meetings … and that has to change," she said.
"(Latinos) have to understand that they do have a seat at the table, that they have good ideas and that they're valuable. They don't stand alone."
The parent workshops will cover such topics as advocating for children with disabilities and other special needs, building resiliency in children and preparing students for post-secondary education.
Student workshop topics will include Latino pride, overcoming barriers and developing leadership and character.
For teachers and administrators, workshops will cover effective teaching of English as a second language, preparing students for careers in science, medicine and engineering and understanding the impact of culture on learning.
The idea for the forum grew out of an informal discussion after the release of "Latinos in Lancaster County," Rodriguez said.
"This started out as a little idea, a brainstorming over coffee. Certainly, it's not an answer to the problem, but hopefully it's a beginning."
The Latino Education Committee intends to host additional workshops, meetings and other events, she said, and Millersville University already has agreed to host next year's forum.
"It's the start of something that will hopefully snowball into the community, and the district will start engaging more families," she said.
"Our kids have got to stop dropping out of school. That's the bottom line."
A detailed schedule of forum events is available on the Web site www.lancastercountywib.com.
E-mail: bwallace@lnpnews.com
By MADELYN PENNINO, Staff Writer
For Fran Rodriguez, "Latinos in Lancaster County" was a harsh dose of reality.
The report, released in December by the Lancaster County Workforce Investment Board, examined the social, economic and academic challenges confronting the county's Latino community.
To Rodriguez, the section on education "stood out like a sore thumb."
The report found that fewer than 50 percent of Latino seniors graduated from McCaskey High School in 2006. And of those who received a diploma, only 18 percent went on to attend a four-year college.
If that trend were to continue, the report concluded, only five of every 100 Latino students in the School District of Lancaster would earn a college degree.
The sobering statistics were a call to action for Rodriguez, chief of staff for state Rep. Mike Sturla.
Working with the Governor's Advisory Commission on Latino Affairs, she helped form a new group called the Lancaster Latino Education Committee, which met with SDL principals to discuss the need for a forum on education issues affecting Latinos.
Saturday, the group's efforts will bear fruit when McCaskey East High School hosts the Lancaster Latino Education Forum and Lancaster Young Latinos Leadership Institute.
The event will include workshops, speeches and panel discussions for parents, students and educators on improving educational opportunities for Latinos.
More than 20 speakers will address such topics as preventing dropouts, encouraging students to study science and overcoming cultural differences in parental interactions at schools.
About 175 people have signed up to attend, and Rodriguez expects more people to sign up as word of the forum spreads.
The event will be held from 7:30 a.m. to 4 p.m. Participants must register in advance by calling Rodriguez at 418-3771.
While the forum targets SDL schools, which have a Latino population of 55 percent, or about 6,400 students, activities are open to anyone.
Among those scheduled to speak are Gov. Ed Rendell, Lancaster Mayor Rick Gray and Sara Manzano-Diaz, deputy secretary of the Department of State.
"The primary goal (of the forum) is to remind Latino families, parents and students that they have a responsibility to get involved," Rodriguez said.
"And once they do get involved, they will realize there's so much more they can do — not just for students, but for the entire community."
Rodriguez said many Latinos are reluctant to advocate for their children's education.
Language barriers are a major factor, but so are cultural differences. Puerto Ricans, for instance, tend to be "very humble" and avoid speaking out to authority figures, Rodriguez said.
"It's no mystery that there are only a handful of Latino parents that attend school board meetings … and that has to change," she said.
"(Latinos) have to understand that they do have a seat at the table, that they have good ideas and that they're valuable. They don't stand alone."
The parent workshops will cover such topics as advocating for children with disabilities and other special needs, building resiliency in children and preparing students for post-secondary education.
Student workshop topics will include Latino pride, overcoming barriers and developing leadership and character.
For teachers and administrators, workshops will cover effective teaching of English as a second language, preparing students for careers in science, medicine and engineering and understanding the impact of culture on learning.
The idea for the forum grew out of an informal discussion after the release of "Latinos in Lancaster County," Rodriguez said.
"This started out as a little idea, a brainstorming over coffee. Certainly, it's not an answer to the problem, but hopefully it's a beginning."
The Latino Education Committee intends to host additional workshops, meetings and other events, she said, and Millersville University already has agreed to host next year's forum.
"It's the start of something that will hopefully snowball into the community, and the district will start engaging more families," she said.
"Our kids have got to stop dropping out of school. That's the bottom line."
A detailed schedule of forum events is available on the Web site www.lancastercountywib.com.
E-mail: bwallace@lnpnews.com
Group airs ads alleging Obama will hurt Latinos
Promoting An Ethnic Wedge Issue
NPR News
A Republican Latino group with ties to the Bush Administration is airing ads alleging that Obama puts African Americans before Latinos and Africa before Latin America.
The 527 group, Latinos For Reform, is new this month and now it's running a Spanish-language radio ad in Pennsylvania and Colorado and a TV version in New Mexico. The ad translates, in part, as:
"Barack Obama a friend of the Latino community? The record demonstrates the opposite. Did you know that after the 2000 census that showed a tremendous growth of Latinos in Chicago, Obama told reporters in Chicago that while everyone agrees that the Hispanic population has grown, they cannot expand by taking power from the African-American community. You heard right...but there's more. Did you know that Obama has never hired a Latino to a senior position in his office throughout his legislative career? Did you know that Obama has opposed trade with Mexico, Central America and Colombia, yet supports free trade with Africa?"
The chairman of Latinos For Reform is Robert Deposada, who has served in the leadership of the Hispanic Business Roundtable and The Latino Coalition, and was formerly director of Hispanic affairs for the Republican National Committee. In 2001, President Bush appointed Deposada to a commission to advance the administration's plan for privatizing Social Security.
Deposada tells us that with Obama, "You start seeing that traditional relationship that you have between African-American elected officials and Latino elected officials. I think it's been a tension."
The treasurer of Latinos For Reform is high-powered Republican lobbyist Juan Carlos Benitez, whose firm brags that he "has exceptionally close ties to the White House." Benitez was a Pioneer -- he raised more than $100,000 for the 2004 re-election campaign -- and President Bush named him special counsel for immigration-related unfair employment practices. Benitez also raised between $50,000 and $100,000 this election cycle for McCain.
Deposada says he and other conservative Latinos are disappointed that McCain hasn't put more effort into courting the Latino vote.
"We were honestly so ridiculously frustrated," he says. "There's never been a Republican candidate with a better track record with the Latino community. Our big concern is that I can just picture the Republican Party after the election saying, 'If we couldn't get the Hispanic vote with John McCain, who is so pro-Hispanic, then why bother?'"
-- Will Evans
NPR News
A Republican Latino group with ties to the Bush Administration is airing ads alleging that Obama puts African Americans before Latinos and Africa before Latin America.
The 527 group, Latinos For Reform, is new this month and now it's running a Spanish-language radio ad in Pennsylvania and Colorado and a TV version in New Mexico. The ad translates, in part, as:
"Barack Obama a friend of the Latino community? The record demonstrates the opposite. Did you know that after the 2000 census that showed a tremendous growth of Latinos in Chicago, Obama told reporters in Chicago that while everyone agrees that the Hispanic population has grown, they cannot expand by taking power from the African-American community. You heard right...but there's more. Did you know that Obama has never hired a Latino to a senior position in his office throughout his legislative career? Did you know that Obama has opposed trade with Mexico, Central America and Colombia, yet supports free trade with Africa?"
The chairman of Latinos For Reform is Robert Deposada, who has served in the leadership of the Hispanic Business Roundtable and The Latino Coalition, and was formerly director of Hispanic affairs for the Republican National Committee. In 2001, President Bush appointed Deposada to a commission to advance the administration's plan for privatizing Social Security.
Deposada tells us that with Obama, "You start seeing that traditional relationship that you have between African-American elected officials and Latino elected officials. I think it's been a tension."
The treasurer of Latinos For Reform is high-powered Republican lobbyist Juan Carlos Benitez, whose firm brags that he "has exceptionally close ties to the White House." Benitez was a Pioneer -- he raised more than $100,000 for the 2004 re-election campaign -- and President Bush named him special counsel for immigration-related unfair employment practices. Benitez also raised between $50,000 and $100,000 this election cycle for McCain.
Deposada says he and other conservative Latinos are disappointed that McCain hasn't put more effort into courting the Latino vote.
"We were honestly so ridiculously frustrated," he says. "There's never been a Republican candidate with a better track record with the Latino community. Our big concern is that I can just picture the Republican Party after the election saying, 'If we couldn't get the Hispanic vote with John McCain, who is so pro-Hispanic, then why bother?'"
-- Will Evans
Hispanic publications in Nevada support Obama
Obama gets Nevada support in Hispanic media
The Associated Press 10/23/2008
LAS VEGAS—Several Spanish-language media outlets in Nevada are endorsing Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama.
El Tiempo, a weekly published by the Las Vegas Review-Journal, and El Mundo, the state's oldest Spanish-language newspaper, announced the endorsements Thursday.
Other Nevada outlets endorsing Obama include La Prensa Latina, Mía Tu Revista and La Voz Hispana.
Obama has dominated Republican rival John McCain in national polling of Hispanics.
Hispanics make up nearly 25 percent of the state's population.
The Associated Press 10/23/2008
LAS VEGAS—Several Spanish-language media outlets in Nevada are endorsing Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama.
El Tiempo, a weekly published by the Las Vegas Review-Journal, and El Mundo, the state's oldest Spanish-language newspaper, announced the endorsements Thursday.
Other Nevada outlets endorsing Obama include La Prensa Latina, Mía Tu Revista and La Voz Hispana.
Obama has dominated Republican rival John McCain in national polling of Hispanics.
Hispanics make up nearly 25 percent of the state's population.
Strained relationship between government entities cost Latinos jobs
A Notable Absence at Hearing on Latinos in Government
By Joe Davidson October 24, 2008
The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission hearing on Hispanic federal employment yesterday was almost over when someone noticed the elephant in, or more precisely, not in the room.
That elephant "is the absence of the Office of Personnel Management in these discussions," said Commissioner Stuart J. Ishimaru.
The lack of an OPM presence marks just one scene in a larger drama involving a strained relationship between the two agencies and OPM's approach to getting more Hispanics in government.
Given their numbers in the general population, Hispanics and the disabled are less represented in the federal workplace than other groups, according to the EEOC. Only about 7.8 percent of the workplace is Hispanic.
Participants at the hearing explored that discrepancy and discussed ways to promote increased employment of Hispanics. Many of those methods are outlined in a report the EEOC issued by its Hispanic work group. Thirteen agencies were represented on that work group, but OPM -- the agency responsible for overall federal hiring and employment issues -- wasn't.
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An EEOC spokeswoman said the commission did inform OPM about the workgroup, but received no response. OPM said it was not invited.
That tit-for-tat obscures a larger issue -- the ongoing tension between the two agencies.
"There's no evidence that there's a working relationship that's fruitful," Ishimaru said in an interview.
OPM has not "fully embraced diversity and inclusion in the federal government," Naomi C. Earp, chairman of the EEOC, complained after the hearing.
OPM is all for diversity, said Susan Bryant, the personnel office's chief spokesperson, adding: "There are merit principles that say you can't favor one group over another." Except veterans, of course, whose preference is written into law.
Furthermore, Bryant noted, OPM chairs the President's Interagency Taskforce on Hispanic Employment in Federal Government.
A major bone of contention is the collection of demographic data that would allow the EEOC to track federal employment -- by race, gender and ethnic group -- from the application stage to retirement.
OPM, Earp said, wants to supply numbers in "such categories that it's useless for our purposes."
Said Bryant: "We have been very generous in sharing workforce data of a number of types, and much data is online."
The differences between the agencies reflect a different culture, mindset, certainly different missions. OPM focuses on the nuts and bolts of federal employment, such as streamlining the hiring process, while the EEOC is charged with ending employment discrimination. How well either agency meets its mandate is another issue, but their tasks sometimes conflict.
The lack of OPM cooperation isn't limited to the EEOC. When the Partnership for Public Service invited OPM to work with the good government group on a Hispanic hiring tool kit, the agency declined, Sarah F. Jaggar, a senior adviser at the partnership, told the hearing.
Again merit principles were cited. The first principle does indeed speak to merit. However, it also says recruitment should "endeavor to achieve a work force from all segments of society." The report shows that the Latino segment of the workforce is too small.
One tool that has disappeared from federal employment efforts is affirmative action. The term wasn't mentioned at the hearing, not even by those who seem to favor the concept but can no longer bring themselves to utter its name.
Yet how will the gap in Hispanic employment close if even the notion of setting goals is off limits in today's legal climate? Current efforts simply are not working very fast. Less than 9 percent of the permanent government hires between July 1, 2006, and June 30, 2007, were Hispanic, according to the report.
After the hearing, John M. Palguta, the partnership's vice president for policy, pointed to a 1997 Merit Systems Protection Board report that indicates how times have changed in the government's approach to addressing imbalances in the federal workplace.
"The federal government must do more than simply attempt to eliminate overt discrimination if it is to significantly increase the representation of Hispanics in the federal government," it said. "To achieve the goal of a workforce representative of all segments of society, therefore, federal agencies must pay special attention to all of the barriers to Hispanic employment."
Contact Joe Davidson atfederaldiary@washpost.com.
By Joe Davidson October 24, 2008
The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission hearing on Hispanic federal employment yesterday was almost over when someone noticed the elephant in, or more precisely, not in the room.
That elephant "is the absence of the Office of Personnel Management in these discussions," said Commissioner Stuart J. Ishimaru.
The lack of an OPM presence marks just one scene in a larger drama involving a strained relationship between the two agencies and OPM's approach to getting more Hispanics in government.
Given their numbers in the general population, Hispanics and the disabled are less represented in the federal workplace than other groups, according to the EEOC. Only about 7.8 percent of the workplace is Hispanic.
Participants at the hearing explored that discrepancy and discussed ways to promote increased employment of Hispanics. Many of those methods are outlined in a report the EEOC issued by its Hispanic work group. Thirteen agencies were represented on that work group, but OPM -- the agency responsible for overall federal hiring and employment issues -- wasn't.
ad_icon
An EEOC spokeswoman said the commission did inform OPM about the workgroup, but received no response. OPM said it was not invited.
That tit-for-tat obscures a larger issue -- the ongoing tension between the two agencies.
"There's no evidence that there's a working relationship that's fruitful," Ishimaru said in an interview.
OPM has not "fully embraced diversity and inclusion in the federal government," Naomi C. Earp, chairman of the EEOC, complained after the hearing.
OPM is all for diversity, said Susan Bryant, the personnel office's chief spokesperson, adding: "There are merit principles that say you can't favor one group over another." Except veterans, of course, whose preference is written into law.
Furthermore, Bryant noted, OPM chairs the President's Interagency Taskforce on Hispanic Employment in Federal Government.
A major bone of contention is the collection of demographic data that would allow the EEOC to track federal employment -- by race, gender and ethnic group -- from the application stage to retirement.
OPM, Earp said, wants to supply numbers in "such categories that it's useless for our purposes."
Said Bryant: "We have been very generous in sharing workforce data of a number of types, and much data is online."
The differences between the agencies reflect a different culture, mindset, certainly different missions. OPM focuses on the nuts and bolts of federal employment, such as streamlining the hiring process, while the EEOC is charged with ending employment discrimination. How well either agency meets its mandate is another issue, but their tasks sometimes conflict.
The lack of OPM cooperation isn't limited to the EEOC. When the Partnership for Public Service invited OPM to work with the good government group on a Hispanic hiring tool kit, the agency declined, Sarah F. Jaggar, a senior adviser at the partnership, told the hearing.
Again merit principles were cited. The first principle does indeed speak to merit. However, it also says recruitment should "endeavor to achieve a work force from all segments of society." The report shows that the Latino segment of the workforce is too small.
One tool that has disappeared from federal employment efforts is affirmative action. The term wasn't mentioned at the hearing, not even by those who seem to favor the concept but can no longer bring themselves to utter its name.
Yet how will the gap in Hispanic employment close if even the notion of setting goals is off limits in today's legal climate? Current efforts simply are not working very fast. Less than 9 percent of the permanent government hires between July 1, 2006, and June 30, 2007, were Hispanic, according to the report.
After the hearing, John M. Palguta, the partnership's vice president for policy, pointed to a 1997 Merit Systems Protection Board report that indicates how times have changed in the government's approach to addressing imbalances in the federal workplace.
"The federal government must do more than simply attempt to eliminate overt discrimination if it is to significantly increase the representation of Hispanics in the federal government," it said. "To achieve the goal of a workforce representative of all segments of society, therefore, federal agencies must pay special attention to all of the barriers to Hispanic employment."
Contact Joe Davidson atfederaldiary@washpost.com.
Latino students topic among college seat candidate
Three candidates for Southwestern College Seat 1 talk about Latino students
By Pablo Jaime Sáinz
As the only institution of higher learning in the South Bay, Southwestern College is one of the most important educational assets for Latinos in the area.
It usually becomes the only option for low-income Latinos when it comes to a college education.
The three candidates for Southwestern College seat 1 on the governing board election on Nov. 4, say that, because the college serves a high percentage of Latino students, it is important to address the issues that affect this population.
The three candidates for Seat 1 are Jean Roesch, the incumbent and an educator; Mitch Thomson, a public finance professional; and Brett Davis, a business owner.
Roesch, who has more than 33 years in education, said she will continue to strive for making higher education more accessible to Latinos and low-income students by providing college fee waivers and book grants.
She said she also supported the book rental program, where students can rent textbooks from the SWC bookstore at a fraction of their cost.
Roesch said that she also voted in favor of construction and development of Higher Education Centers in Otay Mesa, San Ysidro, and National City, all three communities with high concentrations of Latinos.
“I have stood firm on supporting the access of quality education to all our community of which is predominately Latino,” she said. “In addition, I am a strong advocate and supporter of diversifying the make-up of faculty and staff. I am a strong believer that faculty and staff have to reflect the student population we serve. I will continue to advocate for affordable, quality education for everyone in our community.”
Thomson, who has been endorsed by several Latino elected officials in the South Bay, including State Assemblymember Mary Salas and Chula Vista City Council members Rudy Ramirez and Steve Castaneda, said that there are two main issues that Southwestern College should address concerning Latino students: Financial aid and preparing Latinos for the better-paying jobs.
“Because Latino family incomes are less, financial aid and part time program that serve their needs are critical to attracting them and keeping them in higher education,” Thomson said. “Creating a plan that keeps them getting an education and does not cause them to go too far into debt is important to increasing numbers.”
He also added that as a board member he will support programs that help Latinos further develop their English-language skills, something that is basic to succeed in college.
“English language deficiencies continue to plague Latino students,” he said. “We need increased emphasis on bridging that gap. I would take a hard look at the entire system from at least junior high or high school and forward and work in a concerted effort with Sweetwater to further enhance language skills.”
Davis, whose family is from the state of Jalisco and who is the only Mexican-American running for Seat 1, said that in order to address the needs of Latinos, he will first listen to Latino students.
“I would address the needs of the Latino students by first hearing what their goals and needs are,” Davis said. “I would contact successful Latino business owners, community leaders and mentors from the Latino community and group them together with our Latino brothers and sisters to help them find their vocation and passion.”
Davis said that it’s important for the college to offer more vocational opportunities for Latino students.
“I absolutely feel that I can contribute more to the development of the college,” he said. “We need to focus on creating jobs that pay well and utilize bilingual skills. The future will be in bio fuel, solar and wind power. The Latino consumer will be huge in this industry and the college will need to prepare for the demand.”
The three candidates are interested in attracting the Latino vote. They know that since Southwestern College has a large Latino student population, Latino students play an important role in the Nov. 4 election.
Roesch said: “I am proud to have supported the permanent structure of the San Ysidro Higher Education Center. The re-modeling from temporary trailers to a permanent and beautiful building will allow accessibility to more educational programs and services for students, and better serve the community of San Ysidro.”
Thomson said: “I have a long history in the Latino community. Many South Bay Latinos, and Latinos throughout the State and the entire Southwest, know me well. I married into a Latino family and my children are Latino. I feel I understand Latino issues well. Issues related to economic and educational advancement (issues that affect Latinos, but are not exclusive to Latinos) are things I have dealt with my entire career. Issues of social justice, fairness and equity will be a part of me to my last days.”
Davis said: “If elected, I would schedule more mandatory appointments with counselors to verify that students are successfully completing courses needed to transfer to a four year college/university.”
It is up to Latino students and community to decide who they want in Seat 1 of the Southwestern College governing board. Vote on Nov. 4 for the candidate you feel will work for your education.
By Pablo Jaime Sáinz
As the only institution of higher learning in the South Bay, Southwestern College is one of the most important educational assets for Latinos in the area.
It usually becomes the only option for low-income Latinos when it comes to a college education.
The three candidates for Southwestern College seat 1 on the governing board election on Nov. 4, say that, because the college serves a high percentage of Latino students, it is important to address the issues that affect this population.
The three candidates for Seat 1 are Jean Roesch, the incumbent and an educator; Mitch Thomson, a public finance professional; and Brett Davis, a business owner.
Roesch, who has more than 33 years in education, said she will continue to strive for making higher education more accessible to Latinos and low-income students by providing college fee waivers and book grants.
She said she also supported the book rental program, where students can rent textbooks from the SWC bookstore at a fraction of their cost.
Roesch said that she also voted in favor of construction and development of Higher Education Centers in Otay Mesa, San Ysidro, and National City, all three communities with high concentrations of Latinos.
“I have stood firm on supporting the access of quality education to all our community of which is predominately Latino,” she said. “In addition, I am a strong advocate and supporter of diversifying the make-up of faculty and staff. I am a strong believer that faculty and staff have to reflect the student population we serve. I will continue to advocate for affordable, quality education for everyone in our community.”
Thomson, who has been endorsed by several Latino elected officials in the South Bay, including State Assemblymember Mary Salas and Chula Vista City Council members Rudy Ramirez and Steve Castaneda, said that there are two main issues that Southwestern College should address concerning Latino students: Financial aid and preparing Latinos for the better-paying jobs.
“Because Latino family incomes are less, financial aid and part time program that serve their needs are critical to attracting them and keeping them in higher education,” Thomson said. “Creating a plan that keeps them getting an education and does not cause them to go too far into debt is important to increasing numbers.”
He also added that as a board member he will support programs that help Latinos further develop their English-language skills, something that is basic to succeed in college.
“English language deficiencies continue to plague Latino students,” he said. “We need increased emphasis on bridging that gap. I would take a hard look at the entire system from at least junior high or high school and forward and work in a concerted effort with Sweetwater to further enhance language skills.”
Davis, whose family is from the state of Jalisco and who is the only Mexican-American running for Seat 1, said that in order to address the needs of Latinos, he will first listen to Latino students.
“I would address the needs of the Latino students by first hearing what their goals and needs are,” Davis said. “I would contact successful Latino business owners, community leaders and mentors from the Latino community and group them together with our Latino brothers and sisters to help them find their vocation and passion.”
Davis said that it’s important for the college to offer more vocational opportunities for Latino students.
“I absolutely feel that I can contribute more to the development of the college,” he said. “We need to focus on creating jobs that pay well and utilize bilingual skills. The future will be in bio fuel, solar and wind power. The Latino consumer will be huge in this industry and the college will need to prepare for the demand.”
The three candidates are interested in attracting the Latino vote. They know that since Southwestern College has a large Latino student population, Latino students play an important role in the Nov. 4 election.
Roesch said: “I am proud to have supported the permanent structure of the San Ysidro Higher Education Center. The re-modeling from temporary trailers to a permanent and beautiful building will allow accessibility to more educational programs and services for students, and better serve the community of San Ysidro.”
Thomson said: “I have a long history in the Latino community. Many South Bay Latinos, and Latinos throughout the State and the entire Southwest, know me well. I married into a Latino family and my children are Latino. I feel I understand Latino issues well. Issues related to economic and educational advancement (issues that affect Latinos, but are not exclusive to Latinos) are things I have dealt with my entire career. Issues of social justice, fairness and equity will be a part of me to my last days.”
Davis said: “If elected, I would schedule more mandatory appointments with counselors to verify that students are successfully completing courses needed to transfer to a four year college/university.”
It is up to Latino students and community to decide who they want in Seat 1 of the Southwestern College governing board. Vote on Nov. 4 for the candidate you feel will work for your education.
Coulple's work with Hispanics acknowledged
Greeley couple wins national honor for developing Latino leaders
Chris Casey
A Greeley couple is among 14 Latinos nationwide nominated for MillerCoors as “Líder of the Year” award for efforts to develop Latino leaders.
Roberto and Betty Cordova were nominated for the award for their many community projects, including extensive work with the Greeley League of United Latin American Citizens Council. They co-founded the council in 1983 and, as LULAC members, have co-spearheaded the establishment of 25 LULAC Youth Councils in middle and high schools in northern Colorado.
The mission of LULAC Youth Councils is to promote education, leadership, community service, a healthy body and mind, and cultural pride.
Roberto Cordova said he was surprised he and Betty were selected into the elite group.
“My wife and I were surprised and we’re extremely honored and appreciative of this nomination,” Cordova said.
They are the only couple in the finalist group.
Chris Casey
A Greeley couple is among 14 Latinos nationwide nominated for MillerCoors as “Líder of the Year” award for efforts to develop Latino leaders.
Roberto and Betty Cordova were nominated for the award for their many community projects, including extensive work with the Greeley League of United Latin American Citizens Council. They co-founded the council in 1983 and, as LULAC members, have co-spearheaded the establishment of 25 LULAC Youth Councils in middle and high schools in northern Colorado.
The mission of LULAC Youth Councils is to promote education, leadership, community service, a healthy body and mind, and cultural pride.
Roberto Cordova said he was surprised he and Betty were selected into the elite group.
“My wife and I were surprised and we’re extremely honored and appreciative of this nomination,” Cordova said.
They are the only couple in the finalist group.
Friday, October 24, 2008
Detroit group encourages young Hispanic professionals
HYPE Offers Much For Young Professionals and Entrepreneurs
WWJ
Keep an eye on the HYPE.
That's the acronym for the newest technology-leaning organization in Detroit, the Hispanic Young Professionals and Entrepreneurs.
HYPE was on display Thursday as part of the Hispanic Business Expo and Economic Summit at the Marriott Renaissance Center. The organization ran a sophisticated networking training session with Chuck Gifford of the Local Business Network and Jeannie Kime and David Lawrence, its regional directors.
HYPE is the brain child of Peter Vazquez, president of Xtreme Design Studios, which is fresh off a redesign of SalsaDetroit.com, the area's largest online source for Latin entertainment. Vasquez also designed the Web site of the Hispanic Business Association, sponsor of the expo.
HYPE, at www.HYPEDetroit.org, offers its members a variety of services. Vasquez said it was "developed for young Hispanics who are serious about life, serious about their careers, serious about networking.
The organization offers members networking opportunities as well as sponsored entertainment, event and company discounts, educational symposiums, guest speakers and a job fair.
As for Vasquez's business, Xtreme offers marketing and advertising for small and mid-sized businesses, including Web development and hosting, brochure design, advertising programs and more.
Vasquez has this to say about Fred Feliciano, President of the HBA: "I never stop learning from Fred. He's not only a friend but a mentor. I admire how he is able to reach out to the Hispanic community and beyond to nurture and strengthen the Hispanic business community, He's a real role model."
The expo also featured the release of a report showing that the Hispanic community's economic impact on Southeast Michigan is at least $14.5 billion.
The first-ever report authored by Wayne State University researchers shows a 27.9 percent increase in the Hispanic population living in the seven-county Southeast Michigan region since 2000.
The study estimates that the economic activity of Hispanic residents in the region supports more than 181,000 total jobs.
"That is relatively high, compared to other communities," said Lyke Thompson, director of the WSU Center for Urban Studies and lead researcher on the study. "Essentially, for every 100 Hispanic jobs in the region, Hispanics help support approximately 95 additional jobs."
Feliciano said the report shatters a myth that Hispanics and Latinos "only come here and take away jobs. There is a stereotype and I think there's some political forces that see that as a voiceless entity that they can manipulate to their political stand. For too long, we had only anecdotal information about the Hispanic business community's economic force in this market. Now, we have some hard evidence that should serve as a point of pride for our community, as well as encourage the greater business community to recognize the opportunities in doing business with us."
Researchers expect rapid growth in the Hispanic community in Southeast Michigan, estimating that Hispanics will make up a larger portion of the overall population, increasing from 2.4 percent to 7.3 percent between 2005 and 2035. The vast majority of this growth will come from U.S.-born Hispanics, as opposed to new immigrants, as 78.1 percent of Southeast Michigan's Hispanics are U.S. Citizens
The study also finds that, though Hispanics represented only 3.5 percent of the total population in the region in 2006, their economic activity accounted for 6.5 percent of the total employment, 6.4 percent of the total earnings and 6.2 percent of the total economic output in Southeast Michigan.
WWJ
Keep an eye on the HYPE.
That's the acronym for the newest technology-leaning organization in Detroit, the Hispanic Young Professionals and Entrepreneurs.
HYPE was on display Thursday as part of the Hispanic Business Expo and Economic Summit at the Marriott Renaissance Center. The organization ran a sophisticated networking training session with Chuck Gifford of the Local Business Network and Jeannie Kime and David Lawrence, its regional directors.
HYPE is the brain child of Peter Vazquez, president of Xtreme Design Studios, which is fresh off a redesign of SalsaDetroit.com, the area's largest online source for Latin entertainment. Vasquez also designed the Web site of the Hispanic Business Association, sponsor of the expo.
HYPE, at www.HYPEDetroit.org, offers its members a variety of services. Vasquez said it was "developed for young Hispanics who are serious about life, serious about their careers, serious about networking.
The organization offers members networking opportunities as well as sponsored entertainment, event and company discounts, educational symposiums, guest speakers and a job fair.
As for Vasquez's business, Xtreme offers marketing and advertising for small and mid-sized businesses, including Web development and hosting, brochure design, advertising programs and more.
Vasquez has this to say about Fred Feliciano, President of the HBA: "I never stop learning from Fred. He's not only a friend but a mentor. I admire how he is able to reach out to the Hispanic community and beyond to nurture and strengthen the Hispanic business community, He's a real role model."
The expo also featured the release of a report showing that the Hispanic community's economic impact on Southeast Michigan is at least $14.5 billion.
The first-ever report authored by Wayne State University researchers shows a 27.9 percent increase in the Hispanic population living in the seven-county Southeast Michigan region since 2000.
The study estimates that the economic activity of Hispanic residents in the region supports more than 181,000 total jobs.
"That is relatively high, compared to other communities," said Lyke Thompson, director of the WSU Center for Urban Studies and lead researcher on the study. "Essentially, for every 100 Hispanic jobs in the region, Hispanics help support approximately 95 additional jobs."
Feliciano said the report shatters a myth that Hispanics and Latinos "only come here and take away jobs. There is a stereotype and I think there's some political forces that see that as a voiceless entity that they can manipulate to their political stand. For too long, we had only anecdotal information about the Hispanic business community's economic force in this market. Now, we have some hard evidence that should serve as a point of pride for our community, as well as encourage the greater business community to recognize the opportunities in doing business with us."
Researchers expect rapid growth in the Hispanic community in Southeast Michigan, estimating that Hispanics will make up a larger portion of the overall population, increasing from 2.4 percent to 7.3 percent between 2005 and 2035. The vast majority of this growth will come from U.S.-born Hispanics, as opposed to new immigrants, as 78.1 percent of Southeast Michigan's Hispanics are U.S. Citizens
The study also finds that, though Hispanics represented only 3.5 percent of the total population in the region in 2006, their economic activity accounted for 6.5 percent of the total employment, 6.4 percent of the total earnings and 6.2 percent of the total economic output in Southeast Michigan.
Latino small business owners target of McCain campaign
McCain embraces small business on 'Joe the Plumber' tour
AFP Google
SARASOTA, Florida (AFP) — John McCain cast himself as the defender of small business and American values Thursday as he struggled to overtake rival Barack Obama's lead in the polls, a scant 12 days before the US presidential election.
For the second week since Obama's chance encounter with an Ohio plumber worried about the Democrat's tax plans, the Republican senator hammered at his rival's assertion that everyone is better off if you "spread the wealth around."
"Senator Obama says he's trying to soak the rich but it's the middle class who are going to get wet," McCain told a rally in Sarasota, Florida.
"The answer to a slowing economy is not higher taxes, but that's exactly what will happen when the Democrats have total control of Congress," McCain said, adding "I'm not going to let that happen."
McCain said Obama's tax plans and health care policy will "kill jobs" and noted that small businesses had managed to create around 300,000 jobs this year, even as the broader economy lost more than 700,000 jobs.
"In this country we believe in spreading opportunity for those whose create jobs and those who need them."
And he slammed Obama's attempt to clarify his tax policy in the face of McCain's attacks, telling the raucous crowd, "he'll say anything to get elected."
McCain spent the day meeting with small business owners at a lumber yard, dental office, Puerto Rican restaurant and a fruit stand, as he embarked on a "Joe the Plumber" bus tour across the battleground state of Florida.
The now-famous Joe Wurzelbacher of Holland, Ohio has not yet appeared with McCain, but the campaign is holding him up as a symbol of the hopes and dreams of all Americans who own a business or, like Joe, dream of doing so one day.
"We're talking to small business people all over the state of Florida and all over America and we've got to restore their hopes and dreams for America because that's the basis of our economy," he said after he had lunch with Hispanic entrepreneurs in Orlando.
"My commitment to the small business owners here is I will not feel the need to 'spread their wealth around.' I want them to keep their wealth and create jobs."
McCain said he was "confident" he could turn the economy around with his plan to cut taxes, decrease spending, invest in alternative energy and prop up the housing market by buying up bad mortgages.
"We need to win on November 4 and we're going to win Florida and bring real change to Washington DC," he told a rally in an Ormond Beach lumber yard.
A new sheaf of opinion polls in battleground states by Quinnipiac University suggested the gap is narrowing between Obama and McCain, although Obama still enjoys the lead.
Obama led his Republican rival in Florida by 49 to 44 percent, compared to a 51-43 percent lead in the last survey on October 1, and in Pennsylvania by 53-40 percent, compared to 54-39 percent previously.
McCain lost ground in Ohio -- often the decisive state in presidential elections -- where Obama leads 52-38 percent, expanding his lead from 50-42 percent at the beginning of the month.
No candidate has been elected president since 1960 without taking two of these three states in the US electoral college.
"To overcome Senator Obama's lead in Ohio, Senator McCain would have to get virtually every voter who remains undecided plus almost all of the Obama supporters who said they still might change their minds," said Quinnipiac's assistant director of polling Peter Brown.
The McCain campaign dismissed such bleak assessments.
"We're aware we're behind but we're in better shape than some of the public polls," senior advisor Mark Salter told AFP. "This is definitely a winnable race."
AFP Google
SARASOTA, Florida (AFP) — John McCain cast himself as the defender of small business and American values Thursday as he struggled to overtake rival Barack Obama's lead in the polls, a scant 12 days before the US presidential election.
For the second week since Obama's chance encounter with an Ohio plumber worried about the Democrat's tax plans, the Republican senator hammered at his rival's assertion that everyone is better off if you "spread the wealth around."
"Senator Obama says he's trying to soak the rich but it's the middle class who are going to get wet," McCain told a rally in Sarasota, Florida.
"The answer to a slowing economy is not higher taxes, but that's exactly what will happen when the Democrats have total control of Congress," McCain said, adding "I'm not going to let that happen."
McCain said Obama's tax plans and health care policy will "kill jobs" and noted that small businesses had managed to create around 300,000 jobs this year, even as the broader economy lost more than 700,000 jobs.
"In this country we believe in spreading opportunity for those whose create jobs and those who need them."
And he slammed Obama's attempt to clarify his tax policy in the face of McCain's attacks, telling the raucous crowd, "he'll say anything to get elected."
McCain spent the day meeting with small business owners at a lumber yard, dental office, Puerto Rican restaurant and a fruit stand, as he embarked on a "Joe the Plumber" bus tour across the battleground state of Florida.
The now-famous Joe Wurzelbacher of Holland, Ohio has not yet appeared with McCain, but the campaign is holding him up as a symbol of the hopes and dreams of all Americans who own a business or, like Joe, dream of doing so one day.
"We're talking to small business people all over the state of Florida and all over America and we've got to restore their hopes and dreams for America because that's the basis of our economy," he said after he had lunch with Hispanic entrepreneurs in Orlando.
"My commitment to the small business owners here is I will not feel the need to 'spread their wealth around.' I want them to keep their wealth and create jobs."
McCain said he was "confident" he could turn the economy around with his plan to cut taxes, decrease spending, invest in alternative energy and prop up the housing market by buying up bad mortgages.
"We need to win on November 4 and we're going to win Florida and bring real change to Washington DC," he told a rally in an Ormond Beach lumber yard.
A new sheaf of opinion polls in battleground states by Quinnipiac University suggested the gap is narrowing between Obama and McCain, although Obama still enjoys the lead.
Obama led his Republican rival in Florida by 49 to 44 percent, compared to a 51-43 percent lead in the last survey on October 1, and in Pennsylvania by 53-40 percent, compared to 54-39 percent previously.
McCain lost ground in Ohio -- often the decisive state in presidential elections -- where Obama leads 52-38 percent, expanding his lead from 50-42 percent at the beginning of the month.
No candidate has been elected president since 1960 without taking two of these three states in the US electoral college.
"To overcome Senator Obama's lead in Ohio, Senator McCain would have to get virtually every voter who remains undecided plus almost all of the Obama supporters who said they still might change their minds," said Quinnipiac's assistant director of polling Peter Brown.
The McCain campaign dismissed such bleak assessments.
"We're aware we're behind but we're in better shape than some of the public polls," senior advisor Mark Salter told AFP. "This is definitely a winnable race."
Are Hispanics in southwest Hillary soldiers?
Will Race Deter the Hillary Hispanics?
By Amar C. Bakshi Special to washingtonpost.com October 23, 2008
LAS VEGAS, N.M. In Charlie's Spic--and--Span diner, affectionately but jarringly dubbed "The Spic," the power brokers of this small, predominantly Hispanic town gather over huevos rancheros and coffee.
City councilors, county commissioners, and school board members tip their hats at one another and take their favorite maroon booths, as Marty Suazo, the longtime San Miguel County Democratic Party Chair, scans the crowd.
"This is strong Hillary Country," he says. "[We're] Soldiers of Clinton."
Indeed, all but one elected official in this town of 15,000 residents is a Democrat. And when Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton won the Democratic presidential primary in New Mexico by 1,809 votes, she carried San Miguel County by 1,100 votes.
But ever since Sen. Barack Obama vanquished Clinton nationwide, her Democratic soldiers here have been slow to switch sides.
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Are subtle racial concerns holding them back? Will these Hillary Hispanics, usually loyal Democrats, turn out for their party's pick on November 4?
The conflicting views expressed by customers at the Spic--and--Span provided reasons to wonder.
Upstairs, older, veteran Hispanic officials were politicking, nodding and waving at one another across the bustling orange room. But downstairs, out of sight, two--dozen Barack Obama volunteers huddle in the diner's baby blue basement plotting their own outreach.
The demographics of those in the basement are notably distinct. Over half of the Obama volunteers are white. A number of them weren't born in this small town. And their leader, Jill Baskerville, is one of only a handful of African Americans in the county. Baskerville says months after Obama's victory that she's still struggling to get the Hillary Hispanics upstairs to openly support Obama.
The southwest state went for Democrat Al Gore by 366 votes out of 800,000 cast in 2000, and then for Republican George Bush by 6,000 votes in 2004. Strong Democratic turnout in the Hispanic north is key to offsetting the conservative southern counties of "Little Texas," and will determine whether Obama can hang on to his current lead in the polls.
Upstairs Suazo muses: "To say race doesn't matter would be ludicrous... But it's much deeper than...a black-white issue. It's the way people in San Miguel County prefer to do business... We're traditionalist democrats, like the Clintons."
He nods at a passerby and continues: "When the Clintons come in they reminded us of John F. Kennedy. They campaigned from the governor...right down to the county chairs." County Chairs like him.
The local party establishment was indebted to former President Bill Clinton and his administration, which funneled federal resources and jobs to New Mexico during tough economic times.
Suazo is blunt: "New Mexico is about pork because we have to be." Private investment in Las Vegas dried up long ago with the withering of the railroads. Now one in four people live in poverty here. Unemployment hovers at 12 percent (and at 36 percent in the neighboring Mora County!)
For now, government is Suazo's answer. "Seventy-five percent of jobs here [in San Miguel County] are government-driven. [People looking for jobs] give us [party officials] a call. We [then call our contacts and] say 'Take a look at this guy. He's a really strong Democrat...' They won't get a job solely based on our recommendation, but it's a bump... That's the way it's done here."
The Obama campaign was a sharp break from this model, Suazo says. Obama bypassed the Hispanic political hierarchy entirely. He had to. Hillary Clinton had locked it down.
So the Obama campaign "got its own grassroots organization... away from the status quo... They came in with an attitude of 'Get on the train, or be dragged along by it.'" Naturally, the political elite here was slow to jump at the offer.
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It's not race, Suazo insists, "It's about the way we do politics."
Baskerville, leading the Obama group downstairs, is hardly over-confident or brash. She's energetic, hopeful, and similarly convinced that race isn't what's holding the Hillary Hispanics back. She claims it's all about Obama's "outsider, urban" status.
Does Obama really understand small town America like the Clintons did ¿ especially that one from Hope, Arkansas?
Obama's local supporters don't always make his case for him. They're still largely made up of strangers to the "traditionalist Democratic" party. They're white people, young folks, and even a few guys from out of town.
Yet while inside the diner, the leaders upstairs and downstairs insist race doesn't matter, in the fields and hillsides beyond town, some voices beg to disagree.
Geronimo Cruz, a retired factory worker living in Mora County, worries aloud that "blacks are for blacks," and that in the White House, Obama would care for his racial brethren in the inner cities before looking out for the white and Hispanic rural lands. He cites hip-hop videos as proof that confident, aloof African Americans are more interested in a good time than hard work.
He, like many others, refers to Obama as "El Negrito," a diminutive that can be affectionate when referring to one's grandfather, as in "abuelito," or condescending when referring to the potential President of the United States.
Cruz voted for Democrats his whole life. He won't cast his vote for Republican John McCain, he says. He might for Obama. "Maybe he's different than the rest." Or, for the first time in his adult life, he might not vote at all.
Back in the diner, Mr. Suazo and Ms. Baskerville agree that the closer Obama comes to Las Vegas, the better. On Sept. 18, he visited Las Vegas 100 miles away.
"Some people were disappointed that's still too far," says Baskerville. He should come here, "to Spic--and--Span to get a breakfast burrito with lots of green chili on it."
When he comes, should he sit upstairs with the old guard or downstairs with the new? Obama will never have to choose. He has no plans to show up in Las Vegas before Election Day.
Nevertheless, Baskerville is confident the work of her grassroots volunteers can make up the difference. Only two weeks before Election Day, she's still operating separate from "old guard" politicos like Suazo. But she doesn't mind. "We've triumphed without them," she says.
By Amar C. Bakshi Special to washingtonpost.com October 23, 2008
LAS VEGAS, N.M. In Charlie's Spic--and--Span diner, affectionately but jarringly dubbed "The Spic," the power brokers of this small, predominantly Hispanic town gather over huevos rancheros and coffee.
City councilors, county commissioners, and school board members tip their hats at one another and take their favorite maroon booths, as Marty Suazo, the longtime San Miguel County Democratic Party Chair, scans the crowd.
"This is strong Hillary Country," he says. "[We're] Soldiers of Clinton."
Indeed, all but one elected official in this town of 15,000 residents is a Democrat. And when Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton won the Democratic presidential primary in New Mexico by 1,809 votes, she carried San Miguel County by 1,100 votes.
But ever since Sen. Barack Obama vanquished Clinton nationwide, her Democratic soldiers here have been slow to switch sides.
ad_icon
Are subtle racial concerns holding them back? Will these Hillary Hispanics, usually loyal Democrats, turn out for their party's pick on November 4?
The conflicting views expressed by customers at the Spic--and--Span provided reasons to wonder.
Upstairs, older, veteran Hispanic officials were politicking, nodding and waving at one another across the bustling orange room. But downstairs, out of sight, two--dozen Barack Obama volunteers huddle in the diner's baby blue basement plotting their own outreach.
The demographics of those in the basement are notably distinct. Over half of the Obama volunteers are white. A number of them weren't born in this small town. And their leader, Jill Baskerville, is one of only a handful of African Americans in the county. Baskerville says months after Obama's victory that she's still struggling to get the Hillary Hispanics upstairs to openly support Obama.
The southwest state went for Democrat Al Gore by 366 votes out of 800,000 cast in 2000, and then for Republican George Bush by 6,000 votes in 2004. Strong Democratic turnout in the Hispanic north is key to offsetting the conservative southern counties of "Little Texas," and will determine whether Obama can hang on to his current lead in the polls.
Upstairs Suazo muses: "To say race doesn't matter would be ludicrous... But it's much deeper than...a black-white issue. It's the way people in San Miguel County prefer to do business... We're traditionalist democrats, like the Clintons."
He nods at a passerby and continues: "When the Clintons come in they reminded us of John F. Kennedy. They campaigned from the governor...right down to the county chairs." County Chairs like him.
The local party establishment was indebted to former President Bill Clinton and his administration, which funneled federal resources and jobs to New Mexico during tough economic times.
Suazo is blunt: "New Mexico is about pork because we have to be." Private investment in Las Vegas dried up long ago with the withering of the railroads. Now one in four people live in poverty here. Unemployment hovers at 12 percent (and at 36 percent in the neighboring Mora County!)
For now, government is Suazo's answer. "Seventy-five percent of jobs here [in San Miguel County] are government-driven. [People looking for jobs] give us [party officials] a call. We [then call our contacts and] say 'Take a look at this guy. He's a really strong Democrat...' They won't get a job solely based on our recommendation, but it's a bump... That's the way it's done here."
The Obama campaign was a sharp break from this model, Suazo says. Obama bypassed the Hispanic political hierarchy entirely. He had to. Hillary Clinton had locked it down.
So the Obama campaign "got its own grassroots organization... away from the status quo... They came in with an attitude of 'Get on the train, or be dragged along by it.'" Naturally, the political elite here was slow to jump at the offer.
ad_icon
It's not race, Suazo insists, "It's about the way we do politics."
Baskerville, leading the Obama group downstairs, is hardly over-confident or brash. She's energetic, hopeful, and similarly convinced that race isn't what's holding the Hillary Hispanics back. She claims it's all about Obama's "outsider, urban" status.
Does Obama really understand small town America like the Clintons did ¿ especially that one from Hope, Arkansas?
Obama's local supporters don't always make his case for him. They're still largely made up of strangers to the "traditionalist Democratic" party. They're white people, young folks, and even a few guys from out of town.
Yet while inside the diner, the leaders upstairs and downstairs insist race doesn't matter, in the fields and hillsides beyond town, some voices beg to disagree.
Geronimo Cruz, a retired factory worker living in Mora County, worries aloud that "blacks are for blacks," and that in the White House, Obama would care for his racial brethren in the inner cities before looking out for the white and Hispanic rural lands. He cites hip-hop videos as proof that confident, aloof African Americans are more interested in a good time than hard work.
He, like many others, refers to Obama as "El Negrito," a diminutive that can be affectionate when referring to one's grandfather, as in "abuelito," or condescending when referring to the potential President of the United States.
Cruz voted for Democrats his whole life. He won't cast his vote for Republican John McCain, he says. He might for Obama. "Maybe he's different than the rest." Or, for the first time in his adult life, he might not vote at all.
Back in the diner, Mr. Suazo and Ms. Baskerville agree that the closer Obama comes to Las Vegas, the better. On Sept. 18, he visited Las Vegas 100 miles away.
"Some people were disappointed that's still too far," says Baskerville. He should come here, "to Spic--and--Span to get a breakfast burrito with lots of green chili on it."
When he comes, should he sit upstairs with the old guard or downstairs with the new? Obama will never have to choose. He has no plans to show up in Las Vegas before Election Day.
Nevertheless, Baskerville is confident the work of her grassroots volunteers can make up the difference. Only two weeks before Election Day, she's still operating separate from "old guard" politicos like Suazo. But she doesn't mind. "We've triumphed without them," she says.
Salt Lake offers event to help Latino families
Latino families will hear about ways to get help
After the first event, organizers saw a need to give the Spanish-speaking community information
By Jennifer W. Sanchez The Salt Lake Tribune 10/23/2008
When organizers put on Utah's first domestic-violence conference in Spanish last spring, they didn't know what kind of turnout to expect.
They were shocked when about 200 adults - mostly women - and 40 children attended the free event, said Heather Masterton, South Valley Sanctuary executive director.
"We were pretty blown away," she said. "A lot of the staff were crying because it was very overwhelming."
Organizers said they realized they should do more and join together to outreach to the Spanish-speaking community statewide.
On Saturday, organizers once again are coordinating an event - Conference for the Latino Family/ Congreso para la Familia Latina - on domestic violence and sexual abuse at The Sanderson Community Center for the Deaf and Hard of Hearing in Taylorsville.
After the first Salt Lake City conference, Masterton said volunteers thought they should keep the momentum going about informing the Spanish-speaking community about services and programs to help families dealing with such issues.
So, they created Unidos por el Lenguaje / United by Language, a coalition comprised of representatives from various agencies, schools, churches and law enforcement departments from the Wasatch Front.
No state or county departments are involved as of now, organizers said.
The group is a program of South Valley Sanctuary, a West Jordan domestic violence shelter.
United by Language started meeting monthly in April, after the Utah Legislature passed SB81 - an anti-illegal immigration bill that would, among other things, deny public benefits to undocumented immigrants starting in summer 2009 - because domestic-violence advocates and people had questions about how the bill would impact them.
"There was still a lot of confusion," Masterton said.
The group has begun attending more community events to distribute information about help for families. Some group members also have organized various community workshops in Spanish, she said.
Masterton said she knows the group's public awareness efforts are working. She attributes the South Valley center's increase in service families to the shelter and group. In 2007-08, the center assisted 626 adults and children - a 35 percent increase from the previous year.
Now, group members are organizing the second conference. They hope to eventually have a conference in Spanish about four times a year throughout Utah.
Saturday's event is being put together largely with donations, organizers said. Lunch was donated, volunteers are handling the kids and a company provided the fliers. Workshops will include how domestic violence affects children, abuse and dating and where to go for assistance, organizers said.
Marcela Flores, 59, the sanctuary's community organizer, is coordinating the conference. She hopes the conference empowers families to leave abusive relationships and get help.
Flores, who moved to Utah from Mexico in 1994, said she often shares her experience of being in an emotionally and physically abusive relationship for 38 years. She didn't know about domestic violence issues or that help was available.
"All my life we had problems, but I always had hope he would change," she said. "I lived blind for a lot of years."
jsanchez@sltrib.com
After the first event, organizers saw a need to give the Spanish-speaking community information
By Jennifer W. Sanchez The Salt Lake Tribune 10/23/2008
When organizers put on Utah's first domestic-violence conference in Spanish last spring, they didn't know what kind of turnout to expect.
They were shocked when about 200 adults - mostly women - and 40 children attended the free event, said Heather Masterton, South Valley Sanctuary executive director.
"We were pretty blown away," she said. "A lot of the staff were crying because it was very overwhelming."
Organizers said they realized they should do more and join together to outreach to the Spanish-speaking community statewide.
On Saturday, organizers once again are coordinating an event - Conference for the Latino Family/ Congreso para la Familia Latina - on domestic violence and sexual abuse at The Sanderson Community Center for the Deaf and Hard of Hearing in Taylorsville.
After the first Salt Lake City conference, Masterton said volunteers thought they should keep the momentum going about informing the Spanish-speaking community about services and programs to help families dealing with such issues.
So, they created Unidos por el Lenguaje / United by Language, a coalition comprised of representatives from various agencies, schools, churches and law enforcement departments from the Wasatch Front.
No state or county departments are involved as of now, organizers said.
The group is a program of South Valley Sanctuary, a West Jordan domestic violence shelter.
United by Language started meeting monthly in April, after the Utah Legislature passed SB81 - an anti-illegal immigration bill that would, among other things, deny public benefits to undocumented immigrants starting in summer 2009 - because domestic-violence advocates and people had questions about how the bill would impact them.
"There was still a lot of confusion," Masterton said.
The group has begun attending more community events to distribute information about help for families. Some group members also have organized various community workshops in Spanish, she said.
Masterton said she knows the group's public awareness efforts are working. She attributes the South Valley center's increase in service families to the shelter and group. In 2007-08, the center assisted 626 adults and children - a 35 percent increase from the previous year.
Now, group members are organizing the second conference. They hope to eventually have a conference in Spanish about four times a year throughout Utah.
Saturday's event is being put together largely with donations, organizers said. Lunch was donated, volunteers are handling the kids and a company provided the fliers. Workshops will include how domestic violence affects children, abuse and dating and where to go for assistance, organizers said.
Marcela Flores, 59, the sanctuary's community organizer, is coordinating the conference. She hopes the conference empowers families to leave abusive relationships and get help.
Flores, who moved to Utah from Mexico in 1994, said she often shares her experience of being in an emotionally and physically abusive relationship for 38 years. She didn't know about domestic violence issues or that help was available.
"All my life we had problems, but I always had hope he would change," she said. "I lived blind for a lot of years."
jsanchez@sltrib.com
Detroit Latinos contribute greatly to local economy
Report: Hispanic/Latino Community Contributes Billions
WWJ
Detroit (WWJ) -- A report being released Thursday at the 2008 Hispanic Business Expo and Economic Summit in downtown Detroit shows the Hispanic/Latino community's economic impact on Southeast Michigan is at least $14.5 billion.
The first-ever report authored by Wayne State University researchers shows a 27.9 percent increase in the Hispanic population living in the seven-county Southeast Michigan region since 2000.
The study estimates that the economic activity of Hispanic residents in the region supports more than 181-thousand total jobs.
"That is relatively high, compared to other communities," said Dr. Lyke Thompson, Director of the WSU Center for Urban Studies and lead researcher on the study. "Essentially, for every 100 Hispanic jobs in the region, Hispanics help support approximately 95 additional jobs."
Fred Feliciano, President of the Hispanic Business Alliance, says the report shatters a myth that Hispanics and Latinos "only come here and take away jobs."
"There is a stereotype and I think there's some political forces that see that as a voiceless entity that they can manipulate to their political stand," Feliciano told WWJ.
"For too long, we had only anecdotal information about the Hispanic business community's economic force in this market," said Feliciano. "Now, we have some hard evidence that should serve as a point of pride for our community, as well as encourage the greater business community to recognize the opportunities in doing business with us."
Researchers expect rapid growth in the Hispanic community in Southeast Michigan, estimating that Hispanics will make up a larger portion of the overall population, increasing from 2.4 percent to 7.3 percent between 2005 and 2035. The vast majority of this growth will come from U.S.-born Hispanics, as opposed to new immigrants, as 78.1 percent of Southeast Michigan's Hispanics are U.S. Citizens
The study also finds that, though Hispanics represented only 3.5 percent of the total population in the region in 2006, their economic activity accounted for 6.5 percent of the total employment, 6.4 percent of the total earnings and 6.2 percent of the total economic output in Southeast Michigan.
United States Census data has shown a 9 percent growth rate among the Hispanics/Latinos in the City of Detroit since 2000 and 39 percent in Western Wayne County in the same time period.
The report was to be released later Thursday at the Expo and Summit at the Detroit Marriott Renaissance Center. Click here for more details.
WWJ
Detroit (WWJ) -- A report being released Thursday at the 2008 Hispanic Business Expo and Economic Summit in downtown Detroit shows the Hispanic/Latino community's economic impact on Southeast Michigan is at least $14.5 billion.
The first-ever report authored by Wayne State University researchers shows a 27.9 percent increase in the Hispanic population living in the seven-county Southeast Michigan region since 2000.
The study estimates that the economic activity of Hispanic residents in the region supports more than 181-thousand total jobs.
"That is relatively high, compared to other communities," said Dr. Lyke Thompson, Director of the WSU Center for Urban Studies and lead researcher on the study. "Essentially, for every 100 Hispanic jobs in the region, Hispanics help support approximately 95 additional jobs."
Fred Feliciano, President of the Hispanic Business Alliance, says the report shatters a myth that Hispanics and Latinos "only come here and take away jobs."
"There is a stereotype and I think there's some political forces that see that as a voiceless entity that they can manipulate to their political stand," Feliciano told WWJ.
"For too long, we had only anecdotal information about the Hispanic business community's economic force in this market," said Feliciano. "Now, we have some hard evidence that should serve as a point of pride for our community, as well as encourage the greater business community to recognize the opportunities in doing business with us."
Researchers expect rapid growth in the Hispanic community in Southeast Michigan, estimating that Hispanics will make up a larger portion of the overall population, increasing from 2.4 percent to 7.3 percent between 2005 and 2035. The vast majority of this growth will come from U.S.-born Hispanics, as opposed to new immigrants, as 78.1 percent of Southeast Michigan's Hispanics are U.S. Citizens
The study also finds that, though Hispanics represented only 3.5 percent of the total population in the region in 2006, their economic activity accounted for 6.5 percent of the total employment, 6.4 percent of the total earnings and 6.2 percent of the total economic output in Southeast Michigan.
United States Census data has shown a 9 percent growth rate among the Hispanics/Latinos in the City of Detroit since 2000 and 39 percent in Western Wayne County in the same time period.
The report was to be released later Thursday at the Expo and Summit at the Detroit Marriott Renaissance Center. Click here for more details.
Little has been heard about Hispanic vote in North Carolina
Could N.C. Hispanic Vote Affect Election Outcome?
Local Expert Discusses Possibilities
WXII 12 News
WINSTON-SALEM, N.C. -- A small percentage of registered voters in North Carolina could tip the scales for the presidential candidates in a tight race.
Hispanics are the fastest-growing ethnic group in the country, including the Triad.
WXII 12 examined what, if any, impact the group will play in the presidential election.
Adolfo Briceno works as a reporter with Que Pasa news, a newspaper published weekly in Spanish.
The newspaper provides the Hispanic community with local and national news throughout the Triad
"I've been working for Que Pasa for two years now," Briceno said.
He spoke on Wednesday about some of the concerns he has covered in the community about the next president.
In the primary election, the Hispanic vote was highly sought after by candidates like Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But since Sens. Barack Obama and John McCain accepted the nominations, there has been little heard about the Hispanic vote in North Carolina.
"I believe it isn't an important vote," Briceno said. "In this election it probably won't matter unless it is a very tight and close election."
The latest Civitas poll showed McCain behind Obama just three points in North Carolina -- that's a two point gain from just few weeks ago. Some consider that a close race.
In North Carolina, there are 64,000 registered Hispanic voters -- that's only 1 percent of all registered voters in North Carolina.
"In my experience, most Hispanics lean more towards Democrats," Briceno said. "Most I've talked to can't vote."
But Briceno said those who can vote have a list of top priorities they want the next president to address.
He said legalization for Hispanics is first on that list.
"And afterward, I believe it's the economy, and third, distance position: the Iraq war," Briceno said.
While Briceno said the Hispanic vote may play a small role in the election, he said the group will defiantly be a decisive vote in years to come.
Local Expert Discusses Possibilities
WXII 12 News
WINSTON-SALEM, N.C. -- A small percentage of registered voters in North Carolina could tip the scales for the presidential candidates in a tight race.
Hispanics are the fastest-growing ethnic group in the country, including the Triad.
WXII 12 examined what, if any, impact the group will play in the presidential election.
Adolfo Briceno works as a reporter with Que Pasa news, a newspaper published weekly in Spanish.
The newspaper provides the Hispanic community with local and national news throughout the Triad
"I've been working for Que Pasa for two years now," Briceno said.
He spoke on Wednesday about some of the concerns he has covered in the community about the next president.
In the primary election, the Hispanic vote was highly sought after by candidates like Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But since Sens. Barack Obama and John McCain accepted the nominations, there has been little heard about the Hispanic vote in North Carolina.
"I believe it isn't an important vote," Briceno said. "In this election it probably won't matter unless it is a very tight and close election."
The latest Civitas poll showed McCain behind Obama just three points in North Carolina -- that's a two point gain from just few weeks ago. Some consider that a close race.
In North Carolina, there are 64,000 registered Hispanic voters -- that's only 1 percent of all registered voters in North Carolina.
"In my experience, most Hispanics lean more towards Democrats," Briceno said. "Most I've talked to can't vote."
But Briceno said those who can vote have a list of top priorities they want the next president to address.
He said legalization for Hispanics is first on that list.
"And afterward, I believe it's the economy, and third, distance position: the Iraq war," Briceno said.
While Briceno said the Hispanic vote may play a small role in the election, he said the group will defiantly be a decisive vote in years to come.
New PEW reports says Hispanics made up half of U.S. population growth
Hispanics Account for Half of U.S. Population Growth Since 2000, New Report Finds
WASHINGTON - Hispanics accounted for just over half of the overall population growth in the United States since 2000 - a significant new demographic milestone for the nation's largest minority group, a new Pew Hispanic Center report released today finds.
The report, "Latino Settlement in the New Century," includes a series of web-based interactive maps that illustrate the size and spread of Hispanic population growth since 1980, including easy access to detailed state and county-level data. It also presents a list of the counties with the largest Hispanic populations, as well as a list of those counties with the fastest-growing Hispanic populations.
In the 1990s the Hispanic population also expanded rapidly, but its growth accounted for less than 40% of the nation's total population increase in that decade. From 2000 to 2007, Latinos accounted for 50.5% of the total U.S. population growth, even though, as of mid-2007, they made up just 15.1% of the total population.
In another change from the 1990s, Latino population growth in this new century has been more a product of the natural increase (births minus deaths) of the existing population than it has been of new international migration, according to Pew Hispanic Center analysis.
The report identifies 676 fast-growing Hispanic counties among the nation's total of 3,141 counties. These counties all share two characteristics: a 2007 Latino population of at least 1,000; and an above-average Hispanic growth of at least 41% from 2000 to 2007. The list includes 148 counties that did not experience rapid growth in the 1990s.
There are both continuities and differences in the Hispanic settlement patterns of this decade, compared with the patterns of the 1990s. The dispersion of Latinos in the current decade has tilted more to counties in the West and the Northeast than it had in the 1990s. Despite the new tilt, however, the South still accounted for a greater share of overall Latino population growth than any other region did from 2000 to 2007.
Much of the Latino population growth in this decade has taken place in small and mid-sized cities and in suburbs - many of which had relatively few Latino residents until the past decade or two. A handful of big cities have also played a sizable role in Latino population growth in this decade. For example, the Latino population grew by more than 400,000 from 2000 to 2007 in just three counties: Los Angeles, Maricopa (Phoenix) and Harris (Houston). But because these counties already had a large base of Hispanic residents at the start of the decade, the growth of their Latino population since then has been less dramatic in percentage terms.
Percentage growth in the Hispanic population from 2000 to 2007 exceeded 300% in three counties - Frederick and Culpeper counties in Virginia and Paulding County in Georgia. These two states are home to eight of the 10 counties with the greatest percentage growth in the Hispanic population since 2000. The other two counties are Kendall County in Illinois and Luzerne County in Pennsylvania.
Other major findings include:
* Hispanic population growth since 2000 has been widespread. The Hispanic population has grown in almost 3,000 of the nation's 3,141 counties.
* At the same time, Hispanic population growth in the new century has been fairly concentrated. Hispanic population growth in just 178 counties accounts for 79% of the nation's entire 10.2 million Hispanic population increase.
* In spite of dispersal to new settlements, the Hispanic population continues to be geographically concentrated. In 2007, the 100 largest Hispanic counties were home to 73% of the Latino population.
* By this measure, Hispanics are more geographically concentrated than the nation's black population. Nearly six-in-ten (59%) of the non-Hispanic black population live in the nation's 100 largest non-Hispanic black counties.
The report "Latino Settlement in the New Century," is available on the Center's website, www.pewhispanic.org.
WASHINGTON - Hispanics accounted for just over half of the overall population growth in the United States since 2000 - a significant new demographic milestone for the nation's largest minority group, a new Pew Hispanic Center report released today finds.
The report, "Latino Settlement in the New Century," includes a series of web-based interactive maps that illustrate the size and spread of Hispanic population growth since 1980, including easy access to detailed state and county-level data. It also presents a list of the counties with the largest Hispanic populations, as well as a list of those counties with the fastest-growing Hispanic populations.
In the 1990s the Hispanic population also expanded rapidly, but its growth accounted for less than 40% of the nation's total population increase in that decade. From 2000 to 2007, Latinos accounted for 50.5% of the total U.S. population growth, even though, as of mid-2007, they made up just 15.1% of the total population.
In another change from the 1990s, Latino population growth in this new century has been more a product of the natural increase (births minus deaths) of the existing population than it has been of new international migration, according to Pew Hispanic Center analysis.
The report identifies 676 fast-growing Hispanic counties among the nation's total of 3,141 counties. These counties all share two characteristics: a 2007 Latino population of at least 1,000; and an above-average Hispanic growth of at least 41% from 2000 to 2007. The list includes 148 counties that did not experience rapid growth in the 1990s.
There are both continuities and differences in the Hispanic settlement patterns of this decade, compared with the patterns of the 1990s. The dispersion of Latinos in the current decade has tilted more to counties in the West and the Northeast than it had in the 1990s. Despite the new tilt, however, the South still accounted for a greater share of overall Latino population growth than any other region did from 2000 to 2007.
Much of the Latino population growth in this decade has taken place in small and mid-sized cities and in suburbs - many of which had relatively few Latino residents until the past decade or two. A handful of big cities have also played a sizable role in Latino population growth in this decade. For example, the Latino population grew by more than 400,000 from 2000 to 2007 in just three counties: Los Angeles, Maricopa (Phoenix) and Harris (Houston). But because these counties already had a large base of Hispanic residents at the start of the decade, the growth of their Latino population since then has been less dramatic in percentage terms.
Percentage growth in the Hispanic population from 2000 to 2007 exceeded 300% in three counties - Frederick and Culpeper counties in Virginia and Paulding County in Georgia. These two states are home to eight of the 10 counties with the greatest percentage growth in the Hispanic population since 2000. The other two counties are Kendall County in Illinois and Luzerne County in Pennsylvania.
Other major findings include:
* Hispanic population growth since 2000 has been widespread. The Hispanic population has grown in almost 3,000 of the nation's 3,141 counties.
* At the same time, Hispanic population growth in the new century has been fairly concentrated. Hispanic population growth in just 178 counties accounts for 79% of the nation's entire 10.2 million Hispanic population increase.
* In spite of dispersal to new settlements, the Hispanic population continues to be geographically concentrated. In 2007, the 100 largest Hispanic counties were home to 73% of the Latino population.
* By this measure, Hispanics are more geographically concentrated than the nation's black population. Nearly six-in-ten (59%) of the non-Hispanic black population live in the nation's 100 largest non-Hispanic black counties.
The report "Latino Settlement in the New Century," is available on the Center's website, www.pewhispanic.org.
Hispanic immigrants growing in political power
IPC Report Reveals the Growing Political Power of Immigrants and Their Children
October 23, 2008
PRESS RELEASE
Washington D.C.- Late on Election Day, pundits will begin to identify the demographic groups who are responsible for swinging the results in key races around the nation. Today, a groundbreaking report released by the Immigration Policy Center (IPC) entitled The New American Electorate: The Growing Political Power of Immigrants and Their Children examines the growing electoral clout of a previously unidentified yet pivotal group of voters in key states around the nation-naturalized immigrants and the U.S.-born children of immigrants raised during the current era of immigration that began in 1965.
"New American voters are now the fastest growing demographic group in the American electorate," said Rob Paral, author of the report. "This group of New American voters is critical to highlight as their growth has been utterly unprecedented."
The report prepared by Rob Paral and Associates for the Immigration Policy Center finds:
* New Americans Were Nearly 9% of All Registered Voters in 2006
* New Americans Registered Voters Jumped Nearly 60% between 1996 and 2004
* New Americans Share of Registered Voters Exceeded the 2004 Victory Margins in 16 States Including Battlegrounds: Nevada, Florida, New Mexico and Pennsylvania.
2008 is expected to be a banner year for New American voters due to record-breaking naturalization rates of up to three million new citizens; turbo-charged registration efforts by groups like the We Are America Alliance and "Ya es Hora, Ve y Vota;" and aggressive GOTV efforts in ethnic communities which will likely result in Latino turnout hitting record highs in 2008-surpassing the 7.6 million Latino voters who turned out in 2004.
"This report could not be more well-timed," said Angela Kelley, Director of the Immigration Policy Center. "The campaigns, pundits and press have spent this entire election cycle searching for a new and weighty voting bloc. Their search is over. Step aside Soccer Moms and NASCAR Dads. New Americans are ready to vote. This group has been decades in the making and they are certain to flex their voting muscles this year"
For more information contact:
Wendy Sefsaf, 202-507-7524 (office), 202-631-0358 (cell), or email wsefsaf@ailf.org
Andrea Nill, 202-507-7520 (office), or email anill@ailf.org
October 23, 2008
PRESS RELEASE
Washington D.C.- Late on Election Day, pundits will begin to identify the demographic groups who are responsible for swinging the results in key races around the nation. Today, a groundbreaking report released by the Immigration Policy Center (IPC) entitled The New American Electorate: The Growing Political Power of Immigrants and Their Children examines the growing electoral clout of a previously unidentified yet pivotal group of voters in key states around the nation-naturalized immigrants and the U.S.-born children of immigrants raised during the current era of immigration that began in 1965.
"New American voters are now the fastest growing demographic group in the American electorate," said Rob Paral, author of the report. "This group of New American voters is critical to highlight as their growth has been utterly unprecedented."
The report prepared by Rob Paral and Associates for the Immigration Policy Center finds:
* New Americans Were Nearly 9% of All Registered Voters in 2006
* New Americans Registered Voters Jumped Nearly 60% between 1996 and 2004
* New Americans Share of Registered Voters Exceeded the 2004 Victory Margins in 16 States Including Battlegrounds: Nevada, Florida, New Mexico and Pennsylvania.
2008 is expected to be a banner year for New American voters due to record-breaking naturalization rates of up to three million new citizens; turbo-charged registration efforts by groups like the We Are America Alliance and "Ya es Hora, Ve y Vota;" and aggressive GOTV efforts in ethnic communities which will likely result in Latino turnout hitting record highs in 2008-surpassing the 7.6 million Latino voters who turned out in 2004.
"This report could not be more well-timed," said Angela Kelley, Director of the Immigration Policy Center. "The campaigns, pundits and press have spent this entire election cycle searching for a new and weighty voting bloc. Their search is over. Step aside Soccer Moms and NASCAR Dads. New Americans are ready to vote. This group has been decades in the making and they are certain to flex their voting muscles this year"
For more information contact:
Wendy Sefsaf, 202-507-7524 (office), 202-631-0358 (cell), or email wsefsaf@ailf.org
Andrea Nill, 202-507-7520 (office), or email anill@ailf.org
Thursday, October 23, 2008
Hispanic U.S. citizens harassed along Border
Expanding Border Powers Creating ‘Constitution-Free Zone’ That Covers Two-Thirds of Americans
PRESS RELEASE October 22, 2008
Jay Stanley or Matthew Allee, (202) 675-2312 media@dcaclu.org
WASHINGTON – The extraordinary powers of customs and border agents to invade the privacy of individuals at the U.S. border are spreading inland and creating what amounts to a “Constitution-free Zone” that covers fully two-thirds of the American population, the American Civil Liberties Union said today in a press conference at the National Press Club in Washington, DC.
“The authorities can do things at the border that they could never do to citizens and residents inside our country under the Constitution,” said Caroline Fredrickson, director of the ACLU Washington Legislative Office. “Yet the government is asserting that some of these powers extend as far as 100 miles inside the actual border. It is a classic example of law enforcement powers expanding far beyond their proper boundaries – in this case, literally.”
At the press conference, the ACLU released a map showing the 100-mile “border region” claimed by the government, and cities and states that fall within it. The map, which was created using the latest census data, shows that fully two-thirds of the U.S. population, including 9 of the nation’s top 10 largest metro areas, is within the border zone.
“Americans and Washington policymakers may believe that this is a problem confined to the dusty sands of Arizona or Texas, or the San Diego-Tijuana border, but it stretches far inland across the United States,” said Barry Steinhardt, director of the ACLU’s Technology and Liberty Program. “If allowed to stand, sooner or later a factory worker in southern New Hampshire, a farmer in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia, or Joe the plumber outside Toledo, Ohio will find themselves trapped in a Constitution-free Zone.”
Also appearing at the press conference were two individuals who spoke about their personal experience with these overextended powers: San Diego music professor Craig Johnson, and Vince Peppard, a San Diego retiree who with his wife was stopped by the authorities on a road east of San Diego, at least 15 miles from the U.S. border. Peppard and his wife proved they were U.S. citizens but still found themselves subject to demands that they allow a search, interrogated, threatened and harassed.
“Now I’m actually feeling nervous when I’m going to work. . . that I might get pulled over by Border Patrol and asked, ‘where’s your passport?’” said Peppard, who appeared at the event via videotape. “And now – do I have to carry my passport with me when I go to Home Depot or something?”
“In the United States, citizens are not supposed to need an internal passport,” said Steinhardt. “This is our country and we are free to go where we please, without being stopped and interrogated by the authorities, as long as we are not behaving illegally or in a way that is clearly suspicious.”
“Police action is not the only way to fight for freedom,” said Fredrickson. “This is a classic case where Americans need to push back against their government to preserve the core freedoms that we have always enjoyed.”
An interactive version of the “Constitution-free Zone” map, a video of Vince Peppard, and other materials are available at: www.aclu.org/ConstitutionFreeZone
PRESS RELEASE October 22, 2008
Jay Stanley or Matthew Allee, (202) 675-2312 media@dcaclu.org
WASHINGTON – The extraordinary powers of customs and border agents to invade the privacy of individuals at the U.S. border are spreading inland and creating what amounts to a “Constitution-free Zone” that covers fully two-thirds of the American population, the American Civil Liberties Union said today in a press conference at the National Press Club in Washington, DC.
“The authorities can do things at the border that they could never do to citizens and residents inside our country under the Constitution,” said Caroline Fredrickson, director of the ACLU Washington Legislative Office. “Yet the government is asserting that some of these powers extend as far as 100 miles inside the actual border. It is a classic example of law enforcement powers expanding far beyond their proper boundaries – in this case, literally.”
At the press conference, the ACLU released a map showing the 100-mile “border region” claimed by the government, and cities and states that fall within it. The map, which was created using the latest census data, shows that fully two-thirds of the U.S. population, including 9 of the nation’s top 10 largest metro areas, is within the border zone.
“Americans and Washington policymakers may believe that this is a problem confined to the dusty sands of Arizona or Texas, or the San Diego-Tijuana border, but it stretches far inland across the United States,” said Barry Steinhardt, director of the ACLU’s Technology and Liberty Program. “If allowed to stand, sooner or later a factory worker in southern New Hampshire, a farmer in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia, or Joe the plumber outside Toledo, Ohio will find themselves trapped in a Constitution-free Zone.”
Also appearing at the press conference were two individuals who spoke about their personal experience with these overextended powers: San Diego music professor Craig Johnson, and Vince Peppard, a San Diego retiree who with his wife was stopped by the authorities on a road east of San Diego, at least 15 miles from the U.S. border. Peppard and his wife proved they were U.S. citizens but still found themselves subject to demands that they allow a search, interrogated, threatened and harassed.
“Now I’m actually feeling nervous when I’m going to work. . . that I might get pulled over by Border Patrol and asked, ‘where’s your passport?’” said Peppard, who appeared at the event via videotape. “And now – do I have to carry my passport with me when I go to Home Depot or something?”
“In the United States, citizens are not supposed to need an internal passport,” said Steinhardt. “This is our country and we are free to go where we please, without being stopped and interrogated by the authorities, as long as we are not behaving illegally or in a way that is clearly suspicious.”
“Police action is not the only way to fight for freedom,” said Fredrickson. “This is a classic case where Americans need to push back against their government to preserve the core freedoms that we have always enjoyed.”
An interactive version of the “Constitution-free Zone” map, a video of Vince Peppard, and other materials are available at: www.aclu.org/ConstitutionFreeZone
Hispanic population growth in Oregon will make difference in elections
Growing Oregon Latino Population Will Play Role In Future Elections
BY PETE SPRINGER Portland, OR October 23, 2008
Latinos are the fastest growing minority population in Oregon a population growth that also means more Hispanic voters and likely a bigger role in state politics and elections.
This is the first presidential election for 19-year-old Leslie Martinez.
But the young Salem resident says while her vote is important, it’s just as important for her to help other Latino voters understand the issues.
Leslie Martinez: “Because a lot of times things are on the ballot that might not benefit the community or themselves the way that they would like, but they’re written in such a way that they don’t know.”
So Martinez volunteered to stuff envelopes with a voting guide for Latinos. It was mailed out to about eight thousand voters.
Leslie Martinez: “We want them to realize what can happen with their votes. And we want them to realize their power of voting.”
The Latino voting guide began as a project of Voz Hispana about eight years ago.
Larry Kleinman is a coordinator at Voz Hispana. He says the guide helps voters who don’t always understand the issues on their ballots.
Larry Kleinman: “A large number of items on it, items with titles that are in many cases misleading, candidates they’ve never heard of and people didn’t vote, they would throw their ballots away because they were afraid to vote wrong.”
The key, says Kleinman, is to educate hispanic voters on how their votes today will affect their future.
He says Voz Hispana is particularly interested in ballot measures 58 and 60, both of which deal with education. Kleinman believes both measures could affect the future of Oregon’s workforce.
Larry Kleinman: “Those workers are going to school today. And if they’re not learning effectively based on the best available educational methodology, then we are gonna be in jeopardy as an economy and as a state.”
For Brenda Mendoza, voter education is her way to get more Latinos elected to political office.
Brenda Mendoza “We’re still not seeing that representation in our local leaders in congress, and you know, at the capital and hopefully in the years to come, we’ll see a change in that and we’ll be better represented.”
More than two million people are registered to vote in Oregon and fewer than four-percent of them are Latino. But that number is slowly growing.
Robert Eisinger is a political science professor at Lewis and Clark College in Portland. He says as more Latinos register to vote in Oregon, we probably won’t see a lot of change in what is already a blue state.
Robert Eisinger: “Many of them have also registered as Democrats, or perhaps as independents, but more as Democrats than Republicans -- so in totality, Latinos are an increasing or growing population in Oregon and disproportionately, they’re voting Democratic.”
Eisinger says right now, many Latinos in Oregon are immigrants who are not registered to vote. But as their children grow up, we’ll likely start seeing more Latino politicians at the state and local level.
Robert Eisinger: “Is it two years, three years, five years, ten years when some of this new generation considers public service in the state legislature and these constituencies grow and the communities appreciate their value in their community? Yes, we are likely to find more Latinos in the state legislature, it’s just a matter of time and when.”
As for whether Latinos will play a critical role in future elections in Oregon, Eisinger says that’s possible. But then again, he adds that every sub-group of voters in the state -- not just Latinos -- can play a critical role in elections.
The key, he says, is organizing voters around a specific topic or issue.
BY PETE SPRINGER Portland, OR October 23, 2008
Latinos are the fastest growing minority population in Oregon a population growth that also means more Hispanic voters and likely a bigger role in state politics and elections.
This is the first presidential election for 19-year-old Leslie Martinez.
But the young Salem resident says while her vote is important, it’s just as important for her to help other Latino voters understand the issues.
Leslie Martinez: “Because a lot of times things are on the ballot that might not benefit the community or themselves the way that they would like, but they’re written in such a way that they don’t know.”
So Martinez volunteered to stuff envelopes with a voting guide for Latinos. It was mailed out to about eight thousand voters.
Leslie Martinez: “We want them to realize what can happen with their votes. And we want them to realize their power of voting.”
The Latino voting guide began as a project of Voz Hispana about eight years ago.
Larry Kleinman is a coordinator at Voz Hispana. He says the guide helps voters who don’t always understand the issues on their ballots.
Larry Kleinman: “A large number of items on it, items with titles that are in many cases misleading, candidates they’ve never heard of and people didn’t vote, they would throw their ballots away because they were afraid to vote wrong.”
The key, says Kleinman, is to educate hispanic voters on how their votes today will affect their future.
He says Voz Hispana is particularly interested in ballot measures 58 and 60, both of which deal with education. Kleinman believes both measures could affect the future of Oregon’s workforce.
Larry Kleinman: “Those workers are going to school today. And if they’re not learning effectively based on the best available educational methodology, then we are gonna be in jeopardy as an economy and as a state.”
For Brenda Mendoza, voter education is her way to get more Latinos elected to political office.
Brenda Mendoza “We’re still not seeing that representation in our local leaders in congress, and you know, at the capital and hopefully in the years to come, we’ll see a change in that and we’ll be better represented.”
More than two million people are registered to vote in Oregon and fewer than four-percent of them are Latino. But that number is slowly growing.
Robert Eisinger is a political science professor at Lewis and Clark College in Portland. He says as more Latinos register to vote in Oregon, we probably won’t see a lot of change in what is already a blue state.
Robert Eisinger: “Many of them have also registered as Democrats, or perhaps as independents, but more as Democrats than Republicans -- so in totality, Latinos are an increasing or growing population in Oregon and disproportionately, they’re voting Democratic.”
Eisinger says right now, many Latinos in Oregon are immigrants who are not registered to vote. But as their children grow up, we’ll likely start seeing more Latino politicians at the state and local level.
Robert Eisinger: “Is it two years, three years, five years, ten years when some of this new generation considers public service in the state legislature and these constituencies grow and the communities appreciate their value in their community? Yes, we are likely to find more Latinos in the state legislature, it’s just a matter of time and when.”
As for whether Latinos will play a critical role in future elections in Oregon, Eisinger says that’s possible. But then again, he adds that every sub-group of voters in the state -- not just Latinos -- can play a critical role in elections.
The key, he says, is organizing voters around a specific topic or issue.
Hispanic faculty and student ration concerns Wisconsin campus
Campus summit addresses growing Latino campus population
Concern is number of Hispanic faculty, staff compared to students
by Kiera Wiatrak Oct. 22, 2008
The UW–Madison Latino Summit 2008 will discuss the ways the university can further meet the needs of the fastest-growing minority on campus.
Wisconsin Latino high school graduates are expected to jump from about 3,250 in 2008 to nearly 6,000 in 2017
The summit, which is sponsored by the Latino Faculty Staff Association (LAFSA), will take place from 3–6 p.m. on Thursday, Oct. 30, in Tripp Commons at the Memorial Union.
LAFSA, which promotes the awareness of UW–Madison faculty, academic staff, classified staff and graduate students, will host several speakers, including Damon Williams, vice provost for diversity and climate. There will also be caucuses to discuss issues facing Latino graduate students, faculty, academic staff and classified staff.
Undergraduate students are also encouraged to attend a networking session at 4:30 p.m.
One of the greatest concerns of LAFSA, which hopes to make the summit an annual affair, is the disproportionate number of Latino faculty and academic staff compared to the number of Latino/a students on campus.
“The number of Latino professors is disproportionately small compared to the relative weight of Hispanics in the population,” says Bruce Mellado, a faculty delegate in LAFSA and UW–Madison physics professor.
Between 1998 and 2007, the number of undergraduate students identifying as Hispanic has grown from 632 to 952, while Hispanic graduate students have only grown from 251 to 257.
Hispanic faculty, administrators and academic staff have also seen little growth — from 158 to 227 between 1998 and 2007.
The most impressive growth, however, can be seen in the projected number of Latino high school graduates in Wisconsin between 2008 and 2017.
Wisconsin Latino high school graduates are expected to jump from about 3,250 in 2008 to nearly 6,000 in 2017, while Asian American students are expected to drop from about 2,500 to about 2,250. African American high school graduates are expected to go from nearly 5,500 graduates to about 4,250 in the same period.
Overall, the campus is excited about this growth of Latino students.
“I think it creates a richer and more complete type of learning environment for all of our students by having that type of diversity on campus,” says Williams. “Not only are those students coming in, but they’re doing well academically and continuing to thrive.”
But this exponential growth has LAFSA members concerned that the campus won’t be able to keep up with the needs of this fast-growing population. Mellado says while the UW–Madison administration has been very supportive of their concerns, a lot still has to be done.
“How to achieve that is to raise awareness, great role models, great fellowships,” he says. LAFSA chair Benjamin Rodriguez, who is also assistant dean for academic affairs in the College of Letters and Science, hopes to attract more Latino graduate students and academic and administrative staff and provide them with more promotional opportunities.
Mellado says he would like to see the issue get more media attention, affirmative action for the hiring of academic and administrative staff, and more support for Latino/a students to become more aware of the financial support available to them through the university.
“We want to make the point to the university that this is definitely possible for students who come from Hispanic backgrounds, which is usually not a wealthy background, to get through school with fellowships,” Mellado says.
The fast-growing Latino population on campus also gives way to an evolving sense of Latino identity on campus. Rodriguez points out that the Latino population, both on campus and nationwide, represents a large spectrum of economic and cultural backgrounds.
“In terms of representation of students, it’s such a broad group,” he says. “When you’re trying to target programs and services to this group, it can be a little difficult.”
Williams agrees that the diversity within the Latino population presents a challenge to the campus identity.
“I think that wealth of diversity is one that is often times not discussed enough — that [Latinos] are not a monolithic group,” he says. “I think that one of the things that’s happening nationally as it is happening on this campus is the emergence of kind of an aggregate Latino voice which is trying to move beyond the separating politics and find a more common agenda.”
That is where student organizations are able to provide some guidance for the Latino population in determining their campus and cultural identity.
“The challenge is for a lot of the students coming to really try to get a feel for their identity,” Rodriguez says. “When they come to campus they sometimes face more challenges and discrimination and then it smacks them in the face, ‘What is my identity?’ So that’s where student organizations are really important.”
Programs and organizations Williams and Rodriguez both named as positive and influential on campus include Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán (MEChA), the Mexican Student Association, La Colectiva, the Sigma Lambda Gamma multicultural sorority and various academic student organizations and societies for Latino students.
Other challenges facing the increasing Latino population is the growth itself. Rodriguez explains that the more Latinos come to campus, the less they feel like a minority, and the more identity gives way to assimilation.
Evidence of this, Rodriguez points out, can be seen in the Greek system, as more and more Latino students are pledging nonminority sororities and fraternities and joining other mainstream campus organizations. But Rodriguez does not see this as a negative adjustment.
“Having Latino students that are involved in the Greek system and other different groups on campus is really good as well,” he says. “It just means that people are feeling acclimated, feeling welcome if we open doors.”
Mellado agrees. “The idea is not to differentiate but to integrate,” he says, adding that with each Latino generation growing up in the United States, some identity will be lost. “And I find that’s a natural process that has to happen. However, in the course of that happening, the Hispanic culture will also have influence over the American culture.”
Concern is number of Hispanic faculty, staff compared to students
by Kiera Wiatrak Oct. 22, 2008
The UW–Madison Latino Summit 2008 will discuss the ways the university can further meet the needs of the fastest-growing minority on campus.
Wisconsin Latino high school graduates are expected to jump from about 3,250 in 2008 to nearly 6,000 in 2017
The summit, which is sponsored by the Latino Faculty Staff Association (LAFSA), will take place from 3–6 p.m. on Thursday, Oct. 30, in Tripp Commons at the Memorial Union.
LAFSA, which promotes the awareness of UW–Madison faculty, academic staff, classified staff and graduate students, will host several speakers, including Damon Williams, vice provost for diversity and climate. There will also be caucuses to discuss issues facing Latino graduate students, faculty, academic staff and classified staff.
Undergraduate students are also encouraged to attend a networking session at 4:30 p.m.
One of the greatest concerns of LAFSA, which hopes to make the summit an annual affair, is the disproportionate number of Latino faculty and academic staff compared to the number of Latino/a students on campus.
“The number of Latino professors is disproportionately small compared to the relative weight of Hispanics in the population,” says Bruce Mellado, a faculty delegate in LAFSA and UW–Madison physics professor.
Between 1998 and 2007, the number of undergraduate students identifying as Hispanic has grown from 632 to 952, while Hispanic graduate students have only grown from 251 to 257.
Hispanic faculty, administrators and academic staff have also seen little growth — from 158 to 227 between 1998 and 2007.
The most impressive growth, however, can be seen in the projected number of Latino high school graduates in Wisconsin between 2008 and 2017.
Wisconsin Latino high school graduates are expected to jump from about 3,250 in 2008 to nearly 6,000 in 2017, while Asian American students are expected to drop from about 2,500 to about 2,250. African American high school graduates are expected to go from nearly 5,500 graduates to about 4,250 in the same period.
Overall, the campus is excited about this growth of Latino students.
“I think it creates a richer and more complete type of learning environment for all of our students by having that type of diversity on campus,” says Williams. “Not only are those students coming in, but they’re doing well academically and continuing to thrive.”
But this exponential growth has LAFSA members concerned that the campus won’t be able to keep up with the needs of this fast-growing population. Mellado says while the UW–Madison administration has been very supportive of their concerns, a lot still has to be done.
“How to achieve that is to raise awareness, great role models, great fellowships,” he says. LAFSA chair Benjamin Rodriguez, who is also assistant dean for academic affairs in the College of Letters and Science, hopes to attract more Latino graduate students and academic and administrative staff and provide them with more promotional opportunities.
Mellado says he would like to see the issue get more media attention, affirmative action for the hiring of academic and administrative staff, and more support for Latino/a students to become more aware of the financial support available to them through the university.
“We want to make the point to the university that this is definitely possible for students who come from Hispanic backgrounds, which is usually not a wealthy background, to get through school with fellowships,” Mellado says.
The fast-growing Latino population on campus also gives way to an evolving sense of Latino identity on campus. Rodriguez points out that the Latino population, both on campus and nationwide, represents a large spectrum of economic and cultural backgrounds.
“In terms of representation of students, it’s such a broad group,” he says. “When you’re trying to target programs and services to this group, it can be a little difficult.”
Williams agrees that the diversity within the Latino population presents a challenge to the campus identity.
“I think that wealth of diversity is one that is often times not discussed enough — that [Latinos] are not a monolithic group,” he says. “I think that one of the things that’s happening nationally as it is happening on this campus is the emergence of kind of an aggregate Latino voice which is trying to move beyond the separating politics and find a more common agenda.”
That is where student organizations are able to provide some guidance for the Latino population in determining their campus and cultural identity.
“The challenge is for a lot of the students coming to really try to get a feel for their identity,” Rodriguez says. “When they come to campus they sometimes face more challenges and discrimination and then it smacks them in the face, ‘What is my identity?’ So that’s where student organizations are really important.”
Programs and organizations Williams and Rodriguez both named as positive and influential on campus include Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán (MEChA), the Mexican Student Association, La Colectiva, the Sigma Lambda Gamma multicultural sorority and various academic student organizations and societies for Latino students.
Other challenges facing the increasing Latino population is the growth itself. Rodriguez explains that the more Latinos come to campus, the less they feel like a minority, and the more identity gives way to assimilation.
Evidence of this, Rodriguez points out, can be seen in the Greek system, as more and more Latino students are pledging nonminority sororities and fraternities and joining other mainstream campus organizations. But Rodriguez does not see this as a negative adjustment.
“Having Latino students that are involved in the Greek system and other different groups on campus is really good as well,” he says. “It just means that people are feeling acclimated, feeling welcome if we open doors.”
Mellado agrees. “The idea is not to differentiate but to integrate,” he says, adding that with each Latino generation growing up in the United States, some identity will be lost. “And I find that’s a natural process that has to happen. However, in the course of that happening, the Hispanic culture will also have influence over the American culture.”
Latino students focus of Indiana conference hosted by Governor
School of Education dean keynote speaker for conference on Indiana Latino students
Governor's office, state agencies holding conference to help improve educational outcomes
PRESS RELEASE Oct. 22, 2008
INDIANAPOLIS -- Dean of the Indiana University School of Education, Gerardo Gonzalez, will be the keynote speaker Thursday morning (Oct. 23) for the "Educational Equity for Indiana's Latino Students" Conference at the Sheraton North Hotel in Indianapolis. Gonzalez will share some of his personal story as a Cuban immigrant and address some of the pressing issues in Latino education in Indiana. His address is at 9 a.m., beginning a day of sessions focusing on Latino education.
The conference is organized by the Indiana Governor's office, the Indiana Department of Education, and the Indiana Commission on Hispanic/Latino Affairs, in collaboration with a statewide planning committee. Conference attendees include superintendents, school board members, counselors, English as a Second Language (ESL) staff, higher education representatives, legislators and local community agencies and service providers.
"The planning committee thought Dr. Gonzalez would be an ideal keynote speaker for this conference because he serves as an inspiring example for Indiana's Latino students," said Lauren Harvey, assistant director of the Office of English Language Learning and Migrant Education in the Indiana Department of Education. "His professional advocacy on behalf of educational equity and access for underrepresented groups and his personal experience as an immigrant complement the objectives of this conference."
Gonzalez arrived in South Florida with his parents and his sister in the early 1960s. He said that he tried to make himself "invisible" during his days in Miami public school because of the problems he encountered as a new student who didn't speak English. Gonzalez said administrators in his school did not know how to handle the large influx of Latino students at that time, varying his instruction from a separate classroom with other Spanish-speaking students to immersing him and other students in English language instruction. Early on, a principal expelled him because he leaned to ask another student (in Spanish) what the principal had said as he sternly lectured the immigrant students on proper behavior.
"But for every child like me who experienced those problems and is able to overcome and succeed there are literally hundreds of thousands, maybe millions out there, who don't get that second chance," Gonzalez said. "So to the extent I can draw on my personal experience to convey to this group just how critically important their work is, then I'm pleased to do that."
Rapid growth among the Latino population is expected to continue in Indiana. The Indiana Business Research Center in the IU Kelley School of Business reported last month the Latino population will add 284,600 residents in the next 20 years, accounting for 38 percent of the state's growth. The Latino share of the total Indiana population will go from 4.5 percent to 8 percent. According to the U.S. Department of Education, English Language Learner enrollment in the state grew 408 percent between the school years of 1994-95 and 2005-06, third-fastest among all states.
Gonzalez said educating these new learners is vital. He pointed out that Latino student achievement has lagged other groups. The consequence of continued low performance could create a large, chronically poor immigrant group with little hope of achieving the American dream.
"What we will be doing is creating a structural underclass in this country that by its sheer size will undermine the foundations of our way of life," Gonzalez said.
Other sessions in the conference will focus on the dropout rate, the achievement gap, student engagement and parent involvement. Organizers are asking participants to implement a community action plan for improving Latino educational outcomes.
Governor's office, state agencies holding conference to help improve educational outcomes
PRESS RELEASE Oct. 22, 2008
INDIANAPOLIS -- Dean of the Indiana University School of Education, Gerardo Gonzalez, will be the keynote speaker Thursday morning (Oct. 23) for the "Educational Equity for Indiana's Latino Students" Conference at the Sheraton North Hotel in Indianapolis. Gonzalez will share some of his personal story as a Cuban immigrant and address some of the pressing issues in Latino education in Indiana. His address is at 9 a.m., beginning a day of sessions focusing on Latino education.
The conference is organized by the Indiana Governor's office, the Indiana Department of Education, and the Indiana Commission on Hispanic/Latino Affairs, in collaboration with a statewide planning committee. Conference attendees include superintendents, school board members, counselors, English as a Second Language (ESL) staff, higher education representatives, legislators and local community agencies and service providers.
"The planning committee thought Dr. Gonzalez would be an ideal keynote speaker for this conference because he serves as an inspiring example for Indiana's Latino students," said Lauren Harvey, assistant director of the Office of English Language Learning and Migrant Education in the Indiana Department of Education. "His professional advocacy on behalf of educational equity and access for underrepresented groups and his personal experience as an immigrant complement the objectives of this conference."
Gonzalez arrived in South Florida with his parents and his sister in the early 1960s. He said that he tried to make himself "invisible" during his days in Miami public school because of the problems he encountered as a new student who didn't speak English. Gonzalez said administrators in his school did not know how to handle the large influx of Latino students at that time, varying his instruction from a separate classroom with other Spanish-speaking students to immersing him and other students in English language instruction. Early on, a principal expelled him because he leaned to ask another student (in Spanish) what the principal had said as he sternly lectured the immigrant students on proper behavior.
"But for every child like me who experienced those problems and is able to overcome and succeed there are literally hundreds of thousands, maybe millions out there, who don't get that second chance," Gonzalez said. "So to the extent I can draw on my personal experience to convey to this group just how critically important their work is, then I'm pleased to do that."
Rapid growth among the Latino population is expected to continue in Indiana. The Indiana Business Research Center in the IU Kelley School of Business reported last month the Latino population will add 284,600 residents in the next 20 years, accounting for 38 percent of the state's growth. The Latino share of the total Indiana population will go from 4.5 percent to 8 percent. According to the U.S. Department of Education, English Language Learner enrollment in the state grew 408 percent between the school years of 1994-95 and 2005-06, third-fastest among all states.
Gonzalez said educating these new learners is vital. He pointed out that Latino student achievement has lagged other groups. The consequence of continued low performance could create a large, chronically poor immigrant group with little hope of achieving the American dream.
"What we will be doing is creating a structural underclass in this country that by its sheer size will undermine the foundations of our way of life," Gonzalez said.
Other sessions in the conference will focus on the dropout rate, the achievement gap, student engagement and parent involvement. Organizers are asking participants to implement a community action plan for improving Latino educational outcomes.
Obama keeps focus on Latino voters
Obama Continues On-Air Latino Outreach
By Ed O'Keefe Washington Post
The Obama campaign continues its recent radio and television ad campaigns in several states where it believes Latino voters could help secure a Democratic victory. The new messages focus on early voting, education and health care.
"Oportunidad" or "Opportunity" is a positive television spot about Obama's college education plans that will air in Colorado, Florida, Nevada and New Mexico:
"The cost of a college education is a real worry for many families. But under the Obama Plan a student can earn the first $4,000 of tuition through community service. Putting a college education within everyone's reach. And the Obama Plan offers scholarships to recruit more teachers to make sure our children are ready prepared. With Obama and the Democrats, a new opportunity."
The campaign's new radio ad stars a man and woman upset with the McCain campaign's attack ads and discussing Obama's "specific" plans for health care coverage and tax cuts.
"My neighbor -- who has 2 kids -- lost her job and her health insurance last week," the woman in the ad says. "And her husband, who works in construction, is about to lose his. I don't want to hear any more attacks. I want to know what the candidates will do for us."
This ad will air on Spanish radio stations in Colorado, Indiana, Michigan, Nevada, New Mexico, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Northern Florida. A different version will air in South Florida.
In Colorado, the campaign will also air a bilingual radio ad on English and Spanish radio stations that stars Sen. Ken Salazar (D) encouraging early voting:
"My parents raised eight kids on a ranch," Salazar says. "We were poor, with no electricity and no telephone, but all of us became first generation college graduates. Like my parents, we all will do anything for our families. And you can do something for your family right now: vote."
"¿Qué esperas?" or, "What are you waiting for?" Salazar asks. " Después de ocho años de George Bush," or, after eight years of George Bush, "we can't afford more of the same."
In addition to targeting Latinos in the "big four" Latino states of Colorado, Florida, Nevada and New Mexico, the Obama campaign believes targeting small pockets of Latino voters in Midwestern and Southern states could help tip the scales in those states.
By Ed O'Keefe Washington Post
The Obama campaign continues its recent radio and television ad campaigns in several states where it believes Latino voters could help secure a Democratic victory. The new messages focus on early voting, education and health care.
"Oportunidad" or "Opportunity" is a positive television spot about Obama's college education plans that will air in Colorado, Florida, Nevada and New Mexico:
"The cost of a college education is a real worry for many families. But under the Obama Plan a student can earn the first $4,000 of tuition through community service. Putting a college education within everyone's reach. And the Obama Plan offers scholarships to recruit more teachers to make sure our children are ready prepared. With Obama and the Democrats, a new opportunity."
The campaign's new radio ad stars a man and woman upset with the McCain campaign's attack ads and discussing Obama's "specific" plans for health care coverage and tax cuts.
"My neighbor -- who has 2 kids -- lost her job and her health insurance last week," the woman in the ad says. "And her husband, who works in construction, is about to lose his. I don't want to hear any more attacks. I want to know what the candidates will do for us."
This ad will air on Spanish radio stations in Colorado, Indiana, Michigan, Nevada, New Mexico, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Northern Florida. A different version will air in South Florida.
In Colorado, the campaign will also air a bilingual radio ad on English and Spanish radio stations that stars Sen. Ken Salazar (D) encouraging early voting:
"My parents raised eight kids on a ranch," Salazar says. "We were poor, with no electricity and no telephone, but all of us became first generation college graduates. Like my parents, we all will do anything for our families. And you can do something for your family right now: vote."
"¿Qué esperas?" or, "What are you waiting for?" Salazar asks. " Después de ocho años de George Bush," or, after eight years of George Bush, "we can't afford more of the same."
In addition to targeting Latinos in the "big four" Latino states of Colorado, Florida, Nevada and New Mexico, the Obama campaign believes targeting small pockets of Latino voters in Midwestern and Southern states could help tip the scales in those states.
Latino and Black student fight not called racial
Tense day at Hempstead High ends without violence
BY SUMATHI REDDY | sumathi.reddy@newsday.com October 21, 2008
Latino students huddled on one corner, across the street from them stood a group of black youths.
Both anxiously eyed the entrance to Hempstead High School before dismissal yesterday as police officers stood guard.
Moments later, hundreds of students streamed out, ending a tense day in which no violence broke out after two days of fighting that led to abrupt dismissals and one arrest.
Students said the fights Friday and Monday pitting Latino and African-American students and heightening tensions between the two groups created a racially charged atmosphere on campus yesterday.
But interim Hempstead District Superintendent Joseph Laria and Principal Reginald Stroughn insisted yesterday that the riot that erupted Monday was not racially motivated.
"This is not a racial conflict," Laria said.
Students weren't allowed off campus yesterday and about a dozen Hempstead Village police officers were stationed in and around the school.
Still, some students were too scared to even come to school. Stroughn said about 1,200 of 1,600 students showed up.
A 16-year-old student said her mother is keeping her home all week. "I'm not allowed to go," she said. "I don't feel safe. Everybody's fighting."
School officials suspended 12 students yesterday and expect another 18 suspensions when the suspected return to campus.
Stroughn said the fight started when a Latino girl had a plastic bottle thrown at her outside during lunch period on Friday. She confronted the African-American student she believed had thrown the bottle, he pushed her and a melee ensued.
No injuries were reported in either incident. One student was arrested and charged with disorderly conduct in connection with the Friday fight.
Students said they were upset and angry about the current situation. "A school is supposed to be a safe environment, where you come to learn," said Janae Williams, 14. "All this fighting is not cool. It's nonsense."
Her mother, Juana Peyton, 37, said she was mad that the students were dismissed early. "It's one thing if the boiler breaks," she said. "But because the children are fighting, it causes her to miss school."
Latino and black students said the two groups of students sometimes self-segregate socially. At lunch many Latino students play handball outside while the black students congregate elsewhere on campus.
In January, freshman Michael Alguera was fatally stabbed on a school handball court.
Students said they have friends of other races and the two groups mingle.
Some were offended when school officials segregated them Monday after the fight. Laria said the students were contained in two separate wings shortly before dismissal to avoid another clash.
BY SUMATHI REDDY | sumathi.reddy@newsday.com October 21, 2008
Latino students huddled on one corner, across the street from them stood a group of black youths.
Both anxiously eyed the entrance to Hempstead High School before dismissal yesterday as police officers stood guard.
Moments later, hundreds of students streamed out, ending a tense day in which no violence broke out after two days of fighting that led to abrupt dismissals and one arrest.
Students said the fights Friday and Monday pitting Latino and African-American students and heightening tensions between the two groups created a racially charged atmosphere on campus yesterday.
But interim Hempstead District Superintendent Joseph Laria and Principal Reginald Stroughn insisted yesterday that the riot that erupted Monday was not racially motivated.
"This is not a racial conflict," Laria said.
Students weren't allowed off campus yesterday and about a dozen Hempstead Village police officers were stationed in and around the school.
Still, some students were too scared to even come to school. Stroughn said about 1,200 of 1,600 students showed up.
A 16-year-old student said her mother is keeping her home all week. "I'm not allowed to go," she said. "I don't feel safe. Everybody's fighting."
School officials suspended 12 students yesterday and expect another 18 suspensions when the suspected return to campus.
Stroughn said the fight started when a Latino girl had a plastic bottle thrown at her outside during lunch period on Friday. She confronted the African-American student she believed had thrown the bottle, he pushed her and a melee ensued.
No injuries were reported in either incident. One student was arrested and charged with disorderly conduct in connection with the Friday fight.
Students said they were upset and angry about the current situation. "A school is supposed to be a safe environment, where you come to learn," said Janae Williams, 14. "All this fighting is not cool. It's nonsense."
Her mother, Juana Peyton, 37, said she was mad that the students were dismissed early. "It's one thing if the boiler breaks," she said. "But because the children are fighting, it causes her to miss school."
Latino and black students said the two groups of students sometimes self-segregate socially. At lunch many Latino students play handball outside while the black students congregate elsewhere on campus.
In January, freshman Michael Alguera was fatally stabbed on a school handball court.
Students said they have friends of other races and the two groups mingle.
Some were offended when school officials segregated them Monday after the fight. Laria said the students were contained in two separate wings shortly before dismissal to avoid another clash.
Trucking firm to pay on discrimination lawsuit filed by Hispanics and Blacks
ABF Freight to pay $300,000 in discrimination case
The Associated Press Oct. 21, 2008
DALLAS — An Arkansas-based trucking company agreed to pay $300,000 to nearly 800 minority and female applicants as part of a hiring discrimination settlement, the U.S. Department of Labor announced Tuesday.
ABF Freight System, Inc., also agreed to hire 24 of the previously rejected applicants, who had applied for a checker casual position. Checker casuals are dock workers called in when there is work to be done, as opposed to part-time workers who have regular schedules.
The agreement settles the Labor Department's allegations that the trucking company discriminated against blacks and Hispanics who applied for checker casual positions from May 3, 2004, through May 3, 2006, and against female applicants from May 3, 2004, through April 30, 2007.
According to the agreement, ABF will pay 778 black, Hispanic and female applicants a total of $300,000 in back pay and interest and hire 24 of them for the checker casual job. The company also agreed to self-monitoring measures ensuring its hiring practices comply with the law, according to a statement from the Labor Department.
"This administration is committed to ensuring that all Americans are hired, promoted and compensated fairly, without respect to their race, gender, ethnicity, disability, religion or veteran status," said Charles E. James Sr., a spokesman for the department's Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs.
"ABF admits no fault and does not believe it was discriminating in its hiring practices in Dallas," Danny Loe, director of marketing and public relations for the company, said in a statement.
"ABF believes it was acting appropriately in hiring at a rate equivalent to the local demographics (approximately two-thirds minorities) but the OFCCP alleged that ABF should hire minorities at a rate equivalent to ABF's percentage of total applicants (80% minorities). For this instance, OFCCP alleged that ABF hired 23 too few minorities and women over a two year period."
The Associated Press Oct. 21, 2008
DALLAS — An Arkansas-based trucking company agreed to pay $300,000 to nearly 800 minority and female applicants as part of a hiring discrimination settlement, the U.S. Department of Labor announced Tuesday.
ABF Freight System, Inc., also agreed to hire 24 of the previously rejected applicants, who had applied for a checker casual position. Checker casuals are dock workers called in when there is work to be done, as opposed to part-time workers who have regular schedules.
The agreement settles the Labor Department's allegations that the trucking company discriminated against blacks and Hispanics who applied for checker casual positions from May 3, 2004, through May 3, 2006, and against female applicants from May 3, 2004, through April 30, 2007.
According to the agreement, ABF will pay 778 black, Hispanic and female applicants a total of $300,000 in back pay and interest and hire 24 of them for the checker casual job. The company also agreed to self-monitoring measures ensuring its hiring practices comply with the law, according to a statement from the Labor Department.
"This administration is committed to ensuring that all Americans are hired, promoted and compensated fairly, without respect to their race, gender, ethnicity, disability, religion or veteran status," said Charles E. James Sr., a spokesman for the department's Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs.
"ABF admits no fault and does not believe it was discriminating in its hiring practices in Dallas," Danny Loe, director of marketing and public relations for the company, said in a statement.
"ABF believes it was acting appropriately in hiring at a rate equivalent to the local demographics (approximately two-thirds minorities) but the OFCCP alleged that ABF should hire minorities at a rate equivalent to ABF's percentage of total applicants (80% minorities). For this instance, OFCCP alleged that ABF hired 23 too few minorities and women over a two year period."
Sheriff's public racism against Hispanic immigrants causes stir
NC sheriff's slurs snarl locals' immigration work
By MARLON A. WALKER
SMITHFIELD, N.C. (AP) — For years, Sheriff Steve Bizzell watched the number of illegal immigrants in his rural county skyrocket — and with it, he says, residents' fear that the newcomers were responsible for more than their share of crime.
So he helped make North Carolina the first state where every county can team with federal authorities to train local officers to identify and track jailed illegal immigrants, speeding up the deportation process.
But in a newspaper interview last month, Bizzel complained that "Mexicans are trashy" and pointed to several children playing and said "All they do is work and make love." Though he quickly apologized, his contrition wasn't enough to ward off critics who call his comments evidence that the nation's increasingly popular efforts to enforce immigration statutes locally have nothing to do with law and order.
"The chief law enforcement officer is demonstrating his racism in public, and he's allowing his officers to do the same," said Tony Asion, the executive director of nonprofit advocacy group El Pueblo and a retired Delaware state trooper. "It gives them the green light to treat Latinos any way."
Bizzell declined to comment to The Associated Press about the remarks to the News & Observer that caused the uproar, and the Johnston County commission has rebuffed calls for his resignation.
Twenty years ago, roughly 77,000 Hispanics lived in North Carolina — about 1.2 percent of the population. At about 600,000 today, Hispanics represent 6.6 percent of the state's 9.1 million residents, the 12th-largest overall Latino population among the 50 states.
The Washington-based Pew Hispanic Center estimated in 2006 there were about 400,000 illegal immigrants in North Carolina, most of whom are Latino. There is no breakdown based on ethnicity.
In Bizzell's Johnston County, a short drive from Raleigh, Hispanics made up 1.5 percent of the population in 1990. Now, the group represents about 11 percent of the county's nearly 160,000 people.
"Look at that," he said, pointing at a storefront during his tour of the area with the newspaper reporter. "You can't even read the durned sign. Everywhere you look, it's like little Mexico around here."
The 49-year-old has been the county's top cop for 10 years and has said residents fear most crime is committed by illegal immigrants. In 2006, he said that based on arrests, Hispanics were responsible for up to 85 percent of drug trafficking in the county.
Yet Bizzell's own employees in the sheriff's office said recently they do not keep records of arrests based on ethnicity.
North Carolina has embraced a federal program known as 287(g). It gives local police access to the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency's database of fingerprints and photographs. The program has spread to departments across the country and is credited with identifying 70,000 since 2006 alone suspected of being in the U.S. illegally.
Republican Sen. Elizabeth Dole led successful efforts to open 287(g) and a few other enforcement programs to every sheriff's office in the state. Politically, the idea couldn't be more popular: Dole's Democratic opponent supports it, as do both candidates for governor.
Bizzell helped Dole broker the expansion, and said at the time the purpose wasn't to begin a wholesale roundup of illegal immigrants but to help the community.
"We're tired of crime in general, but we're darn tired of crime that involves an illegal criminal alien who shouldn't be here in the first place," he said then.
Not all opinions of the program are positive, even among Bizzell's fellow sheriffs.
Buncombe County Sheriff Van Duncan told Spanish-language paper La Voz Independiente last week that he's worried that so many people are being pulled over and jailed through 287(g) on simple traffic violations.
"It is not a perfect program," Duncan said. "One of the things that is hard to explain away is that for otherwise law-abiding citizens, other than the fact that they are here undocumented, what IDs them is a minor violation or even driving to work, having to drive with no operator's license."
Bizzell's comments to the newspaper "go from simply stating opinion to constituting illegal racial profiling if these opinions are reflected in practice," said Jennifer Rudinger, the executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union of North Carolina. "It's one thing to think something and say something. It's another to have that kind of bias carried out and enforced."
Rudinger said the ACLU is seeking information from Johnston County about the number of drunken-driving checkpoints, arrests and jail bookings to see if Bizzell's department is complying with state law prohibiting profiling.
Bizzell's attorney Ronnie Mitchell said that will only be good for his client.
"Those documents reinforce Sheriff Bizzell's commitment to fairness, liberty, and justice for all."
By MARLON A. WALKER
SMITHFIELD, N.C. (AP) — For years, Sheriff Steve Bizzell watched the number of illegal immigrants in his rural county skyrocket — and with it, he says, residents' fear that the newcomers were responsible for more than their share of crime.
So he helped make North Carolina the first state where every county can team with federal authorities to train local officers to identify and track jailed illegal immigrants, speeding up the deportation process.
But in a newspaper interview last month, Bizzel complained that "Mexicans are trashy" and pointed to several children playing and said "All they do is work and make love." Though he quickly apologized, his contrition wasn't enough to ward off critics who call his comments evidence that the nation's increasingly popular efforts to enforce immigration statutes locally have nothing to do with law and order.
"The chief law enforcement officer is demonstrating his racism in public, and he's allowing his officers to do the same," said Tony Asion, the executive director of nonprofit advocacy group El Pueblo and a retired Delaware state trooper. "It gives them the green light to treat Latinos any way."
Bizzell declined to comment to The Associated Press about the remarks to the News & Observer that caused the uproar, and the Johnston County commission has rebuffed calls for his resignation.
Twenty years ago, roughly 77,000 Hispanics lived in North Carolina — about 1.2 percent of the population. At about 600,000 today, Hispanics represent 6.6 percent of the state's 9.1 million residents, the 12th-largest overall Latino population among the 50 states.
The Washington-based Pew Hispanic Center estimated in 2006 there were about 400,000 illegal immigrants in North Carolina, most of whom are Latino. There is no breakdown based on ethnicity.
In Bizzell's Johnston County, a short drive from Raleigh, Hispanics made up 1.5 percent of the population in 1990. Now, the group represents about 11 percent of the county's nearly 160,000 people.
"Look at that," he said, pointing at a storefront during his tour of the area with the newspaper reporter. "You can't even read the durned sign. Everywhere you look, it's like little Mexico around here."
The 49-year-old has been the county's top cop for 10 years and has said residents fear most crime is committed by illegal immigrants. In 2006, he said that based on arrests, Hispanics were responsible for up to 85 percent of drug trafficking in the county.
Yet Bizzell's own employees in the sheriff's office said recently they do not keep records of arrests based on ethnicity.
North Carolina has embraced a federal program known as 287(g). It gives local police access to the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency's database of fingerprints and photographs. The program has spread to departments across the country and is credited with identifying 70,000 since 2006 alone suspected of being in the U.S. illegally.
Republican Sen. Elizabeth Dole led successful efforts to open 287(g) and a few other enforcement programs to every sheriff's office in the state. Politically, the idea couldn't be more popular: Dole's Democratic opponent supports it, as do both candidates for governor.
Bizzell helped Dole broker the expansion, and said at the time the purpose wasn't to begin a wholesale roundup of illegal immigrants but to help the community.
"We're tired of crime in general, but we're darn tired of crime that involves an illegal criminal alien who shouldn't be here in the first place," he said then.
Not all opinions of the program are positive, even among Bizzell's fellow sheriffs.
Buncombe County Sheriff Van Duncan told Spanish-language paper La Voz Independiente last week that he's worried that so many people are being pulled over and jailed through 287(g) on simple traffic violations.
"It is not a perfect program," Duncan said. "One of the things that is hard to explain away is that for otherwise law-abiding citizens, other than the fact that they are here undocumented, what IDs them is a minor violation or even driving to work, having to drive with no operator's license."
Bizzell's comments to the newspaper "go from simply stating opinion to constituting illegal racial profiling if these opinions are reflected in practice," said Jennifer Rudinger, the executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union of North Carolina. "It's one thing to think something and say something. It's another to have that kind of bias carried out and enforced."
Rudinger said the ACLU is seeking information from Johnston County about the number of drunken-driving checkpoints, arrests and jail bookings to see if Bizzell's department is complying with state law prohibiting profiling.
Bizzell's attorney Ronnie Mitchell said that will only be good for his client.
"Those documents reinforce Sheriff Bizzell's commitment to fairness, liberty, and justice for all."
Colorado has first Hispanic U.S. District Judge
Arguello is First Hispanic U.S. District Court Judge for Colorado
Robert Boczkiewicz--Pueblo Chieftan Oct. 22, 2008
Christine Arguello, who has ties to Southern Colorado, on Tuesday became the newest judge of the U.S. District Court for Colorado.
She became the court's sixth full-time judge when she was sworn in at a private ceremony in one of the court's two Denver courthouses. She is the court's first Hispanic judge.
Chief Judge Wiley Daniel, who had become chief judge a few minutes earlier when former Chief Judge Edward Nottingham stepped down from that post, administered the oath of office.
Arguello, 53, was born in Thatcher and lived a few years in Pueblo as a child while her father attended barber school. She later lived in Buena Vista.
She was a lawyer in Denver law firms, a law professor at the University of Kansas, a Colorado deputy attorney general and most recently was one of the highest-level attorneys of the University of Colorado. President Bush nominated her and Philip Brimmer in July and they were confirmed in September by the U.S. Senate. Brimmer was sworn in Oct. 14 and began work last week.
The court still is short one judge due to the death in January of Judge Phillip Figa. A second spot becomes open on Oct. 29, the effective date of Nottingham's resignation as a judge in the midst of a yearlong investigation of alleged misconduct by him.
Those two spots will not be filled until next year after a new president, who nominates federal judges, and a new Senate, which confirms or rejects nominees, take office.
Robert Boczkiewicz--Pueblo Chieftan Oct. 22, 2008
Christine Arguello, who has ties to Southern Colorado, on Tuesday became the newest judge of the U.S. District Court for Colorado.
She became the court's sixth full-time judge when she was sworn in at a private ceremony in one of the court's two Denver courthouses. She is the court's first Hispanic judge.
Chief Judge Wiley Daniel, who had become chief judge a few minutes earlier when former Chief Judge Edward Nottingham stepped down from that post, administered the oath of office.
Arguello, 53, was born in Thatcher and lived a few years in Pueblo as a child while her father attended barber school. She later lived in Buena Vista.
She was a lawyer in Denver law firms, a law professor at the University of Kansas, a Colorado deputy attorney general and most recently was one of the highest-level attorneys of the University of Colorado. President Bush nominated her and Philip Brimmer in July and they were confirmed in September by the U.S. Senate. Brimmer was sworn in Oct. 14 and began work last week.
The court still is short one judge due to the death in January of Judge Phillip Figa. A second spot becomes open on Oct. 29, the effective date of Nottingham's resignation as a judge in the midst of a yearlong investigation of alleged misconduct by him.
Those two spots will not be filled until next year after a new president, who nominates federal judges, and a new Senate, which confirms or rejects nominees, take office.
Hispanic medical student enrollment up
Kaiser Health Disparities Report: A Weekly Look At Race, Ethnicity And Health
Culture-Based Care | U.S. Medical School Enrollment Reaches Record High; Enrollment Up Among Hispanic Students
Kaiser Network [Oct 22, 2008]
Medical school enrollment in 2008 increased 1.6% over last year, resulting in a record-high 18,036 first-year medical students, according to a study by the Association of American Medical Colleges, Bloomberg reports. The study found that the total number of applicants reached 42,315 and the nearly 32,000 first-time applicants also was a record high. According to the study, 11 U.S. medical schools increased enrollment by at least 10% from last year (Staley, Bloomberg, 10/21). Since 2003, first-year enrollment has increased by 10% or more in 49 U.S. medical schools, according to the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette. Another 18 medical schools have increased by at least 5%.
Darrell Kirch, AAMC's president and CEO, attributes the growth to a higher capacity at medical schools and the establishment of new branch campuses across the country (Park, Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, 10/22). Dan Scheirer, associate dean at Duke University's Trinity College, said the medical profession seems attractive to potential applicants because of depictions in popular culture, such as the television shows "House" and "Grey's Anatomy."
In addition, Scheirer said the Iraq war and the Sept. 11 attacks have shaped applicants' world view. Applicants "are in a world that is changing and scary and unstable and they see medicine as a stable career," Scheirer said, adding, "It is a way of working out anxiety and doing something for the benefit of mankind" (Bloomberg, 10/21).
Addressing a Looming Shortage
The Democrat-Gazette reports that although record enrollment is positive, many health officials are concerned about meeting the heavier demand caused by a growing population and the loss of physicians to retirement. The American Medical Association projects a nationwide physician shortage of between 51,000 and 228,000 by 2020 (Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, 10/22). In response, AAMC has called for a 30% increase in medical school enrollment over the 2002 level to more than 21,000 first-year medical students by 2015. To date, the number of first-year medical students has increased by 8%, and planned increases would raise the number of first-year medical students by 17%, according to Edward Salsberg, director of AAMC's Center for Workforce Studies. "It is unclear whether we will make the 30% by 2015," Salsberg said (Bloomberg, 10/21).
"I would say we're on track, but we're certainly not there," Kirch said. Kirch noted that the number of medical school applications leveled off for the first time after five consecutive years of rising. "There are still more than two applicants for every available seat in medical school," Kirch said (Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, 10/22). Kirch added that existing medical schools must expand and new medical schools must be created to meet the demand (Bloomberg, 10/21).
Richard Wheeler, executive associate dean for academic affairs at the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences, said the number of residency positions must increase before the number of physicians can rise to meet demand (Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, 10/22).
Racial, Ethnic Diversity
AAMC also has set goals to increase racial and ethnic diversity in medical schools. According to a public statement released by AAMC, blacks, Hispanics and Native Americans currently make up 6% of practicing doctors.
The number of Hispanic medical students increased by 10%. Hispanics made up 7.9% of new medical school students this year. Blacks made up 7.2% of new students, the same rate as the previous year.
AAMC reports that since 2002 black male medical school applicants have increased by 9.2%, while enrollment by black males increased by 5.3%. AAMC also found that only 1,810, or 4.3%, of medical-school applicants were non-U.S. citizens, while 326, or 1.8%, were not permanent U.S. citizens (Bloomberg, 10/21).
Online AAMC's data on medical school enrollment is available online (.pdf).
Culture-Based Care | U.S. Medical School Enrollment Reaches Record High; Enrollment Up Among Hispanic Students
Kaiser Network [Oct 22, 2008]
Medical school enrollment in 2008 increased 1.6% over last year, resulting in a record-high 18,036 first-year medical students, according to a study by the Association of American Medical Colleges, Bloomberg reports. The study found that the total number of applicants reached 42,315 and the nearly 32,000 first-time applicants also was a record high. According to the study, 11 U.S. medical schools increased enrollment by at least 10% from last year (Staley, Bloomberg, 10/21). Since 2003, first-year enrollment has increased by 10% or more in 49 U.S. medical schools, according to the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette. Another 18 medical schools have increased by at least 5%.
Darrell Kirch, AAMC's president and CEO, attributes the growth to a higher capacity at medical schools and the establishment of new branch campuses across the country (Park, Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, 10/22). Dan Scheirer, associate dean at Duke University's Trinity College, said the medical profession seems attractive to potential applicants because of depictions in popular culture, such as the television shows "House" and "Grey's Anatomy."
In addition, Scheirer said the Iraq war and the Sept. 11 attacks have shaped applicants' world view. Applicants "are in a world that is changing and scary and unstable and they see medicine as a stable career," Scheirer said, adding, "It is a way of working out anxiety and doing something for the benefit of mankind" (Bloomberg, 10/21).
Addressing a Looming Shortage
The Democrat-Gazette reports that although record enrollment is positive, many health officials are concerned about meeting the heavier demand caused by a growing population and the loss of physicians to retirement. The American Medical Association projects a nationwide physician shortage of between 51,000 and 228,000 by 2020 (Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, 10/22). In response, AAMC has called for a 30% increase in medical school enrollment over the 2002 level to more than 21,000 first-year medical students by 2015. To date, the number of first-year medical students has increased by 8%, and planned increases would raise the number of first-year medical students by 17%, according to Edward Salsberg, director of AAMC's Center for Workforce Studies. "It is unclear whether we will make the 30% by 2015," Salsberg said (Bloomberg, 10/21).
"I would say we're on track, but we're certainly not there," Kirch said. Kirch noted that the number of medical school applications leveled off for the first time after five consecutive years of rising. "There are still more than two applicants for every available seat in medical school," Kirch said (Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, 10/22). Kirch added that existing medical schools must expand and new medical schools must be created to meet the demand (Bloomberg, 10/21).
Richard Wheeler, executive associate dean for academic affairs at the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences, said the number of residency positions must increase before the number of physicians can rise to meet demand (Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, 10/22).
Racial, Ethnic Diversity
AAMC also has set goals to increase racial and ethnic diversity in medical schools. According to a public statement released by AAMC, blacks, Hispanics and Native Americans currently make up 6% of practicing doctors.
The number of Hispanic medical students increased by 10%. Hispanics made up 7.9% of new medical school students this year. Blacks made up 7.2% of new students, the same rate as the previous year.
AAMC reports that since 2002 black male medical school applicants have increased by 9.2%, while enrollment by black males increased by 5.3%. AAMC also found that only 1,810, or 4.3%, of medical-school applicants were non-U.S. citizens, while 326, or 1.8%, were not permanent U.S. citizens (Bloomberg, 10/21).
Online AAMC's data on medical school enrollment is available online (.pdf).
Hispanic children found to have lowest rates of food allergies
Food Allergies Up 18% Among U.S. Children
Reactions lead to higher risk for asthma, other respiratory problems, CDC report says
US News October 22, 2008
WEDNESDAY, Oct. 22 (HealthDay News) -- The number of American kids with food allergies has soared 18 percent in the last decade, with an estimated 4 percent of children and teens now affected with the condition, a new federal report says.
In 2007, approximately 3 million children under the age of 18 were reported to have had a food or digestive allergy in the previous 12 months, compared to slightly more than 2.3 million children (3.3 percent) in 1997, according to the report from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Eight types of foods account for 90 percent of all food allergies -- milk, eggs, peanuts, tree nuts, fish, shellfish, soy, and wheat. Allergic reactions to these foods can range from a tingling sensation around the mouth and lips, to hives and even death, depending on the severity of the reaction, the report's authors said.
The report also said that children with food allergies are two to four times more likely to have asthma or other allergies, compared to children without food allergies.
It's not really known how a person develops a food allergy. They are more common in children than adults, and the majority of children with food allergies will "outgrow" them as they get older. But for some, a food allergy can become a lifelong concern, the report said.
Other highlights in the report:
* Rates of food allergy were similar for boys and girls -- 3.8 percent for boys and 4.1 percent for girls.
* Approximately 4.7 percent of children younger than 5 years of age had a reported food allergy, compared to 3.7 percent of children and teens aged 5 to 17 years.
* Hispanic children had lower rates of reported food allergy (3.1 percent) than non-Hispanic white (4.1 percent) or non-Hispanic black children (4 percent.)
* In 2007, 29 percent of children with food allergies also had reported asthma, compared to 12 percent of children without food allergy. And an estimated 27 percent of children with food allergies had reported eczema or skin allergy, compared to 8 percent of children without food allergies.
* Slightly more than 30 percent of children with a food allergy also had reported respiratory allergy, compared with 9 percent of children with no food allergy.
* From 2004 to 2006, there were approximately 9,537 hospital discharges annually for children from birth to 17 years of age who were diagnosed with a food allergy. Hospital discharges with a diagnosed food allergy increased significantly from the period 1998-2000 to 2004-2006. This finding could owe to increased awareness, reporting, and use of specific medical diagnostic codes for food allergies. Or it could represent a real increase in children who are experiencing food-allergic reactions.
The findings in the report, titled Food Allergy Among U.S. Children: Trends in Prevalence and Hospitalizations, were derived from statistics from the National Health Interview Survey and the National Hospital Discharge Survey, both conducted by CDC's National Center for Health Statistics.
To read the full report, visit the CDC.
Reactions lead to higher risk for asthma, other respiratory problems, CDC report says
US News October 22, 2008
WEDNESDAY, Oct. 22 (HealthDay News) -- The number of American kids with food allergies has soared 18 percent in the last decade, with an estimated 4 percent of children and teens now affected with the condition, a new federal report says.
In 2007, approximately 3 million children under the age of 18 were reported to have had a food or digestive allergy in the previous 12 months, compared to slightly more than 2.3 million children (3.3 percent) in 1997, according to the report from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Eight types of foods account for 90 percent of all food allergies -- milk, eggs, peanuts, tree nuts, fish, shellfish, soy, and wheat. Allergic reactions to these foods can range from a tingling sensation around the mouth and lips, to hives and even death, depending on the severity of the reaction, the report's authors said.
The report also said that children with food allergies are two to four times more likely to have asthma or other allergies, compared to children without food allergies.
It's not really known how a person develops a food allergy. They are more common in children than adults, and the majority of children with food allergies will "outgrow" them as they get older. But for some, a food allergy can become a lifelong concern, the report said.
Other highlights in the report:
* Rates of food allergy were similar for boys and girls -- 3.8 percent for boys and 4.1 percent for girls.
* Approximately 4.7 percent of children younger than 5 years of age had a reported food allergy, compared to 3.7 percent of children and teens aged 5 to 17 years.
* Hispanic children had lower rates of reported food allergy (3.1 percent) than non-Hispanic white (4.1 percent) or non-Hispanic black children (4 percent.)
* In 2007, 29 percent of children with food allergies also had reported asthma, compared to 12 percent of children without food allergy. And an estimated 27 percent of children with food allergies had reported eczema or skin allergy, compared to 8 percent of children without food allergies.
* Slightly more than 30 percent of children with a food allergy also had reported respiratory allergy, compared with 9 percent of children with no food allergy.
* From 2004 to 2006, there were approximately 9,537 hospital discharges annually for children from birth to 17 years of age who were diagnosed with a food allergy. Hospital discharges with a diagnosed food allergy increased significantly from the period 1998-2000 to 2004-2006. This finding could owe to increased awareness, reporting, and use of specific medical diagnostic codes for food allergies. Or it could represent a real increase in children who are experiencing food-allergic reactions.
The findings in the report, titled Food Allergy Among U.S. Children: Trends in Prevalence and Hospitalizations, were derived from statistics from the National Health Interview Survey and the National Hospital Discharge Survey, both conducted by CDC's National Center for Health Statistics.
To read the full report, visit the CDC.
Wednesday, October 22, 2008
Former NBA Star turns to Latino voters
Mayoral Candidate reaches out to Latino Voters
Adrian Perez, Latino Journal
Being the Mayor of California’s capitol city is no easy task. Knowing that Sacramento must serve the entertainment and business needs of those coming to do business with the world’s 7th largest economy, requires the Mayor to understand more than city government and management, but what role the city plays in California’s political landscape.
Existing Mayor Heather Fargo has found herself in the election race of her life. Novice challenger, native Sacramentan, and former NBA star Kevin Johnson, is tasking the Mayor and the Sacramento leadership to be more reflective of its population and embrace the diversity. In a recent interview with Mr. Johnson, we asked him about what Latinos could expect if he were elected Mayor of Sacramento. The following are key points discussed:
Latino Journal (LJ): Can you tell us about your experiences and maybe the changes you have seen in Sacramento regarding the Latino community?
Kevin Johnson (KJ): I grew up in Oak Park, which is a very diverse community. But, what a lot of people don’t realize is I went to Ethel Phillips Elementary School, which is just west of Franklin Boulevard and it was a bilingual school. So I went to school with a ton of Latinos so I learned Spanish from Kindergarten up until 3rd grade. So that was a good experience for me because you realize that we have so much in common. And, what I’ve seen happen over the years is Blacks and Latinos have been at the back of the line and we’re still at the back of the line. But, right now we have a unique opportunity to come together and look at our interests. Interests that not competing interests, but complimentary interests. And we need to stick together because Latinos have a huge presence in California. I think our interest in terms of Blacks and Latinos are joined at the hips and as long as we have the leadership that does not look at us as competing factions, I think we can make a huge difference in this city, the state and the country.
LJ: Latino youth has a high drop out rate, but there is also the problem of gang involvement and drug use. As Mayor what steps would you take to address those issues?
KJ: Improve the schools. A good education eradicates all the social ills. When you think about it for a second, if you take 100 Latino kids in Kindergarten, only 11 of those are going to graduate from college. That is not acceptable. Only 50 percent of Latinos are graduating from high school. Not a whole lot of us are going to college. Education is the primary way to deal with gang prevention and intervention. It’s the primary way for us to be productive citizens. I’m going to be a huge proponent of public education and charter schools and make sure all Latinos have access to a high quality education. So we, the schools, and the city have to do a better of outreach to families in the Latino community because all three of us collectively are the ones that are going to reduce this notion of gang involvement.
LJ: So as Mayor will you get actively involved in education?
KJ: As Mayor I’m going to be hands on. To me everything starts and ends with education and public safety. If we do those two things well, everything else follows. The late Mayor Joe Serna said very eloquently “You can not have a great city without great schools.” And right now there is a segment of our population that is being left behind. And the Latino community needs to be at the forefront. That community has so much human capital and human potential it’s a great resource and this city has to tap that potential and education is the number one thing.
LJ: Once elected Mayor, what access will the Latino community have?
KJ: Remember my campaign slogan is “A city that works for everyone.” I want my administration to be very inclusive. Sacramento is one of the most diverse cities in United States of America. With Latinos leading the charge in our community. I want make sure that the Latino community not only has access to me, yeah that’s part of it. But more importantly, has a seat at the table. If the Latino community wants more elected officials, then I wanna do my part to help get Latino community members elected. I want to make sure that every board and commission that I have a chance to appoint, that the Latino community is being reflected. As long as we can bring qualified candidates, because when I talk to the Latino community they tell me we don’t want any favors. We just want equal access to bid and vie like everyone else does.
You can watch the entire interview on www.calmagazine.com, Channel 1.
Adrian Perez, Latino Journal
Being the Mayor of California’s capitol city is no easy task. Knowing that Sacramento must serve the entertainment and business needs of those coming to do business with the world’s 7th largest economy, requires the Mayor to understand more than city government and management, but what role the city plays in California’s political landscape.
Existing Mayor Heather Fargo has found herself in the election race of her life. Novice challenger, native Sacramentan, and former NBA star Kevin Johnson, is tasking the Mayor and the Sacramento leadership to be more reflective of its population and embrace the diversity. In a recent interview with Mr. Johnson, we asked him about what Latinos could expect if he were elected Mayor of Sacramento. The following are key points discussed:
Latino Journal (LJ): Can you tell us about your experiences and maybe the changes you have seen in Sacramento regarding the Latino community?
Kevin Johnson (KJ): I grew up in Oak Park, which is a very diverse community. But, what a lot of people don’t realize is I went to Ethel Phillips Elementary School, which is just west of Franklin Boulevard and it was a bilingual school. So I went to school with a ton of Latinos so I learned Spanish from Kindergarten up until 3rd grade. So that was a good experience for me because you realize that we have so much in common. And, what I’ve seen happen over the years is Blacks and Latinos have been at the back of the line and we’re still at the back of the line. But, right now we have a unique opportunity to come together and look at our interests. Interests that not competing interests, but complimentary interests. And we need to stick together because Latinos have a huge presence in California. I think our interest in terms of Blacks and Latinos are joined at the hips and as long as we have the leadership that does not look at us as competing factions, I think we can make a huge difference in this city, the state and the country.
LJ: Latino youth has a high drop out rate, but there is also the problem of gang involvement and drug use. As Mayor what steps would you take to address those issues?
KJ: Improve the schools. A good education eradicates all the social ills. When you think about it for a second, if you take 100 Latino kids in Kindergarten, only 11 of those are going to graduate from college. That is not acceptable. Only 50 percent of Latinos are graduating from high school. Not a whole lot of us are going to college. Education is the primary way to deal with gang prevention and intervention. It’s the primary way for us to be productive citizens. I’m going to be a huge proponent of public education and charter schools and make sure all Latinos have access to a high quality education. So we, the schools, and the city have to do a better of outreach to families in the Latino community because all three of us collectively are the ones that are going to reduce this notion of gang involvement.
LJ: So as Mayor will you get actively involved in education?
KJ: As Mayor I’m going to be hands on. To me everything starts and ends with education and public safety. If we do those two things well, everything else follows. The late Mayor Joe Serna said very eloquently “You can not have a great city without great schools.” And right now there is a segment of our population that is being left behind. And the Latino community needs to be at the forefront. That community has so much human capital and human potential it’s a great resource and this city has to tap that potential and education is the number one thing.
LJ: Once elected Mayor, what access will the Latino community have?
KJ: Remember my campaign slogan is “A city that works for everyone.” I want my administration to be very inclusive. Sacramento is one of the most diverse cities in United States of America. With Latinos leading the charge in our community. I want make sure that the Latino community not only has access to me, yeah that’s part of it. But more importantly, has a seat at the table. If the Latino community wants more elected officials, then I wanna do my part to help get Latino community members elected. I want to make sure that every board and commission that I have a chance to appoint, that the Latino community is being reflected. As long as we can bring qualified candidates, because when I talk to the Latino community they tell me we don’t want any favors. We just want equal access to bid and vie like everyone else does.
You can watch the entire interview on www.calmagazine.com, Channel 1.
California could increase Latino legislators
Proposition 11: flawed or blessing in disguise?
Adrian Perez, Latino Journal
California’s Proposition 11 is intended to remove the partisan politics from the redrawing of legislative districts in the state. Co-authored by a former attorney for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF), Steve Reyes, the Proposition has garnered as much support as opposition among ethnic organizations.
Steve Reyes co-authored the Proposition with Common Cause and the League of Women Voters in an effort to ensure that minority representation was not suppressed and the redrawn districts did not favor a particular party. Proposition 11 establishes a 14 member commission whose sole purpose is to redraw the state’s legislative districts. But, is this a good solution for a complicated process that only happens ever decade?
“We do need reform, but not just any reform,” says Nancy Ramirez, Western Region Attorney for MALDEF. “Our concern with Proposition 11 is that there is no oversight over the 14 member commission that would redraw the districts.”
Although MALDEF’s concern appears valid, Californians have felt frustrated over the redistricting plan that the state legislature submitted in 2001. That plan was so flawed it resulted in Latino communities being redrawn out of potential new seats in the state legislature and congress. This prompted MALDEF, through Steve Reyes, to oppose its implementation because it blatantly suppressed minority representation, a violation of the federal Voting Rights Act. Through Proposition 11, Reyes and its co-authors feel that an appointed commission would provide a better redistricting plan. But MALDEF disagrees.
“There is no guarantee that applicants to this commission will be diverse,” adds Nancy Ramirez. “And, the commission would be accountable to no one. We believe an effective reform should include everyone.”
Having a group other than legislators to redraw the state’s legislative districts is not new. In 1991, the state legislature submitted a redistricting plan that was rejected by then Governor Pete Wilson, who opted to appoint three judges to conduct the redrawing. The result netted more Latinos elected to legislative seats.
“Because the commission members may not be representative of the state’s population, it may mean that districts would exclude ethnic groups,” adds Nancy Ramirez. “This will not guarantee a diverse representation.”
Though Proposition 11 has its faults, it is evident that Steve Reyes is attempting to address the concerns he raised in 2001 and ensure cities and counties are not carved out to support the interests of those who hold office, nor for a particular party’s benefit. Giving Latinos and other minorities in California more of a voice is something most Californians share. Right or wrong, Proposition 11 appears to provide some level of hope.
Adrian Perez, Latino Journal
California’s Proposition 11 is intended to remove the partisan politics from the redrawing of legislative districts in the state. Co-authored by a former attorney for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF), Steve Reyes, the Proposition has garnered as much support as opposition among ethnic organizations.
Steve Reyes co-authored the Proposition with Common Cause and the League of Women Voters in an effort to ensure that minority representation was not suppressed and the redrawn districts did not favor a particular party. Proposition 11 establishes a 14 member commission whose sole purpose is to redraw the state’s legislative districts. But, is this a good solution for a complicated process that only happens ever decade?
“We do need reform, but not just any reform,” says Nancy Ramirez, Western Region Attorney for MALDEF. “Our concern with Proposition 11 is that there is no oversight over the 14 member commission that would redraw the districts.”
Although MALDEF’s concern appears valid, Californians have felt frustrated over the redistricting plan that the state legislature submitted in 2001. That plan was so flawed it resulted in Latino communities being redrawn out of potential new seats in the state legislature and congress. This prompted MALDEF, through Steve Reyes, to oppose its implementation because it blatantly suppressed minority representation, a violation of the federal Voting Rights Act. Through Proposition 11, Reyes and its co-authors feel that an appointed commission would provide a better redistricting plan. But MALDEF disagrees.
“There is no guarantee that applicants to this commission will be diverse,” adds Nancy Ramirez. “And, the commission would be accountable to no one. We believe an effective reform should include everyone.”
Having a group other than legislators to redraw the state’s legislative districts is not new. In 1991, the state legislature submitted a redistricting plan that was rejected by then Governor Pete Wilson, who opted to appoint three judges to conduct the redrawing. The result netted more Latinos elected to legislative seats.
“Because the commission members may not be representative of the state’s population, it may mean that districts would exclude ethnic groups,” adds Nancy Ramirez. “This will not guarantee a diverse representation.”
Though Proposition 11 has its faults, it is evident that Steve Reyes is attempting to address the concerns he raised in 2001 and ensure cities and counties are not carved out to support the interests of those who hold office, nor for a particular party’s benefit. Giving Latinos and other minorities in California more of a voice is something most Californians share. Right or wrong, Proposition 11 appears to provide some level of hope.
Pressing Latino issues highlighted in program
Agenda Latina 2008 Washington to Air on Azteca America Sunday, October 26 at 4 PM EDT/ 3 PM CDT/ 1 PM PDT
--Special program features positions from Obama and McCain campaigns on pressing issues for Latinos-- --Broadcast immediately follows popular Cruz Azul-Puebla live soccer match-- --Simultaneous webcast available at www.fundacionaztecaamerica.org--
Market Watch
LOS ANGELES, Oct 21, 2008 /PRNewswire-USNewswire via COMTEX/ -- Agenda Latina 2008, an issues forum sponsored by Grupo Salinas, Fundacion Azteca America and Azteca America will be broadcast nationally on Sunday, October 26 at 4 pm EDT/ 3 pm CDT and 1 pm PDT on Spanish-language broadcast television network Azteca America. The program will also be available as a simultaneous webcast at www.fundacionaztecaamerica.org.
The program features highlights of an event held on Capitol Hill last month to bring pressing Latino issues, such as education, the economy, healthcare, immigration and the Latino vote to the attention of policy makers and the presidential candidate teams.
The basis for the program is a white paper produced by the University of Denver Center for Community Engagement and Scholarship entitled "The State of Latinos 2008: Defining an Agenda for the Future." The findings have been presented to key members of Congress and local and national policy makers.
"Our commitment to this project is to present concrete proposals to policy makers throughout the country and follow through to make sure that campaign promises become reality for the Latino community," said Luis J. Echarte, Chairman of Fundacion Azteca America.
The program is moderated by Noticiero Azteca America Washington Correspondent, and Issues: Caras and Voces host, Armando Guzman.
About Fundacion Azteca America
Fundacion Azteca America is a non-profit organization dedicated to improving the quality of life for members of the Hispanic community in the United States.
For more information, visit www.fundacionaztecaamerica.org
--Special program features positions from Obama and McCain campaigns on pressing issues for Latinos-- --Broadcast immediately follows popular Cruz Azul-Puebla live soccer match-- --Simultaneous webcast available at www.fundacionaztecaamerica.org--
Market Watch
LOS ANGELES, Oct 21, 2008 /PRNewswire-USNewswire via COMTEX/ -- Agenda Latina 2008, an issues forum sponsored by Grupo Salinas, Fundacion Azteca America and Azteca America will be broadcast nationally on Sunday, October 26 at 4 pm EDT/ 3 pm CDT and 1 pm PDT on Spanish-language broadcast television network Azteca America. The program will also be available as a simultaneous webcast at www.fundacionaztecaamerica.org.
The program features highlights of an event held on Capitol Hill last month to bring pressing Latino issues, such as education, the economy, healthcare, immigration and the Latino vote to the attention of policy makers and the presidential candidate teams.
The basis for the program is a white paper produced by the University of Denver Center for Community Engagement and Scholarship entitled "The State of Latinos 2008: Defining an Agenda for the Future." The findings have been presented to key members of Congress and local and national policy makers.
"Our commitment to this project is to present concrete proposals to policy makers throughout the country and follow through to make sure that campaign promises become reality for the Latino community," said Luis J. Echarte, Chairman of Fundacion Azteca America.
The program is moderated by Noticiero Azteca America Washington Correspondent, and Issues: Caras and Voces host, Armando Guzman.
About Fundacion Azteca America
Fundacion Azteca America is a non-profit organization dedicated to improving the quality of life for members of the Hispanic community in the United States.
For more information, visit www.fundacionaztecaamerica.org
Detroit Hispanics given chance to network
Business expo gives Detroit-area Hispanics a chance to network
Also a chance to expand economic opportunities
BY MARGARITA BAUZA • FREE PRESS BUSINESS WRITER • October 21, 2008
When Peter Vazquez got involved with the Detroit Hispanic Business Alliance two years ago, his hope was to find a place to network, get mentoring and generate new business.
Advertisement
Vazquez, president of Xtreme Design Studios, found that and more.
Through the alliance, he launched the networking group HYPE -- Hispanic Young Professionals and Entrepreneurs of Detroit -- which offers its members networking, entertainment and educational opportunities.
He also found business. His company redesigned SalsaDetroit.com, a source for Latin music entertainment.
Vazquez said he's looking forward to the Hispanic Business Expo and Economic Summit because of networking opportunities it has afforded him.
The expo, which starts Wednesday, includes a daylong health care symposium and another full day of business programming.
The health symposium will run from 8:30 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. Wednesday at the McGregor Memorial Conference Center at Wayne State University. Topics include health care's effect on small business, HIV trends, mental health and small-business health coverage.
The economic summit will start at 8:30 a.m. Thursday at the Detroit Marriott at the Renaissance Center with 100 exhibitors, a day of programming, a job fair and business-to-business matchmaking that organizers said resulted in $8 million of new business development for those attending last year.
Hispanic Business Alliance President Fred Feliciano said he hopes the group can attract 3,500 attendees this year, the same as last year.
The health care symposium is new this year and is meant to address issues from an economic development standpoint, Feliciano said.
"Health care plays a role in creating jobs, and it plays a role in the quality of life in our community," Feliciano said.
The HYPE group, also new this year, is meant to address the professional needs of young entrepreneurs, he added.
"From a demographics standpoint, the Hispanic community is young," Feliciano said. "It's important to understand that we're not a fly-by-night presence in the region. We have history here. Everywhere else in the region, population is shrinking -- except for within the Hispanic population."
The expo will include a Workforce Development Pavilion where job seekers can speak with recruiters from companies such as Compuware, Meijer, Comcast and VisionIT. Also, the Hispanic Business Alliance will announce Thursday the results of the first phase of its South East Michigan Hispanic/Latino Economic Impact Study.
Christine Rice, president of the Detroit-based staffing company VisionIT Inc., said her company finds the summit valuable for the business exposure.
Rice runs the Detroit-based staffing services company, which boasted revenue of $107 million last year, with her brother David Segura.
"Business has grown as a result of referrals," she said. "I think the expo is a tremendous platform for businesses like mine to promote our services."
Contact MARGARITA BAUZA at 313-222-6823 or mbauza@freepress.com.
Also a chance to expand economic opportunities
BY MARGARITA BAUZA • FREE PRESS BUSINESS WRITER • October 21, 2008
When Peter Vazquez got involved with the Detroit Hispanic Business Alliance two years ago, his hope was to find a place to network, get mentoring and generate new business.
Advertisement
Vazquez, president of Xtreme Design Studios, found that and more.
Through the alliance, he launched the networking group HYPE -- Hispanic Young Professionals and Entrepreneurs of Detroit -- which offers its members networking, entertainment and educational opportunities.
He also found business. His company redesigned SalsaDetroit.com, a source for Latin music entertainment.
Vazquez said he's looking forward to the Hispanic Business Expo and Economic Summit because of networking opportunities it has afforded him.
The expo, which starts Wednesday, includes a daylong health care symposium and another full day of business programming.
The health symposium will run from 8:30 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. Wednesday at the McGregor Memorial Conference Center at Wayne State University. Topics include health care's effect on small business, HIV trends, mental health and small-business health coverage.
The economic summit will start at 8:30 a.m. Thursday at the Detroit Marriott at the Renaissance Center with 100 exhibitors, a day of programming, a job fair and business-to-business matchmaking that organizers said resulted in $8 million of new business development for those attending last year.
Hispanic Business Alliance President Fred Feliciano said he hopes the group can attract 3,500 attendees this year, the same as last year.
The health care symposium is new this year and is meant to address issues from an economic development standpoint, Feliciano said.
"Health care plays a role in creating jobs, and it plays a role in the quality of life in our community," Feliciano said.
The HYPE group, also new this year, is meant to address the professional needs of young entrepreneurs, he added.
"From a demographics standpoint, the Hispanic community is young," Feliciano said. "It's important to understand that we're not a fly-by-night presence in the region. We have history here. Everywhere else in the region, population is shrinking -- except for within the Hispanic population."
The expo will include a Workforce Development Pavilion where job seekers can speak with recruiters from companies such as Compuware, Meijer, Comcast and VisionIT. Also, the Hispanic Business Alliance will announce Thursday the results of the first phase of its South East Michigan Hispanic/Latino Economic Impact Study.
Christine Rice, president of the Detroit-based staffing company VisionIT Inc., said her company finds the summit valuable for the business exposure.
Rice runs the Detroit-based staffing services company, which boasted revenue of $107 million last year, with her brother David Segura.
"Business has grown as a result of referrals," she said. "I think the expo is a tremendous platform for businesses like mine to promote our services."
Contact MARGARITA BAUZA at 313-222-6823 or mbauza@freepress.com.
Young Hispanics, religious, could be swing vote
Key Swing Voters: Young Catholics & Hispanic Evangelicals
Author: Michael Sean Winters
The election is only two weeks away. You can expect the national polls to get a little tighter as we get closer to election day and undecided voters make their decision. Political theorists have different theories about how late deciding voters will break, but the truth is that most times, most people vote the way they did last time. This bodes well for McCain.
What doesn’t bode well for McCain is that the percentage of voters who are undecided or leaning his way is less than 50 percent. Put differently, nationally and in most of the key swing states, Obama has crossed the 50% threshold. So, even if his five-to-seven point lead dwindles to a three point lead, he still wins if the election ends up 51% to 48%.
Obama’s strength in the polls is the result of a couple of key swing constituencies turning blue this year. Two recent polls by the organization Faith in Public Life focused showed Obama winning the support of young Catholics and Hispanic evangelicals by decisive margins. Older Catholics (age 35 and up) divide evenly between McCain (46%) and Obama (44%) but Catholics aged 18-35 broke for Obama by a margin of 55% to 40%. In states with large concentrations of Catholic voters, such as Ohio and Pennsylvania, this emerging generational divide could make the difference.
The second poll looked at the opinions of Hispanic evangelicals. This is a group that broke overwhelmingly for George W. Bush in 2004, 63 % to John Kerry’s 37%. This year, however, the poll showed Obama garnering 50% of the Hispanic evangelical vote to McCain’s 34%. Latino evangelicals are only a third of the total Hispanic vote, and they lag slightly behind their Catholic brethren in support for Obama. But, Bush won 44% of the total Latino vote in 2004 and McCain will be lucky to win a third. This swing among Hispanic voters is critical to Obama’s apparent lead in Colorado, New Mexico and Nevada.
The reasons for the switch among young Catholics are many and varied but the change in Latino evangelical voting is directly related to the GOP’s anti-immigrant posture. Not only do Latinos overwhelmingly support humane immigration reform, but 77% of Latino evangelicals link their views on immigration to their religious beliefs. In short, the GOP’s careful cultivation of the "party of religion" label is unconvincing to Latinos who have read in Leviticus that we are called to welcome the stranger. These voters remain suspicious of the Democrats: Obama has not addressed the immigration issue in the direct, values-laden way these voters see it. But, they know that McCain backtracked from his previous support for a path to citizenship for undocumented workers in his effort to win the GOP nomination. He threw them, and their families under the bus.
Immigration is a different kind of political issue from debates over the federal budget deficit or the environment. The impact is direct and immediate on a distinct portion of the electorate. If the Democrats embrace humane immigration reform, they will win the political loyalty of Latinos for a generation or more. That could put Nevada, Colorado and New Mexico in the Democratic camp for a long time and the GOP will have to find a different route to that magical number of 270 electoral votes.
Author: Michael Sean Winters
The election is only two weeks away. You can expect the national polls to get a little tighter as we get closer to election day and undecided voters make their decision. Political theorists have different theories about how late deciding voters will break, but the truth is that most times, most people vote the way they did last time. This bodes well for McCain.
What doesn’t bode well for McCain is that the percentage of voters who are undecided or leaning his way is less than 50 percent. Put differently, nationally and in most of the key swing states, Obama has crossed the 50% threshold. So, even if his five-to-seven point lead dwindles to a three point lead, he still wins if the election ends up 51% to 48%.
Obama’s strength in the polls is the result of a couple of key swing constituencies turning blue this year. Two recent polls by the organization Faith in Public Life focused showed Obama winning the support of young Catholics and Hispanic evangelicals by decisive margins. Older Catholics (age 35 and up) divide evenly between McCain (46%) and Obama (44%) but Catholics aged 18-35 broke for Obama by a margin of 55% to 40%. In states with large concentrations of Catholic voters, such as Ohio and Pennsylvania, this emerging generational divide could make the difference.
The second poll looked at the opinions of Hispanic evangelicals. This is a group that broke overwhelmingly for George W. Bush in 2004, 63 % to John Kerry’s 37%. This year, however, the poll showed Obama garnering 50% of the Hispanic evangelical vote to McCain’s 34%. Latino evangelicals are only a third of the total Hispanic vote, and they lag slightly behind their Catholic brethren in support for Obama. But, Bush won 44% of the total Latino vote in 2004 and McCain will be lucky to win a third. This swing among Hispanic voters is critical to Obama’s apparent lead in Colorado, New Mexico and Nevada.
The reasons for the switch among young Catholics are many and varied but the change in Latino evangelical voting is directly related to the GOP’s anti-immigrant posture. Not only do Latinos overwhelmingly support humane immigration reform, but 77% of Latino evangelicals link their views on immigration to their religious beliefs. In short, the GOP’s careful cultivation of the "party of religion" label is unconvincing to Latinos who have read in Leviticus that we are called to welcome the stranger. These voters remain suspicious of the Democrats: Obama has not addressed the immigration issue in the direct, values-laden way these voters see it. But, they know that McCain backtracked from his previous support for a path to citizenship for undocumented workers in his effort to win the GOP nomination. He threw them, and their families under the bus.
Immigration is a different kind of political issue from debates over the federal budget deficit or the environment. The impact is direct and immediate on a distinct portion of the electorate. If the Democrats embrace humane immigration reform, they will win the political loyalty of Latinos for a generation or more. That could put Nevada, Colorado and New Mexico in the Democratic camp for a long time and the GOP will have to find a different route to that magical number of 270 electoral votes.
Alzheimer's Risk highest among Hispanics
More Alzheimer’s Risk for Hispanics, Studies Find
By PAM BELLUCK
PHILADELPHIA — Antonio Vasquez was just 60 when Alzheimer’s disease derailed him.
He lost his job at a Queens bakery because he kept burning chocolate chip cookies, forgetting he had put them in the oven. Then he got lost going to job interviews, walking his neighborhood in circles.
Teresa Mojica of Philadelphia was 59 when she got Alzheimer’s, making her so argumentative and delusional that she sometimes hits her husband. And Ida J. Lawrence was 57 when she started misplacing things and making mistakes in her Boston dental school job.
Besides being young Alzheimer’s patients — most Americans who develop it are at least 65, and it becomes more common among people in their 70s or 80s — the three are Hispanic, a group that Alzheimer’s doctors are increasingly concerned about, and not just because it is the country’s largest, fastest-growing minority.
Studies suggest that many Hispanics may have more risk factors for developing dementia than other groups, and a significant number appear to be getting Alzheimer’s earlier. And surveys indicate that Latinos, less likely to see doctors because of financial and language barriers, more often mistake dementia symptoms for normal aging, delaying diagnosis.
“This is the tip of the iceberg of a huge public health challenge,” said Yanira L. Cruz, president of the National Hispanic Council on Aging. “We really need to do more research in this population to really understand why is it that we’re developing these conditions much earlier.”
It is not that Hispanics are more genetically predisposed to Alzheimer’s, say experts, who say the diversity of ethnicities that make up Hispanics or Latinos make a genetic explanation unlikely.
Rather, experts say several factors, many linked to low income or cultural dislocation, may put Hispanics at greater risk for dementia, including higher rates of diabetes, obesity, cardiovascular disease, stroke and possibly hypertension.
Less education may make Hispanic immigrants more vulnerable to those medical conditions and to dementia because scientists say education may increase the brain’s plasticity or ability to compensate for symptoms. And some researchers cite as risk factors stress from financial hardship or cultural adjustment.
The Alzheimer’s Association says that about 200,000 Latinos in the United States have Alzheimer’s, but that, by 2050, based on Census Bureau figures and a study of Alzheimer’s prevalence, the number could reach 1.3 million. (It predicts that the general population of Alzheimer’s patients will grow to 16 million by 2050, from 5 million now.)
“We are concerned that the Latino population may have the highest amount of risk factors and prevalence, in comparison to the other cultures,” said Maria Carrillo, the group’s director of medical and scientific relations.
In response, Alzheimer’s and Hispanic organizations have started health fairs and support groups. Some Alzheimer’s centers have opened clinics in Latino neighborhoods.
“There’s some taboos” about Alzheimer’s, said Liany Arroyo, director of the Institute for Hispanic Health at the National Council of La Raza, which surveyed Latinos. “Folks did not necessarily understand what it was.”
Antonia Lopez, who immigrated from Panama to Boston, showed symptoms at about 60, but it was 10 years before the family acknowledged it was Alzheimer’s, said her daughter, Carol Franklin.
“My mom was telling people, in her confusion, that I spanked her,” she said. “My brother believed that. He said to me at one point, ‘Don’t say that my mom has Alzheimer’s, because I believe it’s just part of being old.’ ”
Overwhelmingly, Hispanics with Alzheimer’s live with multigenerational families instead of in nursing homes. That support can be beneficial, experts say, but it severely stresses families.
When Maria Contreras, a Salvadoran immigrant, began wandering and hallucinating, her daughter, Teresa Navas, took her into her home in Silver Spring, Md. The strain on Ms. Navas and her children compelled her to place her mother in a nursing home, but when she kept getting sick, Ms. Navas took her home again and quit her job teaching Spanish.
“I have to be with her all the time,” she said. “Sometimes she doesn’t even know who I am.”
Mr. Vasquez’s daughter, Ana, 39, moved her parents to her Philadelphia home. She works at a neighborhood grocery and tells her sons, 6 and 11, “Watch out for your grandfather.”
Once, Mr. Vasquez was found hitchhiking on a major Philadelphia street. On a visit to the Bronx neighborhood where he had lived, he wandered away, leaving his family frenetically searching subway stations. “I was desperate, crying, especially when the night was coming,” said his wife, also named Ana.
Nine hours later, he appeared on their Philadelphia porch, having happened upon a bus to Philadelphia and given the driver a card with their address.
Scientists are searching for what sets Latinos apart. Dr. Rafael A. Lantigua, a professor of clinical medicine at Columbia University Medical School, said, “There’s no gene at this point that we can say this is just for Latinos.” Dr. Lantigua added that one gene that increased Alzheimer’s risk was less prevalent in Latinos than non-Hispanic whites.
Kala M. Mehta, an assistant professor in the geriatrics division at the University of California, San Francisco, analyzed autopsies from 3,000 Alzheimer’s patients, finding “similar neuropathology” among Latinos, whites and African-Americans.
And Mary Sano, director of the Alzheimer’s Disease Research Center at the Mount Sinai School of Medicine, found that different ethnic groups shared the most common behavioral symptoms, like repeating sentences and uncooperativeness.
But researchers say they have seen disparities in the timing of the illness and its severity when diagnosed.
Dr. Steven E. Arnold, director of the Penn Memory Center at the University of Pennsylvania, studied 2,000 white, African-American and Latino Alzheimer’s patients.
Dr. Arnold found that the Latinos, mostly low-income, poorly educated Puerto Ricans, many with diabetes, “have more depression,” and their scores on tests in Spanish measuring dementia averaged about 15 percent lower than African-Americans and about 30 percent lower than non-Hispanic whites. Latinos were on average about three-and-a-half years younger than non-Hispanic whites and about five years younger than African-Americans, he said.
Dr. Christopher M. Clark, director of the Center of Excellence for Research on Neurodegenerative Diseases at the University of Pennsylvania, studied the age at which 174 Alzheimer’s patients in California, New York and Pennsylvania first showed symptoms and found Spanish speakers were on average 6.8 years younger (about 67) than non-Hispanic whites, regardless of whether they were Mexican, Caribbean or South American. That Latinos are on average younger than other Americans accounted for a small part of the gap, but not most of it, Dr. Clark said.
Research is scant on the age of onset in Latinos remaining in their native homes, but Dr. Clark said patients in two clinics in Mexico and Puerto Rico did not show symptoms early.
Mary N. Haan, a University of Michigan epidemiologist heading the Sacramento Area Latino Study on Aging, studied 1,800 Mexican-Americans over 10 years and found greater likelihood of Alzheimer’s for those more “acculturated” to American society, based on a number of factors, including diet and social networks. Dr. Haan attributed that to higher stress from being “relatively poorer off” and “more socially isolated.”
Dr. Cruz, of the National Hispanic Council on Aging, said, “As you acculturate, you lose those protective factors linked to nutrition, physical activity, social support system, that come with you when you first arrive here.”
Dr. Haan found more acculturated people more prone to diabetes, and people with diabetes or obesity more likely to have Alzheimer’s. Researchers theorize that high insulin levels and poor cerebral blood flow can cause brain changes that accompany Alzheimer’s, said Dr. Jose A. Luchsinger, associate professor of medicine and epidemiology at Columbia University Medical Center.
Dr. Cruz said many Alzheimer’s risk factors “have to do with poor education,” which aggravates nutrition, financial status and health care.
Mrs. Mojica, from Puerto Rico, with five years of schooling, developed diabetes and hypertension after a hard life in a rundown row house, where she and her husband care for their 39-year-old mentally retarded son.
Not all Hispanics have medical or sociological risk factors.
Ida Lawrence, whose Alzheimer’s has made her hide money in socks and shower obsessively, attended high school in Honduras, learning English. Her husband, Robert, said he thought her dementia might be inherited, adding, “She’s been healthy except for the fact that she was coming down with this Alzheimer’s thing.”
Mr. Lawrence, who has prostate cancer, struggles to care for his wife, still only 63. “Everybody says to me, ‘Bob it’s going to get worse,’ ” he said.
Ms. Franklin finally moved her mother, Ms. Lopez, to a nursing home, where she cries and “doesn’t want nobody to touch her,” she said.
“It hurts me so much to see her like that,” Ms. Franklin said. “It’s like I can see her on one side of the mountain and say, that’s not my mom.”
By PAM BELLUCK
PHILADELPHIA — Antonio Vasquez was just 60 when Alzheimer’s disease derailed him.
He lost his job at a Queens bakery because he kept burning chocolate chip cookies, forgetting he had put them in the oven. Then he got lost going to job interviews, walking his neighborhood in circles.
Teresa Mojica of Philadelphia was 59 when she got Alzheimer’s, making her so argumentative and delusional that she sometimes hits her husband. And Ida J. Lawrence was 57 when she started misplacing things and making mistakes in her Boston dental school job.
Besides being young Alzheimer’s patients — most Americans who develop it are at least 65, and it becomes more common among people in their 70s or 80s — the three are Hispanic, a group that Alzheimer’s doctors are increasingly concerned about, and not just because it is the country’s largest, fastest-growing minority.
Studies suggest that many Hispanics may have more risk factors for developing dementia than other groups, and a significant number appear to be getting Alzheimer’s earlier. And surveys indicate that Latinos, less likely to see doctors because of financial and language barriers, more often mistake dementia symptoms for normal aging, delaying diagnosis.
“This is the tip of the iceberg of a huge public health challenge,” said Yanira L. Cruz, president of the National Hispanic Council on Aging. “We really need to do more research in this population to really understand why is it that we’re developing these conditions much earlier.”
It is not that Hispanics are more genetically predisposed to Alzheimer’s, say experts, who say the diversity of ethnicities that make up Hispanics or Latinos make a genetic explanation unlikely.
Rather, experts say several factors, many linked to low income or cultural dislocation, may put Hispanics at greater risk for dementia, including higher rates of diabetes, obesity, cardiovascular disease, stroke and possibly hypertension.
Less education may make Hispanic immigrants more vulnerable to those medical conditions and to dementia because scientists say education may increase the brain’s plasticity or ability to compensate for symptoms. And some researchers cite as risk factors stress from financial hardship or cultural adjustment.
The Alzheimer’s Association says that about 200,000 Latinos in the United States have Alzheimer’s, but that, by 2050, based on Census Bureau figures and a study of Alzheimer’s prevalence, the number could reach 1.3 million. (It predicts that the general population of Alzheimer’s patients will grow to 16 million by 2050, from 5 million now.)
“We are concerned that the Latino population may have the highest amount of risk factors and prevalence, in comparison to the other cultures,” said Maria Carrillo, the group’s director of medical and scientific relations.
In response, Alzheimer’s and Hispanic organizations have started health fairs and support groups. Some Alzheimer’s centers have opened clinics in Latino neighborhoods.
“There’s some taboos” about Alzheimer’s, said Liany Arroyo, director of the Institute for Hispanic Health at the National Council of La Raza, which surveyed Latinos. “Folks did not necessarily understand what it was.”
Antonia Lopez, who immigrated from Panama to Boston, showed symptoms at about 60, but it was 10 years before the family acknowledged it was Alzheimer’s, said her daughter, Carol Franklin.
“My mom was telling people, in her confusion, that I spanked her,” she said. “My brother believed that. He said to me at one point, ‘Don’t say that my mom has Alzheimer’s, because I believe it’s just part of being old.’ ”
Overwhelmingly, Hispanics with Alzheimer’s live with multigenerational families instead of in nursing homes. That support can be beneficial, experts say, but it severely stresses families.
When Maria Contreras, a Salvadoran immigrant, began wandering and hallucinating, her daughter, Teresa Navas, took her into her home in Silver Spring, Md. The strain on Ms. Navas and her children compelled her to place her mother in a nursing home, but when she kept getting sick, Ms. Navas took her home again and quit her job teaching Spanish.
“I have to be with her all the time,” she said. “Sometimes she doesn’t even know who I am.”
Mr. Vasquez’s daughter, Ana, 39, moved her parents to her Philadelphia home. She works at a neighborhood grocery and tells her sons, 6 and 11, “Watch out for your grandfather.”
Once, Mr. Vasquez was found hitchhiking on a major Philadelphia street. On a visit to the Bronx neighborhood where he had lived, he wandered away, leaving his family frenetically searching subway stations. “I was desperate, crying, especially when the night was coming,” said his wife, also named Ana.
Nine hours later, he appeared on their Philadelphia porch, having happened upon a bus to Philadelphia and given the driver a card with their address.
Scientists are searching for what sets Latinos apart. Dr. Rafael A. Lantigua, a professor of clinical medicine at Columbia University Medical School, said, “There’s no gene at this point that we can say this is just for Latinos.” Dr. Lantigua added that one gene that increased Alzheimer’s risk was less prevalent in Latinos than non-Hispanic whites.
Kala M. Mehta, an assistant professor in the geriatrics division at the University of California, San Francisco, analyzed autopsies from 3,000 Alzheimer’s patients, finding “similar neuropathology” among Latinos, whites and African-Americans.
And Mary Sano, director of the Alzheimer’s Disease Research Center at the Mount Sinai School of Medicine, found that different ethnic groups shared the most common behavioral symptoms, like repeating sentences and uncooperativeness.
But researchers say they have seen disparities in the timing of the illness and its severity when diagnosed.
Dr. Steven E. Arnold, director of the Penn Memory Center at the University of Pennsylvania, studied 2,000 white, African-American and Latino Alzheimer’s patients.
Dr. Arnold found that the Latinos, mostly low-income, poorly educated Puerto Ricans, many with diabetes, “have more depression,” and their scores on tests in Spanish measuring dementia averaged about 15 percent lower than African-Americans and about 30 percent lower than non-Hispanic whites. Latinos were on average about three-and-a-half years younger than non-Hispanic whites and about five years younger than African-Americans, he said.
Dr. Christopher M. Clark, director of the Center of Excellence for Research on Neurodegenerative Diseases at the University of Pennsylvania, studied the age at which 174 Alzheimer’s patients in California, New York and Pennsylvania first showed symptoms and found Spanish speakers were on average 6.8 years younger (about 67) than non-Hispanic whites, regardless of whether they were Mexican, Caribbean or South American. That Latinos are on average younger than other Americans accounted for a small part of the gap, but not most of it, Dr. Clark said.
Research is scant on the age of onset in Latinos remaining in their native homes, but Dr. Clark said patients in two clinics in Mexico and Puerto Rico did not show symptoms early.
Mary N. Haan, a University of Michigan epidemiologist heading the Sacramento Area Latino Study on Aging, studied 1,800 Mexican-Americans over 10 years and found greater likelihood of Alzheimer’s for those more “acculturated” to American society, based on a number of factors, including diet and social networks. Dr. Haan attributed that to higher stress from being “relatively poorer off” and “more socially isolated.”
Dr. Cruz, of the National Hispanic Council on Aging, said, “As you acculturate, you lose those protective factors linked to nutrition, physical activity, social support system, that come with you when you first arrive here.”
Dr. Haan found more acculturated people more prone to diabetes, and people with diabetes or obesity more likely to have Alzheimer’s. Researchers theorize that high insulin levels and poor cerebral blood flow can cause brain changes that accompany Alzheimer’s, said Dr. Jose A. Luchsinger, associate professor of medicine and epidemiology at Columbia University Medical Center.
Dr. Cruz said many Alzheimer’s risk factors “have to do with poor education,” which aggravates nutrition, financial status and health care.
Mrs. Mojica, from Puerto Rico, with five years of schooling, developed diabetes and hypertension after a hard life in a rundown row house, where she and her husband care for their 39-year-old mentally retarded son.
Not all Hispanics have medical or sociological risk factors.
Ida Lawrence, whose Alzheimer’s has made her hide money in socks and shower obsessively, attended high school in Honduras, learning English. Her husband, Robert, said he thought her dementia might be inherited, adding, “She’s been healthy except for the fact that she was coming down with this Alzheimer’s thing.”
Mr. Lawrence, who has prostate cancer, struggles to care for his wife, still only 63. “Everybody says to me, ‘Bob it’s going to get worse,’ ” he said.
Ms. Franklin finally moved her mother, Ms. Lopez, to a nursing home, where she cries and “doesn’t want nobody to touch her,” she said.
“It hurts me so much to see her like that,” Ms. Franklin said. “It’s like I can see her on one side of the mountain and say, that’s not my mom.”
Hispanics could win with either candidate
Who Do You Love? -- Obama and McCain's Appeal to Hispanic Voters
Huffington Post
In an earlier post, I talked about Barack Obama's apparently insurmountable lead among Hispanic voters. This is a bitter pill for Republicans, who have eyed this key constituency the same way Homer Simpson drools over doughnuts. Conservatives know that a McCain administration, already an unlikely possibility, is impossible if Obama's nearly three-to-one advantage among Latinos in the polls is an accurate indicator of Election Day.
It's looking good for Obama, whose chief appeal is that he is an inspiring, charismatic Democrat who has the added bonus of being a racial minority. For Hispanics, what's not to love about that combination?
Even the backlash from bitter supporters of Hillary Clinton, who is big among Hispanics, has not materialized. By the way, I have personally never understood the woman's superhero appeal to my fellow Latinos. I think she'd be a fine president, but how did this upper-class white lady become such a rallying point for La Raza? Feel free to enlighten me.
Also helping Obama is the fact that he hasn't completely taken the Hispanic vote for granted, as so many Democrats have done. Thus far, he doesn't seem to be ignoring us -- for that kind of treatment, we would have to be Muslim.
As for McCain, his appeal to Hispanics is that he doesn't come off as a Minuteman on immigration, and he has built up a positive reputation among Latinos in his home state of Arizona.
His negatives include the fact that he is carrying the Republican banner -- which is even less popular among Hispanics than it is with the general population -- and the perception that he looks like that old crusty sheriff from a small town who will pull you over for a busted taillight and, even if you're a citizen, end up calling la migra on you.
Stacked up side to side, it's clear that Obama has a more complicated relationship with Hispanic voters than McCain does. The dynamic between Latinos and African Americans has always been intriguing, and I will address this in a future post.
But in all likelihood, Obama will still win our vote in a couple of weeks, and commentators will trip over themselves explaining how the Latino population was the deciding factor in the election.
Regardless of who wins, of course, we expect thank-you notes and invitations to the inaugural ball.
Huffington Post
In an earlier post, I talked about Barack Obama's apparently insurmountable lead among Hispanic voters. This is a bitter pill for Republicans, who have eyed this key constituency the same way Homer Simpson drools over doughnuts. Conservatives know that a McCain administration, already an unlikely possibility, is impossible if Obama's nearly three-to-one advantage among Latinos in the polls is an accurate indicator of Election Day.
It's looking good for Obama, whose chief appeal is that he is an inspiring, charismatic Democrat who has the added bonus of being a racial minority. For Hispanics, what's not to love about that combination?
Even the backlash from bitter supporters of Hillary Clinton, who is big among Hispanics, has not materialized. By the way, I have personally never understood the woman's superhero appeal to my fellow Latinos. I think she'd be a fine president, but how did this upper-class white lady become such a rallying point for La Raza? Feel free to enlighten me.
Also helping Obama is the fact that he hasn't completely taken the Hispanic vote for granted, as so many Democrats have done. Thus far, he doesn't seem to be ignoring us -- for that kind of treatment, we would have to be Muslim.
As for McCain, his appeal to Hispanics is that he doesn't come off as a Minuteman on immigration, and he has built up a positive reputation among Latinos in his home state of Arizona.
His negatives include the fact that he is carrying the Republican banner -- which is even less popular among Hispanics than it is with the general population -- and the perception that he looks like that old crusty sheriff from a small town who will pull you over for a busted taillight and, even if you're a citizen, end up calling la migra on you.
Stacked up side to side, it's clear that Obama has a more complicated relationship with Hispanic voters than McCain does. The dynamic between Latinos and African Americans has always been intriguing, and I will address this in a future post.
But in all likelihood, Obama will still win our vote in a couple of weeks, and commentators will trip over themselves explaining how the Latino population was the deciding factor in the election.
Regardless of who wins, of course, we expect thank-you notes and invitations to the inaugural ball.
Racial profiling, Hispanics, found in LA Police
Los Angeles Police Stop More Blacks, Hispanics Than Whites, Study Finds
Fox News October 20, 2008
LOS ANGELES — The city's police officers are more likely to stop and search black and Hispanic residents than they are whites, even though whites are more often found carrying guns and contraband, according to a report released Monday by a civil liberties group.
"The results of this study raise grave concerns that African-Americans and Hispanics are over-stopped, over-frisked, over-searched, and over-arrested," wrote report author Ian Ayres, a Yale Law School economist and professor.
Ayres' report, published by the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California, analyzed the Los Angeles Police Department's own numbers for pedestrian and motor vehicle stops in the year July 2003 to June 2004.
Even after researchers controlled for demographics and neighborhood crime rates, they found significantly higher stop rates for black and Latino residents. For every 10,000 residents, blacks were nearly three times more likely to be stopped than white and other "non-minority" residents, facing 3,400 more stops. Hispanics were stopped on 350 more occasions.
"These stark statistics ... give a numeric lens for the lived experience of 'driving while black' or 'driving while Hispanic,"' Ayres wrote.
Even though Ayres used the LAPD's own data, his findings were at odds with the department's analysis. The LAPD acknowledged racial disparities but, after controlling for a several variables, found "no consistent pattern of race effects."
A summary of Ayres' report states that over the last five years the LAPD has received nearly 1,200 citizen complaints alleging racial profiling but the department hasn't sustained a single one.
"Los Angeles officials have yet to acknowledge the scope of the problem of racially biased policing or to fully embrace solutions," the summary stated.
LAPD spokesman Officer Sam Park said the department had no immediate comment.
Not only were blacks and Hispanics more likely to be stopped than whites, they also faced increased odds of being ordered out of their car, frisked, searched and arrested. Black residents were 29 percent more likely than whites to be arrested and Hispanic residents were 32 percent more likely to be arrested, the report found.
Whites who were searched were more likely than blacks and Hispanics to be carrying guns and contraband. This shows police officers have a higher threshold for searching whites, so searches of that race are more likely to yield results, ACLU attorney Peter Bibring said.
"That result shows they are using a different standard when searching African-Americans and Latinos than they do when searching white people," Bibring said. "That kind of difference in treatment raises fundamental concerns about equal protection under the law."
Fox News October 20, 2008
LOS ANGELES — The city's police officers are more likely to stop and search black and Hispanic residents than they are whites, even though whites are more often found carrying guns and contraband, according to a report released Monday by a civil liberties group.
"The results of this study raise grave concerns that African-Americans and Hispanics are over-stopped, over-frisked, over-searched, and over-arrested," wrote report author Ian Ayres, a Yale Law School economist and professor.
Ayres' report, published by the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California, analyzed the Los Angeles Police Department's own numbers for pedestrian and motor vehicle stops in the year July 2003 to June 2004.
Even after researchers controlled for demographics and neighborhood crime rates, they found significantly higher stop rates for black and Latino residents. For every 10,000 residents, blacks were nearly three times more likely to be stopped than white and other "non-minority" residents, facing 3,400 more stops. Hispanics were stopped on 350 more occasions.
"These stark statistics ... give a numeric lens for the lived experience of 'driving while black' or 'driving while Hispanic,"' Ayres wrote.
Even though Ayres used the LAPD's own data, his findings were at odds with the department's analysis. The LAPD acknowledged racial disparities but, after controlling for a several variables, found "no consistent pattern of race effects."
A summary of Ayres' report states that over the last five years the LAPD has received nearly 1,200 citizen complaints alleging racial profiling but the department hasn't sustained a single one.
"Los Angeles officials have yet to acknowledge the scope of the problem of racially biased policing or to fully embrace solutions," the summary stated.
LAPD spokesman Officer Sam Park said the department had no immediate comment.
Not only were blacks and Hispanics more likely to be stopped than whites, they also faced increased odds of being ordered out of their car, frisked, searched and arrested. Black residents were 29 percent more likely than whites to be arrested and Hispanic residents were 32 percent more likely to be arrested, the report found.
Whites who were searched were more likely than blacks and Hispanics to be carrying guns and contraband. This shows police officers have a higher threshold for searching whites, so searches of that race are more likely to yield results, ACLU attorney Peter Bibring said.
"That result shows they are using a different standard when searching African-Americans and Latinos than they do when searching white people," Bibring said. "That kind of difference in treatment raises fundamental concerns about equal protection under the law."
Tuesday, October 21, 2008
Event to focus on Hispanic leadership
GE brings Hispanic leadership meeting to Atlanta
Atlanta Business Chronicle
General Electric Co. on Monday kicked off its eighth annual Hispanic Forum Leadership Summit for the first time in Atlanta.
The conference brings together some 650 Hispanic employees of Fairfield, Conn.-based GE (NYSE: GE), whose GE Energy unit has headquarters in Atlanta. The summit had previously been held in New York and Los Angeles. Atlanta was chosen for this year's meeting because of its importance in the GE footprint and the dynamic growth of Hispanics within Georgia, the company said.
The three-day event will focus on the theme “Developing Contemporary Leaders.”
“Through this forum, we are able to recognize and honor the top Hispanic talent throughout GE,” said Alfredo Arguello, general manager of GE Healthcare and co-chair of the summit. “As a company, we believe in the importance of diversity and developing leadership, and this summit allows us to focus on both.”
In Atlanta, GE Energy has been involved for a long time with the Georgia Hispanic Chamber of Commerce and on the board of directors of the Latin America Association.
Atlanta Business Chronicle
General Electric Co. on Monday kicked off its eighth annual Hispanic Forum Leadership Summit for the first time in Atlanta.
The conference brings together some 650 Hispanic employees of Fairfield, Conn.-based GE (NYSE: GE), whose GE Energy unit has headquarters in Atlanta. The summit had previously been held in New York and Los Angeles. Atlanta was chosen for this year's meeting because of its importance in the GE footprint and the dynamic growth of Hispanics within Georgia, the company said.
The three-day event will focus on the theme “Developing Contemporary Leaders.”
“Through this forum, we are able to recognize and honor the top Hispanic talent throughout GE,” said Alfredo Arguello, general manager of GE Healthcare and co-chair of the summit. “As a company, we believe in the importance of diversity and developing leadership, and this summit allows us to focus on both.”
In Atlanta, GE Energy has been involved for a long time with the Georgia Hispanic Chamber of Commerce and on the board of directors of the Latin America Association.
Hispanic Community Services works with Latino youth to give back
Students do internships with Hispanic services
Molly Carpenter 10/20/08
The Hispanic community has grown in the last ten years, and the Hispanic Community Services, Inc., (HCSI), in Jonesboro has been right beside them, offering services to help community members become more comfortable in the area.
Founded in 1997 as the Catholic Hispanic Center through the Hispanic ministry of Blessed Sacrament Catholic Church, the community center, at 311 W. Huntington, offers services in social, education, legal, cultural and health relations.
Gina Gomez, executive director of the center, said, "We estimate about 5,000 Hispanic people live in the city limits, and 12,000 Hispanic people live in Craighead County."
With numbers this large, volunteers and interns are a necessity in keeping the center a success.
The Hispanic Community Services offers English translations for applications and documentation when needed, classes in computer, citizenship and even sewing. They also offer photo identification for the members to use where needed.
They count on the students from ASU to help them meet the goals of the people at the center.
The center currently has nine interns from ASU working and assisting with the after-school program and helping students with their homework and English language skills.
The internships especially benefit the Spanish majors on campus.
Ariel Burns, a senior Spanish and philosophy major, said her internship at the center has helped her become more confident and open in speaking the language and also opened her eyes to the needs of the community.
"It recently shined light on how I enjoy helping kids with difficulties and makes me want to look into doing that as a profession," Burns said.
She said the work she is doing is improving the lives of those in the Hispanic community and that she is helping them contribute to the community and help their parents.
HCSI and ASU have worked together on many projects, and they are now working together on Hispanic Heritage Week, which is this week.
Students volunteering at the center can improve their Spanish speaking skills and receive college credit for internships at HCSI.
Gomez said the center helps students enroll in ASU gives two Hispanic scholarships each fall to help with the cost of school.
Molly Carpenter 10/20/08
The Hispanic community has grown in the last ten years, and the Hispanic Community Services, Inc., (HCSI), in Jonesboro has been right beside them, offering services to help community members become more comfortable in the area.
Founded in 1997 as the Catholic Hispanic Center through the Hispanic ministry of Blessed Sacrament Catholic Church, the community center, at 311 W. Huntington, offers services in social, education, legal, cultural and health relations.
Gina Gomez, executive director of the center, said, "We estimate about 5,000 Hispanic people live in the city limits, and 12,000 Hispanic people live in Craighead County."
With numbers this large, volunteers and interns are a necessity in keeping the center a success.
The Hispanic Community Services offers English translations for applications and documentation when needed, classes in computer, citizenship and even sewing. They also offer photo identification for the members to use where needed.
They count on the students from ASU to help them meet the goals of the people at the center.
The center currently has nine interns from ASU working and assisting with the after-school program and helping students with their homework and English language skills.
The internships especially benefit the Spanish majors on campus.
Ariel Burns, a senior Spanish and philosophy major, said her internship at the center has helped her become more confident and open in speaking the language and also opened her eyes to the needs of the community.
"It recently shined light on how I enjoy helping kids with difficulties and makes me want to look into doing that as a profession," Burns said.
She said the work she is doing is improving the lives of those in the Hispanic community and that she is helping them contribute to the community and help their parents.
HCSI and ASU have worked together on many projects, and they are now working together on Hispanic Heritage Week, which is this week.
Students volunteering at the center can improve their Spanish speaking skills and receive college credit for internships at HCSI.
Gomez said the center helps students enroll in ASU gives two Hispanic scholarships each fall to help with the cost of school.
Forum shows world of opportunities for Latino youth
Latino Youth Rally aims to open eyes to opportunity
By Mark Coddington The Grand Island Independent Oct 20, 2008
Aaron Davis bounded back and forth across the floor of the Hornady-Marshall Theatre at College Park on Monday morning, his words flowing a mile a minute from a well of seemingly inexhaustible energy.
His demeanor was appropriate, given his upbeat message to the more than 250 students who had gathered for the sixth annual Latino Youth Rally.
"Anything is possible," said Davis, a former Husker football player turned speaker and business owner. "But not trying is a guaranteed way to fail."
That was what the rally's organizers wanted the students attending Monday from schools across Central Nebraska to see: There's a world of opportunities wide open for them, and all they need to do is look for it.
"It's just to open their eyes," said Maria Lopez, a Central Community College minority recruiter and the conference's organizer. "We want this to open their minds to what's out there."
That included a chance to meet with representatives from colleges across Nebraska, as well as sessions describing careers in everything from graphic design to teaching to social work.
It also included tips on applying to colleges and getting financial aid along with a boatload of life lessons from Davis' keynote speech.
Lopez said that the stereotype that Latinos don't go far beyond a high school education and end up with low-paying, manual jobs often weighs heavily on Latino students, leading them to believe that's all they're cut out to do.
But Monday's conference was intended to help the students see any career field is open to them, as long as they have the drive to pursue it.
"It's just taking that stereotype away from themselves and from others," Lopez said.
Jean Magallanes, a Spanish teacher at Hastings High School who brought 20 students from the school's Multicultural Club, said the conference is a great place for minority students to see the range of career options open to them, especially by hearing from Latinos already successful in those areas.
"It's exciting when they start to see, ’Oh yeah, I can do that, too,'" Magallanes said.
Two of her students, sophomores Karen Mendoza and Anna Martinez, were looking forward to sessions on medical careers -- Mendoza to see if nursing could be the career for her, and Martinez to confirm her desire to be doctor.
Both students said they loved Davis' pep talk to start the day.
Martinez said she found his story of coming from a poor family in Lincoln to become a successful business owner particularly encouraging.
"Poor people can end up anywhere they want if they want to work for it," she said.
Grand Island Assistant City Administrator Paul Briseno encouraged the students to take away at least one new thing from the conference, whether it was a new career or college idea or just a new principle from Davis' speech.
Ita Mendoza, a Harvard teacher who attended with the school's Multicultural Club, expressed the same idea, saying conferences like this are invaluable in building toward students' future plans.
"Even if they grasp one thing out of every single conference they attend, that's a lot of things they pick up along the way," Mendoza said.
By Mark Coddington The Grand Island Independent Oct 20, 2008
Aaron Davis bounded back and forth across the floor of the Hornady-Marshall Theatre at College Park on Monday morning, his words flowing a mile a minute from a well of seemingly inexhaustible energy.
His demeanor was appropriate, given his upbeat message to the more than 250 students who had gathered for the sixth annual Latino Youth Rally.
"Anything is possible," said Davis, a former Husker football player turned speaker and business owner. "But not trying is a guaranteed way to fail."
That was what the rally's organizers wanted the students attending Monday from schools across Central Nebraska to see: There's a world of opportunities wide open for them, and all they need to do is look for it.
"It's just to open their eyes," said Maria Lopez, a Central Community College minority recruiter and the conference's organizer. "We want this to open their minds to what's out there."
That included a chance to meet with representatives from colleges across Nebraska, as well as sessions describing careers in everything from graphic design to teaching to social work.
It also included tips on applying to colleges and getting financial aid along with a boatload of life lessons from Davis' keynote speech.
Lopez said that the stereotype that Latinos don't go far beyond a high school education and end up with low-paying, manual jobs often weighs heavily on Latino students, leading them to believe that's all they're cut out to do.
But Monday's conference was intended to help the students see any career field is open to them, as long as they have the drive to pursue it.
"It's just taking that stereotype away from themselves and from others," Lopez said.
Jean Magallanes, a Spanish teacher at Hastings High School who brought 20 students from the school's Multicultural Club, said the conference is a great place for minority students to see the range of career options open to them, especially by hearing from Latinos already successful in those areas.
"It's exciting when they start to see, ’Oh yeah, I can do that, too,'" Magallanes said.
Two of her students, sophomores Karen Mendoza and Anna Martinez, were looking forward to sessions on medical careers -- Mendoza to see if nursing could be the career for her, and Martinez to confirm her desire to be doctor.
Both students said they loved Davis' pep talk to start the day.
Martinez said she found his story of coming from a poor family in Lincoln to become a successful business owner particularly encouraging.
"Poor people can end up anywhere they want if they want to work for it," she said.
Grand Island Assistant City Administrator Paul Briseno encouraged the students to take away at least one new thing from the conference, whether it was a new career or college idea or just a new principle from Davis' speech.
Ita Mendoza, a Harvard teacher who attended with the school's Multicultural Club, expressed the same idea, saying conferences like this are invaluable in building toward students' future plans.
"Even if they grasp one thing out of every single conference they attend, that's a lot of things they pick up along the way," Mendoza said.
Going door-to-door for Hispanic voters
Campaign Journal: Canvassing Latino Homes in Allentown, PA
Gabriela Lazzaro Huffington Post
Last Saturday I went to Allentown, PA with a group of 23 others from New York Latinos for Obama. Since NY's pretty much in the bag for Obama, we were assigned the next closest city with a large Latino population. Allentown also happens to be the third largest city in PA. The first time I went was during the primaries and I was so surprised at the Dominican and Puerto Rican flags hanging from the doors, and the bachata music playing in the background. Allentown is home to an estimated 60,000 Latinos. I was partnered up with Michelle, another canvasser and we were off with our clipboards and Obama brochures.
What I realized last Saturday was that we were canvassing door to door in the homes of the forgotten people of this election season, the poor. When people did answer their doors, we found one of two extremes...either they were so excited for Obama and couldn't help but be vocal about it, or they were indifferent to the entire election and seemed to be completely detached from it. We heard
Gabriela Lazzaro Huffington Post
Last Saturday I went to Allentown, PA with a group of 23 others from New York Latinos for Obama. Since NY's pretty much in the bag for Obama, we were assigned the next closest city with a large Latino population. Allentown also happens to be the third largest city in PA. The first time I went was during the primaries and I was so surprised at the Dominican and Puerto Rican flags hanging from the doors, and the bachata music playing in the background. Allentown is home to an estimated 60,000 Latinos. I was partnered up with Michelle, another canvasser and we were off with our clipboards and Obama brochures.
What I realized last Saturday was that we were canvassing door to door in the homes of the forgotten people of this election season, the poor. When people did answer their doors, we found one of two extremes...either they were so excited for Obama and couldn't help but be vocal about it, or they were indifferent to the entire election and seemed to be completely detached from it. We heard